My Kindle Clippings

2010

July

Blue Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 9734  | Added on Saturday, July 31, 2010, 08:37 AM

Wherever you go, there we are.
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Blue Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 9733-34  | Added on Saturday, July 31, 2010, 08:38 AM

Later he got a print message by radio from deep space. Wherever you go, there we are.
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Blue Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 10043-50  | Added on Saturday, July 31, 2010, 09:19 AM

The language of the poem was mathematics, because this appeared to be the language of nature itself; there was no other way to explain the startling adherence of natural phenomena to mathematical expressions of great difficulty and subtlety. And so in this marvelous family of languages their songs explored the various manifestations of reality, in the different fields of science, and each science worked up its standard model to explain things, all constellating at some distance around the basics of particle physics, depending on what level or scale was being investigated, so that all the standard models hopefully interlocked in a coherent larger structure. These standard models were somewhat like Kuhnian paradigms but in reality (paradigms being a model of modeling) more supple and various, a dialogic process in which thousands of minds had participated over the previous hundreds of years; so that figures like Newton or Einstein or Vlad were not the isolate giants of public perception, but the tallest peaks of a great mountain range, as Newton himself had tried to make clear with his comment about standing on the shoulders of giants.
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Blue Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 10237-44  | Added on Saturday, July 31, 2010, 01:49 PM

As he watched them Sax realized for the first time that the versatile, responsive, highly focused nature of science that he was getting used to in Da Vinci was not confined to Da Vinci alone, but was a feature of all the labs arranged as cooperative ventures; it was the nature of Martian science more generally. With the scientists in control of their own work, to a degree never seen in his youth on Earth, the work itself had an unprecedented rapidity and power. In his day the resources necessary to do the work would have belonged to other people, to institutions with their own interests and bureaucracies, creating a ponderous and often foolish clumsy scattering of effort; and even the coherent efforts were often devoted to trivial things, to the monetary profits of the institution in control of the lab. Here, on the other hand, Acheron was a semiautonomous self-contained community, answerable to the environmental courts and to the constitution of course, but to no one else. They chose among themselves what to work on, and when they were asked for help, if they were interested, they could respond immediately.
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Blue Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 10368-70  | Added on Saturday, July 31, 2010, 01:58 PM

Nothing came back to Sax of that, nothing. It occurred to him with a lurch that just as there were many things that he had done that no one else would ever know about, there were also things he had done that others remembered, that he himself could not recall. So little they knew! So little!
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Blue Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 11209-12  | Added on Saturday, July 31, 2010, 08:41 PM

Ann was looking at him closely. Finally she said, “Everything dies someday. Better to die thinking that you’re going to miss a golden age, than to go out thinking that you had taken down your children’s chances with you. That you’d left your descendants with all kinds of toxic long-term debts. Now that would be depressing. As it is, we only have to feel bad for ourselves.”
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Blue Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 11489-98  | Added on Saturday, July 31, 2010, 09:36 PM

The response of the people to the takeover of the cable’s lower facility was rapid and tumultuous. Those UN storm troopers didn’t know what to make of us, a detachment tried to take over Hartz Plaza and we just flowed around them, moving out from in front of them but shoving in at the sides so that it was like a kind of vacuum pull. This snarling foam-toothed rabid demon at my throat, it was a fucking nightmare. Took them right out to rim park and these goddamned starship troopers couldn’t have moved a centimeter at that point, not without slaughtering thousands of people. People in the streets, that’s the only thing governments are afraid of. Well, or term limits. Or free elections! Or assassination. Or being laughed at, ah, ha-ha-ha! And there were hookups to all the other cities and giant street parties in every one of them. We were in Lasswitz and everyone went down to the river park and stood with candles in their hand, so that cameras could shoot down from the overlook and see this sea of candles, it was great. And Sax and Ann standing there together, it was amazing. Amazing. Unbelievable. They probably scared the UN to death saying each other’s lines like that, the UN probably thought we had brain-transfer devices all ready to zap them.

2011

June

The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Note Loc. 337  | Added on Tuesday, June 14, 2011, 02:28 PM

federaist 4 is basically usimg the example of britain amd its three or four parts to demonstrate need for union. also covers economic reasons for doing so. 
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Note Loc. 371  | Added on Tuesday, June 14, 2011, 04:10 PM

interesting foreshadowing...
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Highlight Loc. 389-91  | Added on Tuesday, June 14, 2011, 04:14 PM

And here let us not forget how much more easy it is to receive foreign fleets into our ports, and foreign armies into our country, than it is to persuade or compel them to depart.
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Note Loc. 393  | Added on Tuesday, June 14, 2011, 04:16 PM

definitely some eerie civil war foreshadowing concerning domestic and foreign conflicts and relationships among confederacies
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Note Loc. 398  | Added on Tuesday, June 14, 2011, 04:19 PM

not just talking about disunion and multiple confederacies. specifically discussing interstate conflicts that will occur even in a union
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Foreign Affairs May-June 2011 (Foreign Affairs)
- Note Loc. 124  | Added on Wednesday, June 15, 2011, 01:34 AM

article argues that arab spring is not sngular phenomena but is happening for different reasons and with different driving forces in each country. also addresses that each country is facing different challenges. america and american committment to ara spring originates in tone se by obaa in cairo speech. but historical and country specific understanding is necessary to making the right moves/decisions
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Note Loc. 484  | Added on Wednesday, June 15, 2011, 01:49 AM

sources of conflict: territory. hamilton goes on to give examples from the colonies themselves and doesnt leave the argument abstract
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Note Loc. 520  | Added on Wednesday, June 15, 2011, 01:54 AM

additional reason for conflict beyond territory is economic/commercial
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Note Loc. 538  | Added on Wednesday, June 15, 2011, 01:58 AM

third source of conflict: government budget
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Highlight Loc. 555-56  | Added on Wednesday, June 15, 2011, 02:01 AM

and, in addition to the rest, the reluctance with which men commonly part with money for purposes that have outlived the exigencies which produced them, and interfere with the supply of immediate wants.
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Note Loc. 559  | Added on Wednesday, June 15, 2011, 02:03 AM

legal conflicts, stemming from inconsistent contract or other law
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Note Loc. 603  | Added on Wednesday, June 15, 2011, 12:27 PM

essentially what he is arguing is that the geography and progress of war are such that confederacies will result in something like europe, a bunch of monarchies and wars and continual conflicts
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Note Loc. 618  | Added on Wednesday, June 15, 2011, 12:33 PM

how were the armies of greece organized?

this would require more research for me to be convinced
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Note Loc. 619  | Added on Wednesday, June 15, 2011, 12:36 PM

what does he mean by internal invasions?
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Note Loc. 621  | Added on Wednesday, June 15, 2011, 12:38 PM

why? because they can spend their time on other stuff?

it would be interesting to examine some of his claims in the context of the civil war
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Note Loc. 621  | Added on Wednesday, June 15, 2011, 12:40 PM

also would be interestinng to examine his claims in light of modern wilsonian external conflicts
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Note Loc. 629  | Added on Wednesday, June 15, 2011, 12:42 PM

like, uh, terrorism
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Highlight Loc. 628-34  | Added on Wednesday, June 15, 2011, 12:43 PM

The perpetual menacings of danger oblige the government to be always prepared to repel it; its armies must be numerous enough for instant defense. The continual necessity for their services enhances the importance of the soldier, and proportionably degrades the condition of the citizen. The military state becomes elevated above the civil. The inhabitants of territories, often the theatre of war, are unavoidably subjected to frequent infringements on their rights, which serve to weaken their sense of those rights; and by degrees the people are brought to consider the soldiery not only as their protectors, but as their superiors. The transition from this disposition to that of considering them masters, is neither remote nor difficult; but it is very difficult to prevail upon a people under such impressions, to make a bold or effectual resistance to usurpations supported by the military power.
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Highlight Loc. 654-55  | Added on Wednesday, June 15, 2011, 01:01 PM

This objection will be fully examined in its proper place, and it will be shown that the only natural precaution which could have been taken on this subject has been taken; and a much better one than
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Bookmark Loc. 654  | Added on Wednesday, June 15, 2011, 02:47 PM


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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Highlight Loc. 699-704  | Added on Wednesday, June 15, 2011, 03:01 PM

So far are the suggestions of Montesquieu from standing in opposition to a general Union of the States, that he explicitly treats of a CONFEDERATE REPUBLIC as the expedient for extending the sphere of popular government, and reconciling the advantages of monarchy with those of republicanism. ``It is very probable,'' (says he1) ``that mankind would have been obliged at length to live constantly under the government of a single person, had they not contrived a kind of constitution that has all the internal advantages of a republican, together with the external force of a monarchical government. I mean a CONFEDERATE REPUBLIC.
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Highlight Loc. 765-66  | Added on Wednesday, June 15, 2011, 11:10 PM

The diversity in the faculties of men, from which the rights of property originate, is not less an insuperable obstacle to a uniformity of interests.
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Highlight Loc. 794-97  | Added on Wednesday, June 15, 2011, 11:19 PM

The inference to which we are brought is, that the CAUSES of faction cannot be removed, and that relief is only to be sought in the means of controlling its EFFECTS. If a faction consists of less than a majority, relief is supplied by the republican principle, which enables the majority to defeat its sinister views by regular vote. It may clog the administration, it may convulse the society; but it will be unable to execute and mask its violence under the forms of the Constitution.
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Bookmark Loc. 857  | Added on Wednesday, June 15, 2011, 11:34 PM


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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Highlight Loc. 947-48  | Added on Wednesday, June 15, 2011, 11:52 PM

A unity of commercial, as well as political, interests, can only result from a unity of government.
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Note Loc. 957  | Added on Wednesday, June 15, 2011, 11:54 PM

typo?
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Bookmark Loc. 959  | Added on Wednesday, June 15, 2011, 11:54 PM


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Foreign Affairs May-June 2011 (Foreign Affairs)
- Highlight Loc. 136-42  | Added on Wednesday, June 15, 2011, 11:58 PM

For a revolution to succeed, a number of factors have to come together. The government must appear so irremediably unjust or inept that it is widely viewed as a threat to the country's future; elites (especially in the military) must be alienated from the state and no longer willing to defend it; a broad-based section of the population, spanning ethnic and religious groups and socioeconomic classes, must mobilize; and international powers must either refuse to step in to defend the government or constrain it from using maximum force to defend itself. Revolutions rarely triumph because these conditions rarely coincide. This is especially the case in traditional monarchies and one-party states, whose leaders often manage to maintain popular support by making appeals to respect for royal tradition or nationalism.
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Foreign Affairs May-June 2011 (Foreign Affairs)
- Note Loc. 146  | Added on Wednesday, June 15, 2011, 11:59 PM

north korea anyone?
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Foreign Affairs May-June 2011 (Foreign Affairs)
- Highlight Loc. 229-30  | Added on Thursday, June 16, 2011, 01:24 AM

Unemployment among the educated, moreover, has been even worse: in Egypt, college graduates are ten times as likely to have no job as those with only an elementary school education.
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Foreign Affairs May-June 2011 (Foreign Affairs)
- Note Loc. 242  | Added on Thursday, June 16, 2011, 01:28 AM

if circumstances had been different, maybe the military would have killed the arab spring before it could even start... kind of a depressing thought
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Foreign Affairs May-June 2011 (Foreign Affairs)
- Note Loc. 242  | Added on Thursday, June 16, 2011, 01:28 AM

if circumstances had been different, maybe the military would have killed the arab spring before it could even start... kind of a depressing thought. it wasnt the overwhelming power of the people alone, but confoumding factors that weakened leaders.
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Ulysses (James Joyce)
- Highlight Loc. 1237  | Added on Thursday, June 16, 2011, 11:34 AM

The king was in his countinghouse. Nobody.
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Ulysses (James Joyce)
- Highlight Loc. 1284-89  | Added on Thursday, June 16, 2011, 11:55 AM

Where was the chap I saw in that picture somewhere? Ah yes, in the dead sea floating on his back, reading a book with a parasol open. Couldn't sink if you tried: so thick with salt. Because the weight of the water, no, the weight of the body in the water is equal to the weight of the what? Or is it the volume is equal to the weight? It's a law something like that. Vance in High school cracking his fingerjoints, teaching. The college curriculum. Cracking curriculum. What is weight really when you say the weight? Thirtytwo feet per second per second. Law of falling bodies: per second per second. They all fall to the ground. The earth. It's the force of gravity of the earth is the weight.
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Five Little Pigs (Agatha Christie)
- Bookmark Loc. 808  | Added on Friday, June 17, 2011, 01:12 PM


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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Bookmark Loc. 1047  | Added on Friday, June 17, 2011, 01:44 PM


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Five Little Pigs (Agatha Christie)
- Highlight Loc. 1834-35  | Added on Saturday, June 18, 2011, 10:52 AM

It is no use evading unhappiness by tampering with facts.
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Five Little Pigs (Agatha Christie)
- Note Loc. 1952  | Added on Saturday, June 18, 2011, 11:10 AM

kind of a ridiculous attitude... he has no real reason to immediately agree with her and all the time be skeptical of the evidnce and all other accounts. poirot is certainly not a bayesian... he doesnt need information in the first place!!!
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Five Little Pigs (Agatha Christie)
- Highlight Loc. 1993  | Added on Saturday, June 18, 2011, 11:13 AM

And he experienced in this moment the strongest doubts he had yet felt of the course to which he had committed himself.
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Five Little Pigs (Agatha Christie)
- Note Loc. 1993  | Added on Saturday, June 18, 2011, 11:14 AM

yes, dont bother with evidence... commit to a course, commit to a hypothesis, regardless of the evidence. great detective... eye roll
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Five Little Pigs (Agatha Christie)
- Note Loc. 2402  | Added on Saturday, June 18, 2011, 12:20 PM

this is twisted logic... creating a new narrative to suit ignored circumstances... like the reverse of what it shoul be
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Five Little Pigs (Agatha Christie)
- Note Loc. 2503  | Added on Saturday, June 18, 2011, 12:28 PM

yes yes dont bother with evidence. the feeling of poirot has rubbd off into a feeling of meredith...
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Five Little Pigs (Agatha Christie)
- Highlight Loc. 2992-98  | Added on Saturday, June 18, 2011, 12:47 PM

‘Reflect a minute. If you were to pass a fishmonger’s and saw twelve fish laid out on his slab, you would think they were all real fish, would you not? But one of them might be stuffed fish.’ Miss Williams replied with spirit: ‘Most unlikely and anyway—’ ‘Ah, unlikely, yes, but not impossible—because a friend of mine once took down a stuffed fish (it was his trade, you comprehend) to compare it with the real thing! And if you saw a bowl of innias in a drawing-room in December you would say that they were false—but they might be real ones flown home from Baghdad.’ ‘What is the meaning of all this nonsense?’ demanded Miss Williams. ‘It is to show you that it is the eyes of the mind with which one really sees…’
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Five Little Pigs (Agatha Christie)
- Highlight Loc. 3276-77  | Added on Saturday, June 18, 2011, 01:07 PM

‘There is always a danger of accepting facts as proved which are really nothing of the kind.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1333-34  | Added on Sunday, June 19, 2011, 11:28 AM

Brazil, China, India, and other fast-emerging states have a different set of cultural, political, and economic experiences, and they see the world through their anti-imperial and anticolonial pasts.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1346-48  | Added on Sunday, June 19, 2011, 11:29 AM

The struggle over international order today is not about fundamental principles. China and other emerging great powers do not want to contest the basic rules and principles of the liberal international order; they wish to gain more authority and leadership within it.Indeed,
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1357-58  | Added on Sunday, June 19, 2011, 11:34 AM

update the liberal order for a new era, ensuring that it continues to provide the benefits of security and prosperity that it has provided since the middle of the twentieth century.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 1358  | Added on Sunday, June 19, 2011, 11:44 AM

capitais ad constitutionalism work well becausethey account for human nature and huma greed. communism does not. but that capability leads to homeless peple and goldman sachs coexisting...
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 1358  | Added on Sunday, June 19, 2011, 11:44 AM

capitais ad constitutionalism work well becausethey account for human nature and huma greed. communism does not. but that capability leads to homeless peple and goldman sachs coexisting...

liyong conversation
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1359-61  | Added on Sunday, June 19, 2011, 11:45 AM

China and the other emerging powers do not face simply an American-led order or a Western system. They face a broader international order that is the product of centuries of struggle and innovation. It is highly developed, expansive, integrated, institutionalized, and deeply rooted in the societies and economies of both advanced capitalist states and developing states.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1368-70  | Added on Sunday, June 19, 2011, 11:47 AM

The "problems of Hobbes," that is, anarchy and power insecurities, have had to be solved in order to take advantage of the "opportunities of Locke," that is, the construction of open and rule-based relations.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 1370  | Added on Sunday, June 19, 2011, 11:48 AM

peace of westphalia establishes state relation framework

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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 1370  | Added on Sunday, June 19, 2011, 11:49 AM

peace of westphalia establishes state relation framework from nothing

liberal world order orders these relations
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1370-72  | Added on Sunday, June 19, 2011, 11:49 AM

The original principles of the Westphalian system -- sovereignty, territorial integrity, and nonintervention -- reflected an emerging consensus that states were the rightful political units for the establishment of legitimate rule.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1374-75  | Added on Sunday, June 19, 2011, 11:50 AM

Under the banners of sovereignty and self-determination, political movements for decolonization and independence were set in motion in the non-Western developing world, coming to fruition in the decades after World War II.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 1381  | Added on Sunday, June 19, 2011, 11:56 AM

nuclear test ban treaty... and that example in particular is interesting because it is very illustrative of the libera world order counttries, russia arguably included, bnning tests, but emerguing powers like china and india testing anywa... throwing out the old rulebook
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Bookmark Loc. 1389  | Added on Sunday, June 19, 2011, 11:56 AM


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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1389-90  | Added on Sunday, June 19, 2011, 11:56 AM

But in the interwar period of closed economic systems and imperial blocs, this experiment in liberal order collapsed.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1400-1401  | Added on Sunday, June 19, 2011, 11:58 AM

In the decades since the end of the Cold War, notions of "the responsibility to protect" have given the international community legal rights and obligations to intervene in the affairs of sovereign states.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 1401  | Added on Sunday, June 19, 2011, 11:59 AM

contrast with chinas position on noninterference policy wrt other countries internal affairs...
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1405-8  | Added on Sunday, June 19, 2011, 11:59 AM

But now, as this hegemonic organization of the liberal international order starts to change, the hierarchical aspects are fading while the liberal aspects persist. So even as China and other rising states try to contest U.S. leadership -- and there is indeed a struggle over the rights, privileges, and responsibilities of the leading states within the system -- the deeper international order remains intact.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 1408  | Added on Sunday, June 19, 2011, 12:01 PM

liberal world order has two parts... hegemony and liberal aspects. he is arguing tha hegemonic aspects are declining, not the entire liberal world order
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1420-21  | Added on Sunday, June 19, 2011, 12:02 PM

China is already deeply enmeshed in the global trading system, with a remarkable 40 percent of its GNP composed of exports -- 25 percent of which go to the United States.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 1421  | Added on Sunday, June 19, 2011, 12:02 PM

wow.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Bookmark Loc. 1426  | Added on Sunday, June 19, 2011, 12:03 PM


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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1426-27  | Added on Sunday, June 19, 2011, 12:03 PM

China will feel pressures to establish these same institutional preconditions if it wants the benefits of a global
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1427  | Added on Sunday, June 19, 2011, 12:03 PM

currency.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1433-35  | Added on Sunday, June 19, 2011, 12:04 PM

The UN Security Council, the G-20, the governing bodies of the Bretton Woods institutions -- these are all stages on which rising non-Western states can acquire great-power authority and exercise global leadership.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1435-40  | Added on Sunday, June 19, 2011, 12:05 PM

Meanwhile, there is no competing global organizing logic to liberal internationalism. An alternative, illiberal order -- a "Beijing model" -- would presumably be organized around exclusive blocs, spheres of influence, and mercantilist networks. It would be less open and rule-based, and it would be dominated by an array of state-to-state ties. But on a global scale, such a system would not advance the interests of any of the major states, including China. The Beijing model only works when one or a few states opportunistically exploit an open system of markets. But if everyone does, it is no longer an open system but a fragmented, mercantilist, and protectionist complex -- and everyone suffers.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1442-43  | Added on Sunday, June 19, 2011, 12:05 PM

China would be successful enough with its authoritarian model of development to resist the pressures to liberalize and democratize. But if the rest of the world does not gravitate toward this model, China will find itself subjected to pressure to play by the rules.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1446-50  | Added on Sunday, June 19, 2011, 12:47 PM

In the background, meanwhile, democracy and the rule of law are still the hallmarks of modernity and the global standard for legitimate governance. Although it is true that the spread of democracy has stalled in recent years and that authoritarian China has performed well in the recent economic crisis, there is little evidence that authoritarian states can become truly advanced societies without moving in a liberal democratic direction. The legitimacy of one-party rule within China rests more on the state's ability to deliver economic growth and full employment than on authoritarian -- let alone communist -- political principles.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1451-52  | Added on Sunday, June 19, 2011, 12:47 PM

"China cannot succeed in its goal of becoming a modern developed society until it can take the leap and allow the Chinese people to choose their own rulers."
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 1455  | Added on Sunday, June 19, 2011, 12:49 PM

why not try to move in that direction but in a controlled way? systematically introduce reforms i mea. i dnt know. mabe they are doing that already.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1458  | Added on Sunday, June 19, 2011, 12:49 PM

and no competing political ideals even lurk on the sidelines.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 1458  | Added on Sunday, June 19, 2011, 12:52 PM

is this right? i mean acceptable right. democracy is easily abused. the reublic system is wha .adethe united states so dominant. it wasnt just democracy. maybe too many failures of democracies will convince people it doesnt work. andmaybeit doesnt! the real push sould be toward an acceptable working republican system... not a blind support of democracy in its plainest form...
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1465-68  | Added on Sunday, June 19, 2011, 12:53 PM

The Atlantic Charter, announced by Roosevelt and Winston Churchill in 1941, and the Bretton Woods agreements of 1944 were early efforts to articulate a vision of economic openness and social stability. The United States would do well to try to reach back and rearticulate this view. The world is not rejecting openness and markets; it is asking for a more expansive notion of stability and economic security.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 1481  | Added on Sunday, June 19, 2011, 12:56 PM

article about advantages of an aggressive china... i cant exactly remember what it covered or what it cited as positive beavior...
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1485-87  | Added on Sunday, June 19, 2011, 12:58 PM

The country operated within layers of regional and global economic, political, and security institutions and constructed new ones -- thereby making itself more predictable and approachable and reducing the incentives for other states to undermine it by building countervailing coalitions.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 1487  | Added on Sunday, June 19, 2011, 01:00 PM

and september 11th was perfect opportunity to renew or revisit this world order and make ourselves predictable and approachable and create an international coalition. but.........
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1491-93  | Added on Sunday, June 19, 2011, 01:01 PM

rising great powers are threatened less by mass armies marching across borders than by transnational dangers, such as terrorism, climate change, and pandemic disease. What goes on in one country -- radicalism, carbon emissions, or public health failures -- can increasingly harm another country.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 1499  | Added on Sunday, June 19, 2011, 01:02 PM

i.e. decentralization or dehegemonization
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1501-4  | Added on Sunday, June 19, 2011, 01:03 PM

Markets and democracy have spread. Societies outside the West are trading and growing. The United States has more alliance partners today than it did during the Cold War. Rival hegemonic states with revisionist and illiberal agendas have been pushed off the global stage. It is difficult to read these world-historical developments as a story of American decline and liberal unraveling.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1515-16  | Added on Sunday, June 19, 2011, 01:05 PM

share the burdens of global economic and political governance,
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1517-18  | Added on Sunday, June 19, 2011, 01:06 PM

which is why states will continue to look to Washington for security and partnership.
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Murder on the Orient Express: A Hercule Poirot Mystery (Agatha Christie)
- Highlight Loc. 900-902  | Added on Monday, June 20, 2011, 06:47 AM

“See you, my dear doctor, me, I am not one to rely upon the expert procedure. It is the psychology I seek, not the fingerprint or the cigarette ash. But in this case I would welcome a little scientific assistance. This compartment is full of clues, but can I be sure that those clues are really what they seem to be?”
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Highlight Loc. 1050-54  | Added on Wednesday, June 22, 2011, 12:00 AM

The money saved from one object may be usefully applied to another, and there will be so much the less to be drawn from the pockets of the people. If the States are united under one government, there will be but one national civil list to support; if they are divided into several confederacies, there will be as many different national civil lists to be provided for—and each of them, as to the principal departments, coextensive with that which would be necessary for a government of the whole. The entire separation of the States into thirteen unconnected sovereignties is a project too extravagant and too replete with danger to have many advocates.
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Note Loc. 1054  | Added on Wednesday, June 22, 2011, 12:01 AM

hamilton doesnt seem worried about distribution of power instead of distillation of power...
an interesting and valid point
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Highlight Loc. 1063-65  | Added on Wednesday, June 22, 2011, 12:03 AM

Civil power, properly organized and exerted, is capable of diffusing its force to a very great extent; and can, in a manner, reproduce itself in every part of a great empire by a judicious arrangement of subordinate institutions.
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Note Loc. 1087  | Added on Wednesday, June 22, 2011, 12:06 AM

interesting how the arguments against confederacies and disunion work almost equally i.e. without modification against sates rights
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Note Loc. 1087  | Added on Wednesday, June 22, 2011, 12:06 AM

interesting how the arguments against confederacies and disunion work almost equally i.e. without modification against states rights
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Highlight Loc. 1090-92  | Added on Wednesday, June 22, 2011, 12:08 AM

as the only substitute for those military establishments which have subverted the liberties of the Old World, and as the proper antidote for the diseases of faction, which have proved fatal to other popular governments, and of which alarming symptoms have been betrayed by our own.
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Highlight Loc. 1089-92  | Added on Wednesday, June 22, 2011, 12:08 AM

WE HAVE seen the necessity of the Union, as our bulwark against foreign danger, as the conservator of peace among ourselves, as the guardian of our commerce and other common interests, as the only substitute for those military establishments which have subverted the liberties of the Old World, and as the proper antidote for the diseases of faction, which have proved fatal to other popular governments, and of which alarming symptoms have been betrayed by our own.
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Highlight Loc. 1098-1100  | Added on Wednesday, June 22, 2011, 12:09 AM

It is, that in a democracy, the people meet and exercise the government in person; in a republic, they assemble and administer it by their representatives and agents. A democracy, consequently, will be confined to a small spot. A republic may be extended over a large region.
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Highlight Loc. 1148-50  | Added on Wednesday, June 22, 2011, 12:16 AM

If they should derive less benefit, therefore, from the Union in some respects than the less distant States, they will derive greater benefit from it in other respects, and thus the proper equilibrium will be maintained throughout.
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Note Loc. 1150  | Added on Wednesday, June 22, 2011, 12:17 AM

i seem to see a lot of these kind of arguments in the federalist paers. while they give good specific examples in some cases, they are completely vague in others and kind of handwave specifics
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Highlight Loc. 1164-68  | Added on Wednesday, June 22, 2011, 12:20 AM

To this manly spirit, posterity will be indebted for the possession, and the world for the example, of the numerous innovations displayed on the American theatre, in favor of private rights and public happiness. Had no important step been taken by the leaders of the Revolution for which a precedent could not be discovered, no government established of which an exact model did not present itself, the people of the United States might, at this moment have been numbered among the melancholy victims of misguided councils, must at best have been laboring under the weight of some of those forms which have crushed the liberties of the rest of mankind.
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Bookmark Loc. 1183  | Added on Wednesday, June 22, 2011, 04:51 AM


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01 The Hitchhiker’s Guide to the Galaxy (Douglas Adams)
- Highlight Loc. 1628-30  | Added on Wednesday, June 22, 2011, 04:02 PM

Was there a reason behind it? There would be no point in asking Zaphod, he never appeared to have a reason for anything he did at all: he had turned unfathomability into an art form. He attacked everything in life with a mixture of extraordinary genius and naive incompetence and it was often difficult to tell which was which.
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01 The Hitchhiker’s Guide to the Galaxy (Douglas Adams)
- Highlight Loc. 2279-83  | Added on Wednesday, June 22, 2011, 09:45 PM

It is an important and popular fact that things are not always what they seem. For instance, on the planet Earth, man had always assumed that he was more intelligent than dolphins because he had achieved so much—the wheel, New York, wars and so on—while all the dolphins had ever done was muck about in the water having a good time. But conversely, the dolphins had always believed that they were far more intelligent than man—for precisely the same reasons.
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Ulysses (James Joyce)
- Bookmark Loc. 6867  | Added on Thursday, June 23, 2011, 02:12 PM


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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 2366-75  | Added on Thursday, June 23, 2011, 02:15 PM

For a revolution to succeed, a number of factors have to come together. The government must appear so irremediably unjust or inept that it is widely viewed as a threat to the country's future; elites (especially in the military) must be alienated from the state and no longer willing to defend it; a broad-based section of the population, spanning ethnic and religious groups and socioeconomic classes, must mobilize; and international powers must either refuse to step in to defend the government or constrain it from using maximum force to defend itself. Revolutions rarely triumph because these conditions rarely coincide. This is especially the case in traditional monarchies and one-party states, whose leaders often manage to maintain popular support by making appeals to respect for royal tradition or nationalism. Elites, who are often enriched by such governments, will only forsake them if their circumstances or the ideology of the rulers changes drastically. And in almost all cases, broad-based popular mobilization is difficult to achieve because it requires bridging the disparate interests of the urban and rural poor, the middle class, students, professionals, and different ethnic or religious groups.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 2377  | Added on Thursday, June 23, 2011, 02:32 PM

north korea anyone?
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 2455-56  | Added on Thursday, June 23, 2011, 02:33 PM

Unemployment among the educated, moreover, has been even worse: in Egypt, college graduates are ten times as likely to have no job as those with only an elementary school education.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 2468  | Added on Thursday, June 23, 2011, 02:41 PM

...military could have killed the arab string before it even started. kind of a depressing thought. it wasnt tha people had power and were able to overpower the government. it was just confounding factors.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 2002  | Added on Thursday, June 23, 2011, 02:43 PM

and lack of military support
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 2012-14  | Added on Thursday, June 23, 2011, 02:45 PM

What follows this transition will depend on whether the forces that staged the revolution can remain united and organized or whether some groups, such as the Muslim Brotherhood, strike a separate deal with the military. If this were to happen, the secular and youth movements that were the driving force behind the January 25 revolution would be effectively marginalized.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 2031-36  | Added on Thursday, June 23, 2011, 02:48 PM

Over the past five years, many workers -- both blue-collar laborers and educated professionals -- took to organizing strikes and other protests to show their anger at their economic disenfranchisement. These protests took place outside the control or leadership of the country's labor unions and professional syndicates, which were constrained by laws that limited their freedom to strike or carry out any protest. In 2008, property-tax collectors established Egypt's first independent trade union since 1959, the year that all such unions were brought under the control of the state. In 2010 alone, there were around 700 strikes and protest actions organized by workers across the country. However, these protests tended to focus exclusively on labor-specific demands and to shy away from political issues.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 2040-43  | Added on Thursday, June 23, 2011, 02:49 PM

Youth unemployment is highest among those with more education: in Egypt in 2006, young people with a secondary education or more represented 95 percent of the unemployed in their age group. Those who do find jobs often work for low pay and in poor conditions. This combination of high unemployment and low pay has kept many young Egyptian men from marrying and forming families. Approximately half of all Egyptian men between the ages of 25 and 29 are not married.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 2061-67  | Added on Thursday, June 23, 2011, 02:52 PM

Beginning in the mid-1970s, in an attempt to bolster his legitimacy both at home and abroad, then Egyptian President Anwar al-Sadat began to liberalize the political system. He allowed opposition parties and movements to gain some representation in the country's elected assemblies. As long as the ruling NDP maintained its two-thirds majority and its control over the real levers of power, the Egyptian opposition could contest elections and maintain a limited presence in parliament and in civil society. When Mubarak came to power, he continued to follow this same formula with few adjustments. However, over the last five years, the Mubarak regime began to violate this implicit agreement, by imposing renewed constraints on the ability of political parties and movements to organize and to contest elections.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 2071-72  | Added on Thursday, June 23, 2011, 02:52 PM

The regime's tactics in the 2010 elections were part of a broader plan to ensure a smooth succession from Mubarak to his son Gamal during the upcoming presidential election in 2011.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Bookmark Loc. 2072  | Added on Thursday, June 23, 2011, 02:52 PM


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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 2073-75  | Added on Thursday, June 23, 2011, 02:53 PM

who had come to assume greater influence over the ruling party and the government in recent years. Not only did the country's opposition strongly oppose the succession plan, but many important factions within the state bureaucracy and the military were also skeptical. As 2010 came to a close, the country's ruling edifice was beginning to crack.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 2119-20  | Added on Thursday, June 23, 2011, 03:00 PM

The High Council of the Armed Forces assumed control of the country, and one week later, it announced the suspension of the constitution and the dissolution of both houses of parliament.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 2120  | Added on Thursday, June 23, 2011, 03:00 PM

here ir wasnot s much that the military sat back and allowed the ara spring to happen, they actually made it happen
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 2187-88  | Added on Thursday, June 23, 2011, 07:18 PM

Regimes fell and rose, countries united and fragmented, and armed conflicts erupted. Today's turmoil, then, is not unique; rather, it represents the second Arab revolution.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 2204-7  | Added on Thursday, June 23, 2011, 07:20 PM

one, the number of politically significant actors within each state will increase; two, some of these actors will establish relationships across international boundaries. Malign and disruptive forces will benefit from this change. Transnational movements hostile to the interests of the United States -- such as al Qaeda and the Muslim Brotherhood -- will find fertile new fields to plow.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 2163  | Added on Thursday, June 23, 2011, 07:37 PM

this whole article is a great history lesson on middle east and in particular nasser
draws several parallels to current events 
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 3  | Added on Thursday, June 23, 2011, 07:38 PM

read
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 3  | Added on Thursday, June 23, 2011, 07:39 PM

read
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 2  | Added on Thursday, June 23, 2011, 07:39 PM

read
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 2  | Added on Thursday, June 23, 2011, 07:39 PM

read
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 1881  | Added on Thursday, June 23, 2011, 07:48 PM

wtf is he even talking about

tha analogy is horrible
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1887-89  | Added on Thursday, June 23, 2011, 07:49 PM

The nature of humans, quite reasonably, is to intervene in an effort to alter their world and the outcomes it produces. But government interventions are laden with unintended -- and unforeseen -- consequences, particularly in complex systems, so humans must work with nature by tolerating systems that absorb human imperfections rather than seek to change them.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1892-93  | Added on Thursday, June 23, 2011, 07:50 PM

The only difference this time around was the unprecedented magnitude of the hidden risks and a misunderstanding of the statistical properties of the system.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1899-1902  | Added on Thursday, June 23, 2011, 07:51 PM

The life of a turkey before Thanksgiving is illustrative: the turkey is fed for 1,000 days and every day seems to confirm that the farmer cares for it -- until the last day, when confidence is maximal. The "turkey problem" occurs when a naive analysis of stability is derived from the absence of past variations. Likewise, confidence in stability was maximal at the onset of the financial crisis in 2007.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 1902  | Added on Thursday, June 23, 2011, 07:51 PM

ha ha ha
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1902-8  | Added on Thursday, June 23, 2011, 07:52 PM

The turkey problem for humans is the result of mistaking one environment for another. Humans simultaneously inhabit two systems: the linear and the complex. The linear domain is characterized by its predictability and the low degree of interaction among its components, which allows the use of mathematical methods that make forecasts reliable. In complex systems, there is an absence of visible causal links between the elements, masking a high degree of interdependence and extremely low predictability. Nonlinear elements are also present, such as those commonly known, and generally misunderstood, as "tipping points." Imagine someone who keeps adding sand to a sand pile without any visible consequence, until suddenly the entire pile crumbles. It would be foolish to blame the collapse on the last grain of sand rather than the structure of the pile, but that is what people do consistently, and that is the policy error.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1912-17  | Added on Thursday, June 23, 2011, 07:53 PM

Engineering, architecture, astronomy, most of physics, and much of common science are linear domains. The complex domain is the realm of the social world, epidemics, and economics. Crucially, the linear domain delivers mild variations without large shocks, whereas the complex domain delivers massive jumps and gaps. Complex systems are misunderstood, mostly because humans' sophistication, obtained over the history of human knowledge in the linear domain, does not transfer properly to the complex domain. Humans can predict a solar eclipse and the trajectory of a space vessel, but not the stock market or Egyptian political events. All man-made complex systems have commonalities and even universalities. Sadly, deceptive calm (followed by Black Swan surprises) seems to be one of those properties.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Bookmark Loc. 1929  | Added on Thursday, June 23, 2011, 07:55 PM


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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1932  | Added on Thursday, June 23, 2011, 07:55 PM

able to turn politics into the tractable randomness of
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1931-32  | Added on Thursday, June 23, 2011, 07:55 PM

No matter how many dollars are spent on research, predicting revolutions is not the same as counting cards; humans will never be able to turn politics into the tractable randomness of blackjack.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 1954  | Added on Thursday, June 23, 2011, 07:59 PM

another horrible analogy
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1975-77  | Added on Thursday, June 23, 2011, 08:05 PM

As Jean-Jacques Rousseau put it, "A little bit of agitation gives motivation to the soul, and what really makes the species prosper is not peace so much as freedom." With freedom comes some unpredictable fluctuation. This is one of life's packages: there is no freedom without noise -- and no stability without volatility.∂
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 3  | Added on Thursday, June 23, 2011, 08:07 PM

interesting perspective on risk and probability analysis
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 1802  | Added on Thursday, June 23, 2011, 08:19 PM

yea thanks for clarifying... nothing at all
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 4  | Added on Thursday, June 23, 2011, 08:21 PM

read. horrible analogies.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 4  | Added on Thursday, June 23, 2011, 08:21 PM

read
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 6  | Added on Thursday, June 23, 2011, 08:23 PM

read... very interesting view. read while in car wit liyong and had a chance to discuss it with him
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01 The Hitchhiker’s Guide to the Galaxy (Douglas Adams)
- Highlight Loc. 2519-22  | Added on Thursday, June 23, 2011, 08:44 PM

The two philosophers gaped at him. “Bloody hell,” said Majikthise, “now that is what I call thinking. Here, Vroomfondel, why do we never think of things like that?” “Dunno,” said Vroomfondel in an awed whisper; “think our brains must be too highly trained, Majikthise.”
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01 The Hitchhiker’s Guide to the Galaxy (Douglas Adams)
- Highlight Loc. 2887-91  | Added on Thursday, June 23, 2011, 09:08 PM

“Well, I mean, yes idealism, yes the dignity of pure research, yes the pursuit of truth in all its forms, but there comes a point I’m afraid where you begin to suspect that if there’s any real truth, it’s that the entire multidimensional infinity of the Universe is almost certainly being run by a bunch of maniacs. And if it comes to a choice between spending yet another ten million years finding that out, and on the other hand just taking the money and running, then I for one could do with the exercise,” said Frankie.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1559  | Added on Friday, June 24, 2011, 10:54 AM

In contrast, al Qaeda believes that democracy is blasphemous, arguing that it places man's word above God's.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1561-62  | Added on Friday, June 24, 2011, 10:55 AM

Al Qaeda's message is clear: secular democracy is as abhorrent as secular dictatorship.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1568-70  | Added on Friday, June 24, 2011, 10:56 AM

Even more distressing to al Qaeda, change occurred in the Arab world without an initial blow being struck against the United States. Al Qaeda has long insisted that Muslims must first destroy the region's supposed puppet master in Washington before change will come to Tunis or Cairo.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1579-80  | Added on Friday, June 24, 2011, 10:57 AM

even declared that al Qaeda was behind the protests, warning Libyans, "Do not be swayed by bin Laden" -- most likely in an effort to gain legitimacy for his crackdown against the demonstrators.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1580-83  | Added on Friday, June 24, 2011, 10:57 AM

U.S. counterterrorism officials have worked well with authoritarian leaders because their regimes have generally had a low bar for imprisonment and detention. The United States could send a suspect captured in Europe to Egypt and be assured that he would be kept in jail. This low bar also meant that many minor players and innocents were swept up in security-service roundups.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1589-91  | Added on Friday, June 24, 2011, 10:59 AM

If new governments take popular opinion into account, as democratic leaders do, cooperation will not be as close as it once was. Many of the new political players, particularly the Islamists, see the United States as a repressive power that aids Israel and other enemies.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1621-22  | Added on Friday, June 24, 2011, 11:02 AM

But excluding the Brotherhood from power would be worse, for it would endanger the U.S. campaign against al Qaeda.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1662  | Added on Friday, June 24, 2011, 11:09 AM

Many
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1662-64  | Added on Friday, June 24, 2011, 11:10 AM

Many of the new security-service leaders will be new to counterterrorism. Even more important, they will be unaccustomed to the difficult task of balancing civil liberties and aggressive efforts against terrorism. Here, the FBI and other Western domestic intelligence services have much to offer.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1662  | Added on Friday, June 24, 2011, 11:10 AM

Many of the new security-service
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1662  | Added on Friday, June 24, 2011, 11:10 AM

possible
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1662-63  | Added on Friday, June 24, 2011, 11:10 AM

Even more important, they will be unaccustomed to the difficult task of balancing civil liberties and aggressive efforts against terrorism.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 4  | Added on Friday, June 24, 2011, 11:13 AM

read. grea perspective on how revolutions affect al qaeda and terrorism in general. some thoughts on a constructive path forward. some thoughts on not so constructive paths foward.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 5  | Added on Friday, June 24, 2011, 11:15 AM

rea. very nteresting summary of existing liberal world orders. some thoughts on how tha ischanging. some thoughts on why it is not changing significantly and u.s. will remain imortant part of future world order.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1112-13  | Added on Friday, June 24, 2011, 01:05 PM

providing the reasoning for Washington's backing of the Pakistani military's frequent interventions in domestic politics -- at the expense of its democratic institutions.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1118  | Added on Friday, June 24, 2011, 01:06 PM

More than half its population faces severe poverty, which fuels resentment against the government and feeds political instability.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 1130  | Added on Friday, June 24, 2011, 01:08 PM

sunds like a great sales pitch... but that is partl in theory. i mean, howdemocratic is pakistan really?
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1134-36  | Added on Friday, June 24, 2011, 01:09 PM

Pakistan is unlikely to collapse, but the imbalance of power between its civilian and military branches needs to be addressed if it is to become a normal modern state that is capable of effectively governing its territory.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1137-40  | Added on Friday, June 24, 2011, 02:22 PM

The Pakistani military's political power is a historical legacy of the country's birth. The immediate onset of conflict over Kashmir in 1947-48 with a militarily and politically stronger India made the military central to the state's survival and placed it above civilian scrutiny. Today, after four wars with India, the military filters every internal and external development through the lens of Pakistan's rivalry with India.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1164-67  | Added on Friday, June 24, 2011, 02:26 PM

Although ending the insurgency in Afghanistan will require more than just eliminating militant sanctuaries in Pakistan, the Pakistani military's reluctance to target Afghan militants in North Waziristan has been a particularly sore point in its relationship with the United States. U.S. officials believe that the lawlessness of North Waziristan hampers the U.S. military effort in Afghanistan, since insurgents can easily escape to safety on the Pakistani side of the border.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1177-80  | Added on Friday, June 24, 2011, 04:25 PM

enough U.S. security assistance -- roughly $300 million since 2002 in foreign military financing and around $1.1 billion since 2008 for increasing its counterinsurgency capabilities, to be followed by $1.2 billion more next year -- to acquire the capacity it claims to so desperately need. In contrast, in 2010, U.S. aid for Pakistan's poorly paid, undertrained, and underresourced police forces, which are crucial to fighting insurgencies, totaled a paltry $66 million.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1210-15  | Added on Friday, June 24, 2011, 04:33 PM

Militant extremism can be fought effectively only through serious governance reforms that ensure the rule of law and accountability. This will require a strong democracy, a viable economy, and well-balanced civil-military relations. In FATA, it will require abolishing the Frontier Crimes Regulation and integrating the region into the adjoining Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Province to end the Pakistani federal government's direct and oppressive rule, which the Pakistani Taliban have exploited to expand their influence, displace the already weakened tribal authority in the region, and establish parallel courts and policing systems in several FATA agencies, including North and South Waziristan. All of this seems daunting, but there is really no other long-term alternative. And despite its many failings and weaknesses, there are reasons to be optimistic about democracy in Pakistan.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1217-19  | Added on Friday, June 24, 2011, 04:34 PM

In fact, a strong democratic system can mitigate the baser instincts of politicians. If anything, the experience of countries such as Chile, the Philippines, South Korea, and Thailand in the last few decades shows that the strength and quality of democracy may be linked to the stability of the party system.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1222-25  | Added on Friday, June 24, 2011, 04:35 PM

The most recent civilian government is only three years old, yet the much-derided political elite seems to have developed a consensus that democracy is the only game in town and has enacted constitutional reforms to curb outsized presidential powers -- an artifact of previous military regimes -- especially the power to dismiss democratically elected parliaments and prime ministers, which past military or military-backed presidents used to neuter parliament.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1247-49  | Added on Friday, June 24, 2011, 04:39 PM

Pakistan must also reckon with the need to alleviate the economic hardships faced by its poor. Skyrocketing inflation of basic commodity prices, chronic power cuts, persistently high levels of unemployment, and general lawlessness are fueling public resentment of the current government.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1258-61  | Added on Friday, June 24, 2011, 04:41 PM

It is worth noting that Pakistan's economic difficulties are the result not just of bad luck and poor management, and therefore they cannot be fixed with development aid alone. They are rooted in fundamental structural problems as well: military expenditures dwarf spending on development. Pakistan has one of the world's largest out-of-school populations, yet it spends seven times as much on the military every year as on education, an investment with a higher national security payoff in the long run.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 1261  | Added on Friday, June 24, 2011, 04:42 PM

sounds like the U.S.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1261-62  | Added on Friday, June 24, 2011, 04:42 PM

Some progress toward a resolution of the Kashmir conflict could induce Pakistan to scale back its military behemoth.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1265-66  | Added on Friday, June 24, 2011, 04:42 PM

The point is that only a strong, stable, and legitimate elected government will be able to mobilize the public opinion necessary to clinch a lasting peace with India.
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The New Yorker (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 101-2  | Added on Friday, June 24, 2011, 11:01 PM

Walton, whose fortune now stands at twenty-one billion dollars, has become a powerful force in the art marketplace.
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The New Yorker (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 96-97  | Added on Friday, June 24, 2011, 11:01 PM

Alice Walton and the Crystal Bridges Museum of American Art.
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The New Yorker (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 147-49  | Added on Friday, June 24, 2011, 11:07 PM

she had no idea what the heck she was talking about when confronted by the words “Paul Revere.” She had Revere warning the British—“ringing those bells and making sure as he’s riding his horse through town to send those warning shots and bells.”
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The New Yorker (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 151-52  | Added on Friday, June 24, 2011, 11:07 PM

Her supporters took to Wikipedia, to tweak the Paul Revere entry to suit her syntax, touching off a Bunker Hill of Wiki revision and counter-revision.
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The New Yorker (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 210-17  | Added on Friday, June 24, 2011, 11:11 PM

Yet the opposite line of argument, the sophisticated-sounding “I don’t give a damn what a politician does in his private life,” doesn’t quite convince, either. Certainly, there are examples where what a person does in private tells us something worth knowing about what he does in public. That would apply when a crime is implicated, as in the case of Italy’s Prime Minister, Silvio Berlusconi, who allegedly paid a teen-age girl for sex, and of Dominique Strauss-Kahn, the former head of the I.M.F., who is accused of attempting to rape a hotel maid. Weiner’s dirty pictures, small beer though they are in comparison, may suggest a problem with impulse control, which, compounded by an instinct to stonewall and to blame others, might have struck voters as relevant. On the other hand, the fact that Arnold Schwarzenegger fathered a child with a member of his household staff might not matter much to anyone but his family.
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The New Yorker (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 221-22  | Added on Friday, June 24, 2011, 11:12 PM

post-Watergate era, a zeal for exposing corruption and hypocrisy of all kinds fuelled franker coverage of politicians’ sexual escapades.
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xkcd (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 68-70  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 12:18 PM

The universe is probably littered with the one-planet graves of cultures which made the sensible economic decision that there's no good reason to go into space--each discovered, studied, and remembered by the ones who made the irrational decision.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1272-78  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 12:21 PM

With Pakistan Act of 2009, authorized the U.S. Congress to triple civilian development assistance to Pakistan, raising it to $7.5 billion between 2010 and 2014. The aid package was designed to signal a new era in the United States' relationship with Pakistan, shifting the focus of U.S. aid from the military to civilian democratic governance and social development. Continued military aid was also tied to a yearly certification by the U.S. secretary of state that the Pakistani military has refrained from interfering in politics and is subject to civilian control over budgetary allocations, officer promotions, and strategic planning. Not surprisingly, the Pakistani military balked at this affront even as the civilian government welcomed the aid. Joining with opposition parties, the military publicly decried the bill as a threat to Pakistani national security and mobilized right-wing sections of the media against U.S. meddling. In response, the bill's sponsors buckled and effectively defanged the conditionality measures.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1285-88  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 12:22 PM

But by continuing to treat the Pakistani military as a state above the state, the United States only reinforces the military's exaggerated sense of indispensability and further weakens civilian rule. If the United States had stood its ground, the Pakistani military would have eventually backed down. It is dependent on the United States for military aid and high-tech armaments, including upgrading its aging fleet of F-16 fighters.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1301-4  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 01:13 PM

One relatively easy way for the United States to boost economic productivity in Pakistan would be to grant Pakistan emergency duty-free access to the U.S. market for textiles. This concession would face opposition from politically powerful U.S. textile interests, but the Obama administration should pursue this legislation on at least a temporary basis because it could crucially improve the economic stability of a vital ally by increasing the revenue it gets from this important industry.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 1304  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 01:16 PM

investig in pakistan and ethical considerations       
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1307-8  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 01:17 PM

it is worth the effort because the international community has a stake in ending the nuclearized Indian-Pakistani rivalry, which not only endangers global security but also has spilled into Afghanistan.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1308-12  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 01:17 PM

With over a hundred nuclear weapons, a war-prone rivalry with India, and the presence of some of the world's most dangerous terrorists on its soil, Pakistan is too important to be left to the devices of its generals. For too long, the United States has sacrificed democracy for order. The results have been less than ideal, especially for the people of Pakistan. Pakistan urgently needs support from the international community to help stabilize its civilian democratic institutions and bolster its economy. Only such support will ensure its stability and reliability as a U.S. partner in the region.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 1308  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 01:19 PM

add quotes to a google map, 
include link to wiki page containing text ... protected

moving notes to a page easy bc in plain text format. copy and paste.

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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 5  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 01:21 PM

read. gives some very interesting and powerful ideas for fixng pakistan and not just treating it as a lost cause... identifies the stakes as global
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 922-23  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 01:24 PM

Much of this has to do with the end of the Cold War, a conflict that turned Latin America into a battleground between U.S. and Soviet proxies.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 923  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 01:25 PM

dan mentioned all the communists he had met
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 924-26  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 01:26 PM

At the same time as U.S. influence has diminished, Latin America's own capabilities have grown. The region has entered into an era of unprecedented economic, political, and diplomatic success. Most visibly, Brazil has emerged as an economic powerhouse, attracting foreign investment with an economy that grew 7.5 percent last year.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 929-30  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 01:27 PM

Santos has been known to tell visiting foreign counterparts that this will be "Latin America's century."
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 930-34  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 01:27 PM

Although star performers such as Brazil and Chile have recently surged ahead, Latin America has yet to realize its full collective diplomatic and political capacity. The problems that have plagued the region in the past -- income inequality, a lack of law and order, illicit trafficking networks -- still exist, threatening to derail its hard-earned successes. Guatemala, to take just one example, not only ranks among the world's poorest countries; it also has one of the highest homicide rates in the world, with 6,000 people murdered each year in a population of only 13 million.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 934  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 01:27 PM

map
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 936-38  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 01:28 PM

No one should underestimate the capacity of the Venezuela-led bloc of quasi-authoritarian leftist governments to stop the regional trend toward greater openness and democracy -- values that the bloc sees as representing a capitulation to the U.S.-controlled global system.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 943-56  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 01:30 PM

The era of U.S. hegemony in Latin America began over a century ago, when the United States started flexing its emerging economic and military might in Central America and the Caribbean. In the jungles and mountains of Nicaragua, Haiti, and the Dominican Republic, American soldiers and diplomats used persuasion, coercion, and force to advance U.S. political and economic interests. During the Cold War, Washington sought to stem the threat of Soviet and Cuban communism, acting directly, for example, when it invaded Grenada in 1983 and Panama in 1989, and indirectly, as when it provided covert funding to undermine Chilean President Salvador Allende's leftist government in the 1970s. Sometimes these efforts worked, as in Chile and Grenada, but often they did not; both the Bay of Pigs operation in 1961 and U.S. efforts to overthrow by proxy the Sandinista regime in Nicaragua in the 1980s were outright failures. For much of the twentieth century, there was a disconnect between Washington's lofty rhetoric of democracy and regional harmony and its demonstrated willingness to jettison these principles when its economic or geopolitical interests were at stake. Even after the Cold War, the United States was accused of peddling its "Washington consensus" of laissez-faire economic policies, such as the privatization of state-owned assets and free-trade agreements, as a sort of neoimperialism. Instead of U.S. marines or CIA agents, blame for doing the empire's bidding was now pinned on the "technocratic imperialists" from the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and the U.S. Treasury Department.Yet over the past decade or so, the United States' willingness and ability to exert control in the region have diminished. This has occurred in part because more important issues, including the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, have forced Latin America down the policymaking food chain.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 958-64  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 01:31 PM

The United States' relationship with Bolivia provides one example of Washington's declining power in the region. Believing that it was time to pay back the Americans for their years of backing his political opponents, Bolivian President Evo Morales expelled the U.S. ambassador and the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration in 2008 and suspended U.S.-funded democracy programs the following year. A decade or so ago, when Bolivia was a faithful client of the United States, it would have been unimaginable for a Bolivian government to even consider such acts, given the diplomatic and financial consequences of provoking Washington's ire. Yet even the ostensibly hard-line George W. Bush administration responded to Morales' repeated diplomatic insults largely with silence. Morales had gone eyeball to eyeball with Washington and lived to tell about it.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 966-67  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 01:31 PM

Yet the region struggled to convert democratic practices, such as open elections, into lasting democratic institutions, such as independent judiciaries.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 968-71  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 01:32 PM

Even in the 1990s, when Latin America finally began to slay inflation and replace it with impressive macroeconomic stability, countries had difficulty translating this into lasting social gains for the entire population. At times, Latin Americans used their newfound electoral power to elect "democratic populists," such as Venezuela's Chávez and Peru's Alberto Fujimori, who often governed in autocratic ways.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 975  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 01:32 PM

Armed revolution is now dead in the region that was once its cradle.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 975  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 01:33 PM

and to think how this influences people in los angeles... or even peple in china 
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 979-83  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 01:34 PM

It has long been said that when the United States catches a cold, Latin America catches the flu. This has certainly been true in the economic realm, where jitters in the U.S. economy could quickly undermine Latin America's chronically weak financial and fiscal fundamentals. But during the recent global economic crisis, Latin America remained relatively unscathed. At the time, many predicted that Latin American governments -- especially leftist ones suspected of being more predisposed to fiscal profligacy -- would turn to the seductive tonic of populism. But leftist governments in Brazil, Chile, and Uruguay, to name a few, responded to the crisis with prudence.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 992-94  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 01:35 PM

Chile a level of policy flexibility during the recent global economic downturn that the United States and many other industrial economies could only envy. As Latin America's achievements suggest, the region is growing up fast. 
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 994  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 01:36 PM

makes me think of all the construction arund the U during the downturn......
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1000-1004  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 01:37 PM

In some quarters, Brazil's responses to developments such as Chávez's ongoing assault on Venezuela's democracy and even the 2009 coup in Honduras have undermined its credibility as a serious leader. (Brasília's reluctance to speak out for hemispheric democracy is particularly inexcusable for a government that includes many officials who suffered under the successive military regimes of the 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s.) Many Latin American officials quietly reveal that they are not eager to see Brazil replace the United States as the hemisphere's hegemon. As one diplomat recently put it, "The new imperialists have arrived, and they speak Portuguese."
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1004-7  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 01:37 PM

Yet Brazil is learning that leadership means responsibility. Relations with its neighbor Bolivia are a case in point. After the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration was kicked out of Bolivia, Brasília belatedly realized that Bolivia's cocaine exports -- most of which are destined for Brazil, Argentina, or Europe -- represented a serious challenge and so stepped up its counternarcotics cooperation with Bolivia.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 1007  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 01:39 PM

i wonder what it was like for them to know they were dealing with a u.s. pesident who was a customr... not in the cia trafficking sense but in the direct sense.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1014-19  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 01:40 PM

Further evidence of Colombia's diplomatic and strategic maturity can be found in the way it has begun exporting its counterinsurgency and counternarcotics expertise to places as far away as Afghanistan. For almost half a century, the Colombian government has waged a bloody war against the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, or FARC. But it has been only in the past several years that the Colombian state, backed by billions of dollars in U.S. assistance, has gained the upper hand. Overwhelmed by this fight until recently, Colombia's security forces now use their hangars and equipment to train pilots from Mexico and Peru and counternarcotics operatives from Afghanistan.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1025-26  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 01:42 PM

And much to the chagrin of some in Brasília, the OAS demonstrated its importance when it helped coordinate the regional diplomatic response following the coup in Honduras in 2009, an effort that likely staved off even greater strife in the country.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1026-29  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 01:42 PM

The OAS also renewed its relevance during its General Assembly meeting that same year, when a debate regarding Cuba's 1962 suspension from the body produced a consensus that Cuba's return to full membership should depend on its transition to democracy. The seemingly moribund organization has shown some surprisingly gritty determination, but there is new competition in the neighborhood. 
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1029-31  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 01:42 PM

the region's authoritarians -- Venezuela's Chávez, Cuba's Fidel and Raúl Castro, and Nicaragua's Daniel Ortega -- have taken the opportunity to expand their own influence. Chávez, the Castro brothers, and Ortega form part of the Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas (ALBA), a band of leftist governments led by Venezuela.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1031-34  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 01:43 PM

Contending that Latin America remains shackled by the imperial United States and its lackeys at the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, members of this group remain committed to a nonaligned diplomacy and seek friendships with the governments of such countries as Iran, Russia, and, to some extent, China.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 1034  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 01:43 PM

castro and mao?
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1040  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 01:44 PM

they are unwilling to confront other governments that undermine such
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1041  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 01:44 PM

rights.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1040-41  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 01:44 PM

they are unwilling to confront other governments that undermine such rights.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1044-50  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 01:45 PM

But these diplomatic spoilers have proved to be the biggest losers in Latin America's realignment. The Chávez model, inherited from Fidel Castro, sees the United States and global capitalism as permanent adversaries. Nothing hurts this approach more than when other Latin American governments, especially leftist democratic ones, opt for and succeed with capitalist, democratic, or U.S.-friendly policies. Indeed, the bloc has ended up enjoying less regional support than its members hoped for. A case in point is the drama surrounding a November 2010 OAS resolution that called for all Costa Rican and Nicaraguan military and security personnel to leave a disputed area on their countries' shared border. In a resounding defeat for the ALBA bloc, which wanted to isolate Costa Rica and the United States by outmaneuvering them diplomatically, 21 countries voted in favor of the resolution, and only four (including Venezuela and Nicaragua) voted against it. 
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1051-56  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 01:45 PM

Iran, Russia, and China have all significantly increased their economic and political footprints in the region. Tehran is seeking to reduce its diplomatic isolation, and Moscow is mostly looking for markets for its weapons industry. Beijing, by far the most significant outside player, is principally concerned with obtaining natural resources. In 2005, it imported over $21 billion worth of goods from Latin America; in 2008, that figure was $71 billion. China has also increased its military engagement with the region, expanding military exchanges and selling sophisticated military equipment. That said, Beijing has generally been cautious in its diplomatic and military outreach, preferring to focus on the more mundane issue of purchasing raw materials.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 1056  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 01:46 PM

lithium
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 1063-64  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 01:47 PM

His deferential yet serious style quickly put the most conspiratorial anti-U.S. critics, such as Chávez, Morales, and Ortega, on the defensive -- where they have remained ever since.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 6  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 01:52 PM

read. this is exactly the kind of article that i subscribed to read. they all are... really great.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 627-32  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 03:15 PM

Over the last century, the Klamath's waters have been diverted for irrigation, polluted by runoff and dammed for hydropower. The number of fall-run Chinook that swim up the river and its tributaries to spawn has in some years amounted to fewer than 20,000, compared to historic populations of half a million. The plummeting levels of native fish have pitted farmers against environmentalists and tribes whose traditional cultures and diets revolved around salmon fishing. Many of the warring parties last year signed two agreements intended to bring peace to the river, which winds from southern Oregon through the Cascade and Coast ranges to California's Pacific Coast.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 649-54  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 03:17 PM

The agreements have strong critics, including the Hoopa Valley tribe, which refused to sign. "The agricultural practices that led to salmon being threatened in the system are the agricultural practices that will be continued," argued Thomas Schlosser, a Seattle attorney who represents the tribe. He cited provisions that call for the continued leasing of wildlife refuge lands for farming and substantial water diversions for irrigation. The agreements require nearly $1 billion in federal funding for water management, habitat restoration and monitoring efforts. PacifiCorp customers in Oregon and California are expected to pay $200 million more to dismantle the dams, and if necessary the state of California would provide as much as $250 million in bond money.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 763-65  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 10:18 PM

The request came three days after an agent in San Diego fatally shot a 40-year-old Tijuana man suspected of injuring an agent by throwing rocks and a nail-studded wooden board.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 765-67  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 10:19 PM

Such incidents typically lead to demands for congressional scrutiny, but Congress in recent years has not taken up the issue. The letter, addressed to congressional committees, was signed by 65 national and regional groups, including the ACLU of San Diego & Imperial Counties and Amnesty International.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Note Loc. 767  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 10:19 PM

imperial canal district... spooky name
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 767-68  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 10:20 PM

Although confrontations between agents and smugglers have declined substantially in recent years, rock throwing is not uncommon in many urban areas where trafficking groups use aggressive tactics to prevent agents from arresting illegal immigrants.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 769  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 10:21 PM

Last year, agents in El Paso killed a teenage boy who was reportedly throwing rocks at them.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 769  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 10:21 PM

Last year, agents
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 769-70  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 10:21 PM

Last year, agents in El Paso killed a teenage boy who was reportedly throwing rocks at them. Other alleged rock throwers were killed in the Arizona towns of Nogales and Douglas within the last year, according to the ACLU. 
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 769-70  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 10:21 PM

Last year, agents in El Paso killed a teenage boy who was reportedly throwing rocks at them. Other alleged rock throwers were killed in the Arizona towns of Nogales and Douglas within the last year, according to the ACLU. Agents
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 769-70  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 10:22 PM

Last year, agents in El Paso killed a teenage boy who was reportedly throwing rocks at them. Other alleged rock throwers were killed in the Arizona towns of Nogales and Douglas within the last year, according to the ACLU.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 770-75  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 10:22 PM

Agents involved in fatal shooting incidents are usually cleared of wrongdoing by local and federal authorities. The agency has said deadly force is justifiable because rocks and other objects can cause disabling and sometimes fatal injuries. Numerous agents have been hospitalized over the years because of head wounds, authorities said. Critics argue that countering rocks with bullets amounts to an unacceptable and disproportionate use of force and should be stopped. "Deadly force should always be an action of last resort and only used if an imminent risk of death is present … to shoot stone throwers is exceptionally disproportionate and inhumane," the letter states.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 776-78  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 10:23 PM

been caught trying to cross the border 17 times since the 1990s. Citing official sources, the newspaper reported that the man worked as a mechanic and was also suspected of being a human smuggler.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 791-93  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 10:23 PM

James "Whitey" Bulger's image seemed set in stone. He was a Boston "Southie," a street punk who climbed out of the projects on a ladder of crime — petty larceny, then burglary, then bank robbery, then at least 21 murders, according to authorities, one in which a man standing in a phone booth was shot so many times his torso was nearly severed from his legs.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 793-95  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 10:23 PM

Savvy and feared, Bulger seized control of a mob empire, running rackets, shakedowns and drug deals over 40 years, officials say, before fleeing Boston in December 1994 on the eve of a federal indictment.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 796  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 10:23 PM

Even as he rose to No. 2 on the most-wanted list, right behind Osama bin Laden, he appeared to be living as an untouchable bon vivant.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Note Loc. 798  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 10:26 PM

MAP THIS
show liyong
date it... show it with our trip... how close is santa onica? thats basically where we were at, vienna beach

even mom anddad tonight asked me aout the weirdos at vienna beach

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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 803-5  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 10:42 PM

His apartment was a half a mile from the ocean at 1012 3rd St. But it was rent-controlled, perhaps 800 square feet, and faced the other direction, toward a truck rental shop and a nursing home. An exit sign cast a green hue over his door, and the dim overhead lights in the hall emitted a constant hum.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 805-8  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 10:45 PM

Most days, other residents said, he was cloistered inside apartment 303 — where he hoarded 30 guns and about $800,000 in cash, sources said. When he ventured out, he still put on an elegant jacket. But he'd turned 81 in September, and his mind appeared to be descending into dementia and paranoid rage, residents said. When his younger, gregarious girlfriend smiled and greeted neighbors, he'd begun barking at her: "Shut up! Don't talk!"
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 814-15  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 10:46 PM

He will also face state murder charges in Florida and in Oklahoma, where he has long been wanted in connection with the slayings of two businessmen.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 815-16  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 10:46 PM

Both states have indicated that they are exploring the possibility of seeking the death penalty; the federal charges would not carry the possibility of a death sentence.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 820-21  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 10:46 PM

"I never thought they'd capture him alive or in the country," said Michael Donahue, 42, who was 13 in 1982, when his father was gunned down, allegedly by Bulger.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 821-23  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 10:47 PM

The elder Michael Donahue had agreed to give a man a ride home from a bar. The man turned out to be an FBI informant; Bulger and an accomplice were waiting outside, and Donahue was killed along with the informant, authorities said.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 826-27  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 10:48 PM

Then on Monday, the FBI launched an unusual media blitz to find the couple — this time, aimed not at him, but at his companion.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 832-35  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 10:48 PM

Greig also had an extensive beauty regimen, which authorities suggest may have been the couple's undoing. A former dental hygienist, she reportedly underwent monthly teeth-whitening sessions and regularly got her hair done, sometimes bringing in her own dye if she found a particular shade she fancied. Authorities also speculated that she had undergone a number of plastic surgery procedures.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 839  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 10:49 PM

A surveillance team moved in Wednesday afternoon and spotted the couple a short time later.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 845-47  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 10:50 PM

"He wasn't a real good kid," saidJohn Baker, 84, who grew up in the Dorchester neighborhood, a block away from the house where the Bulgers lived before moving to nearby South Boston.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Note Loc. 847  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 10:50 PM

tats a loooong timefor an impression to stick
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 847-50  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 10:51 PM

Bulger reportedly started hijacking delivery trucks in the 1950s and then did a nine-year prison term for a bank robbery, a portion of which he served at Alcatraz after allegedly plotting an escape from custody. After his release, he joined the Winter Hill Gang, the most powerful gang in South Boston. In the 1970s, an arrest at the top of the gang provided an opening. Bulger seized control and became the most notorious gangster in Boston, according to authorities.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 859-60  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 10:52 PM

paying $1,145 in rent each month, always on time and always in cash.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 875-77  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 10:52 PM

Our Lady of Guadalupe mysteriously appeared in Encinitas a few days before Easter, not on a piece of toast, but riding a surfboard with her palms joined in prayer and an enigmatic Mona Lisa smile.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 877  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 10:53 PM

She arrived seemingly out of thin air — beautifully
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 877-81  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 10:53 PM

She arrived seemingly out of thin air — beautifully rendered in a 10-foot-square mosaic of stained glass and stone that had been attached to a concrete railroad bridge without anyone noticing. Mother Mary's stance in the tube of a Tahitian-sized wave indicated she was no amateur. Her right foot forward on the board made her a goofy foot. Who knew? "Save the Ocean" was spelled out down the artwork's left side. Locals in this funky San Diego County beach town called her the Surfing Madonna. Pilgrims paid tribute, taking photos and leaving flowers and the occasional votive candle.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 881-83  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 10:53 PM

City officials, though, labeled the work graffiti and began the process of having it removed. The affair was reported on locally and eventually went viral, with Facebook and Twitter pages rallying to save the Surfing Madonna.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 883-85  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 10:53 PM

"I didn't expect the kind of reaction it got. We put it up at 2 o'clock in the afternoon, so it's not like I was sneaking around," said Mark Patterson, a 58-year-old long-time local who came forward earlier this month to claim authorship. "I've driven past that railroad bridge a million times. It always looked to me like a perfect frame."
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1532-34  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 10:57 PM

An invitation-only conference of wealthy conservative activists organized by the billionaire brothers Charles and David Koch will convene just outside Vail, Colo., this weekend.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1536-37  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 10:57 PM

The groups have urged their followers to arrive with signs that read, "UnVail the Kochs," "Corporations are not people," and "Stop the War on the Middle Class."
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1544-46  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 10:58 PM

The Richmond Times-Dispatch reports that Virginia Gov. Bob McDonnell will attend. In the past, attendees have included GOP leaders and commentator Glenn Beck. House Republican leader Eric Cantor of Virginia attended the Palm Springs event in January.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1546-48  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 10:58 PM

Koch spokeswoman Nancy Pfotenhauer, in an interview in Palm Springs in January, said the event, "brings together some of America’s greatest philanthropists and job creators…who share a common belief that the current level of government spending in our nation is simply unsustainable.”
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Note Loc. 1547  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 10:59 PM

scary
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1568-69  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 11:18 PM

Afterward, a lightning-fast photo opportunity saw Khama and Obama pose side-by-side by the U.S. flag and the a blue, black and white flag of Botswana, which won its independence from the British in 1966.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1588-90  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 11:20 PM

"If the president believes that missile strikes and drone operations taking place in Libya are critical, it is his responsibility to explain [that] to the American people and to seek authorization from this Congress. Because the president has failed to do that ... we are here today," House Speaker John Boehner said from the floor before the vote.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1590-92  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 11:20 PM

The White House argues that because the United States is acting as a part of NATO, its engagement does not meet the definition of "hostilities" that requires congressional authorization under the War Powers Act.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2212-14  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 11:34 PM

Las Vegas: Bright lights, dance city With all its pool parties and nightclubs, the desert landmark is fast overtaking Ibiza, Spain, as the electronic dance music capital of the world. The Electric Daisy Carnival is only the latest proof.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2223-25  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 11:35 PM

It was Memorial Day weekend 2010 and the internationally famous American DJ Kaskade was standing in his hotel room on the 35th floor of the Encore hotel in Las Vegas looking down on the pool of the just-opened Encore Beach Club.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2225-26  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 11:36 PM

"There were thousands of people inside, and I could see thousands of people trying to get in," said Kaskade, whose real name is Ryan Raddon, by phone recently from Brazil, where he was due to spin that night. "When it was over, we were grinning ear to ear."
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2228-29  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 11:36 PM

electronic dance music capital of the world, beating even Ibiza, the Spanish island long known for its hedonistic nightlife and top-name talent.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2230-32  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 11:36 PM

the nightclub business has floated Vegas during the recession and has grown by as much 20% annually over the last five years. Vegas is adding between three and five major nightclubs per year and now has more than 50.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2232-34  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 11:37 PM

According to Nightclub & Bar Magazine and the food service industry research and consulting firm Technomic Inc., which produce an annual list of the nation's leading nightclubs, bars and lounges, Vegas nightclubs account for 12 of the top 20.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2235-39  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 11:37 PM

And Vegas nightclubs are multimillion-dollar, multilevel temples to revelry. Take this year's hottest new club, Marquee at the Cosmopolitan hotel, a $50-million, 60,000-square-foot palace with coliseum-style seating and two dance floors. "The layout of the entire room is focused on the DJ," says co-founder Jason Strauss, adding that Marquee was the first club on the Las Vegas Strip to commit to electronic music programming on both Friday and Saturday nights.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2240-42  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 11:38 PM

the Electric Daisy Carnival, comes to the Las Vegas Motor Speedway. It will feature more than 150 artists with attendance projected to top 250,000, according to Pasquale Rotella, chief executive and founder of Insomniac Events, which produces the festival.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2245-50  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 11:38 PM

The boom in electronic music isn't all sizzling dance moves, however. The genre has long been known to attract a young crowd that is prone to experiments with drugs, particularly Ecstasy. A 19-year-old died at the Electric Daisy Carnival in Dallas this month, and a 15-year-old died of an Ecstasy overdose at last year's event at the Coliseum in Los Angeles, although Rotella says that "as tragic of a situation as that was, it wasn't why we took EDC to Vegas." Meanwhile, Las Vegas police said they will bring extra vigilance to the festival, deploying undercover narcotics officers to augment the more than 1,000 private security personnel.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2250-53  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 11:39 PM

Whatever happens this weekend, however, it's not likely to hinder the Vegas challenge to European hot spots as a dance capital. Clubs here are now part of the regular circuit of globe-trotting DJs such as Tiësto, Paul van Dyk, David Guetta, Dirty South, Kaskade, Deadmau5 and Armin van Buuren. Veterans of the club scene here trace the rise to 2008, when British DJ Paul Oakenfold began a long-term residency at the Palm's nightclub Rain.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2254-57  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 11:39 PM

"The casinos are spending a lot of money marketing their nightclubs and branding the DJs with them," says Zimmerman. And because Vegas is a transient market, "if you do more volume in Vegas over a period of time, you hit a humungous population base, which is the reason we would actually say to an artist, 'Why don't you play in Vegas 20 times this year?'"
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2258-62  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 11:40 PM

Christie, who in addition to his role at Encore Beach Club is also an operating partner of Surrender nightclub at Encore, where Steve Aoki is the resident DJ and musical director, says that this year's Memorial Day weekend was the biggest the city has ever seen in terms of nightclubs and pool parties. "As a whole, it was the most traffic I've seen coming into town. Outside of major festivals, I don't know that there has been that kind of collection of talent in one city in America. We had pretty much every major DJ in one town."
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2275-78  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 11:41 PM

skirting traditional shipping lanes to avoid air pollution curbs, prompting California officials Thursday to extend the state's clean-fuel zone beyond the Channel Islands. The unanimous vote by the California Air Resources Board came after strong protests from the U.S. Navy that the jump in commercial ship traffic across the Point Mugu Sea Range was "seriously jeopardizing successful completion of vital Department of Defense testing and training missions."
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2278-79  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 11:41 PM

California's clean-fuel zone, which took effect in July 2009, is the toughest ship pollution rule in the world, requiring oceangoing vessels to substitute less-polluting oil for the bunker fuel they commonly use.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2281-83  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 11:41 PM

But shippers began to travel beyond the islands — motoring through the 36,000-square-mile area where the Navy conducts tests involving missiles, ships, submarines and aircraft. Since the clean-fuel zone took effect, the number of ship transits through Navy waters jumped from an average of two a day to as many as 15 a day, according to the Navy.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2285-86  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 11:42 PM

More than 40% of U.S. imports travel through the ports of Los Angeles and Long Beach.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2292-99  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 11:43 PM

Using the longer route outside the Channel Islands has saved shippers about $6,000 per round-trip, according to the air board, because bunker fuel is cheaper than cleaner alternatives. The two industry officials who testified Thursday, Dan Krokosky of Chevron Shipping and Henry Pak of Hanjin Shipping, did not object to the extension. Instead, they urged the board to delay until 2015 the next phase of clean-fuel rules, which require a transition from fuel with 1% sulfur content to fuel with 0.1% sulfur content. "It is unlikely that anyone is going to sell this 0.1% fuel," Krokosky said, adding that the fuel's viscosity had created safety issues. "One of the dangers is that a ship will not start," he said. Air board officials acknowledged that 2% of vessels using the lowest sulfur fuel have experienced propulsion failures. But they said the technical issues are being resolved.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2393-95  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 11:44 PM

The Obama administration announced Thursday that it planned to release 30 million barrels of oil from the Strategic Petroleum Reserve, as part of a coordinated international effort to drive down high crude prices and revive the flagging economic recovery in the world's most industrialized countries.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2395-96  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 11:45 PM

decision sparked a plunge in crude oil prices in the U.S. and Europe.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2398-99  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 11:45 PM

The oil will be released over the next 30 days, according to Energy Secretary Steven Chu, constituting half the 60 million barrels that the nations in the International Energy Agency plan to bring to market.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2401-4  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 11:45 PM

FOR THE RECORD: Oil prices: An earlier online version of this article stated that crude oil prices had stayed at or above $100 a barrel since February. Prices have been below $100 a barrel recently, and crude oil closed at $95.41 on Wednesday. Crude oil prices, which peaked at $113.93 a barrel on April 29, have slid as the economy has shown more signs of weakness.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2405-7  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 11:45 PM

Fighting in Libya has caused a loss of about 1.5 million barrels of oil per day from global markets, according to the Energy Department. Despite the absence of Libyan oil, there is no shortage of oil in the world. But nervousness about unrest spreading to other Arab oil producers, speculative investment in the oil markets and the revival of the Chinese and Indian economies have pushed crude prices to painful levels.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Note Loc. 2407  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 11:46 PM

even a relatively small scale supplier like libya exhibits enormous control over the world economy...
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2456  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 11:50 PM

Dr. Denise Faustman of Massachusetts General Hospital
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2485-89  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 11:51 PM

NASA's pioneering Dawn spacecraft, a year late in being launched and 20% over budget, is slowly creeping up on the protoplanet Vesta and is expected to enter orbit around it about July 16, the first stop on a remarkable journey that will later take the craft to the larger dwarf planet Ceres. The craft, the largest probe ever launched by NASA, is about half-way through its three-month approach phase to Vesta, 96,000 miles away and closing in at the sedate speed of about 260 mph.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2489-91  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 11:51 PM

The whole procedure is happening so slowly, in terms of normal asteroid flybys and planetary encounters, that scientists at the Jet Propulsion Laboratory in La Cañada Flintridge will not be able to calculate precisely when the craft entered orbit until after the fact.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2491-92  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 11:52 PM

The craft's visit to Vesta will be the first prolonged encounter with an object in the main asteroid belt that lies between Mars and Jupiter and the first trip to a protoplanet, a large body that almost became a planet.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2497-98  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 11:53 PM

said Carol Raymond of JPL, deputy principal investigator for Dawn. Learning about it "will give us better tools to understand the thousands of fragments that are out there in the asteroid belt."
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2499-2500  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 11:53 PM

Those problems also raised the cost of the mission from a planned $373 million to $446 million at launch.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2500-2503  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 11:54 PM

Dawn is a unique craft and mission on a variety of accounts. For one, it is not powered by a conventional rocket engine but by three ion engines. Electrical fields produced by two 27-foot solar panels accelerate xenon ions to high speed, expelling them out the three engines and providing a thrust about the same as "a single piece of paper pressing down on your hand," according to JPL's Robert Mase, the Dawn project manager.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2503-4  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 11:54 PM

That may not seem like much, but by the time the craft has used up its load of 937 pounds of xenon, the engines will have provided 24,000 mph of velocity change.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2508-10  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 11:55 PM

10,000 miles high, but it will spiral in, eventually getting as close as 120 miles above the surface, where it should produce breathtaking pictures of the craters. Spectrometers on the craft will also map minerals on the surface and in the craters, which should lead to a clearer picture of how Vesta formed.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2516-17  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 11:55 PM

Recent research suggests that the 606-mile-wide dwarf planet may hold a buried ocean under a thick layer of ice. Some estimates suggest that Ceres might even have more water than Earth itself.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2571-73  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 11:56 PM

The Supreme Court gave the pharmaceutical industry a pair of victories, shielding the makers of generic drugs from most lawsuits by injured patients and declaring that drug makers have a free-speech right to buy private prescription records to boost their sales pitches to doctors. In
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Note Loc. 2573  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 11:56 PM

whaaaaaaat
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2576-77  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 11:57 PM

But in a 5-4 decision, the high court said this same legal duty to warn patients of newly revealed dangers did not extend to the makers of copy-cat generic drugs.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2587-89  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 11:58 PM

But the dissenters, led by Justice Sonia Sotomayor, said the generic drug maker should have alerted the FDA to the danger and then updated its warning label. "This outcome makes little sense," she wrote. Justices Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Stephen G. Breyer and Elena Kagan agreed.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2594-95  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 11:59 PM

Several data-mining firms have made a billion-dollar business out of buying and selling the prescription data to drug makers and researchers.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2595-98  | Added on Saturday, June 25, 2011, 11:59 PM

Writing for the court, Justice Anthony M. Kennedy said that "information is speech," and that under the 1st Amendment, the government usually cannot restrict speech because it does not approve of the message. "If pharmaceutical marketing affects treatment decisions," he said, it does so because doctors find it persuasive.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2600-2602  | Added on Sunday, June 26, 2011, 12:00 AM

Sen. Patrick J. Leahy (D-Vt.), chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, criticized the decision for having "overturned a sensible Vermont law that sought to protect the privacy of the doctor-patient relationship."
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2617-19  | Added on Sunday, June 26, 2011, 12:01 AM

On Thursday, Kimberley Process Chairman Mathieu Yamba said Zimbabwe would be allowed to export rough diamonds from Marange under a system of minimal human rights oversight, participants said. The regulatory group's decisions are supposed to be made by consensus, but the United States, Canada and the European Union swiftly protested.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2623-27  | Added on Sunday, June 26, 2011, 12:02 AM

The Kimberley Process was created by the United Nations in 2003 to ensure that the trade in diamonds did not contribute to human rights abuses. But Thursday's decision calls into question its effectiveness. The Process grew out of the trade in blood diamonds that financed brutal rebel groups in Sierra Leone and Liberia. Many member countries and diamond-industry representatives argue that the Process was not meant to address state-sponsored violence, like that in Zimbabwe.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2646-47  | Added on Sunday, June 26, 2011, 12:03 AM

Children, mothers and grandparents have fled to Tunisia to escape the batteries of missiles launched from the valley below by military forces loyal to the longtime Libyan strongman.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2649-53  | Added on Sunday, June 26, 2011, 12:04 AM

centered on Tripoli and the large rebel-held cities of Benghazi and Misurata, the uprising is also playing out in rugged mountain communities in the west, near the Tunisian border, where Libya's long-oppressed Berber minority sees its own chance to shake off Kadafi's four-decade rule. The fighters here, who are increasingly in contact with rebels in Benghazi and elsewhere, also view it as an opportunity to help stretch Kadafi's forces: the more troops tied down in the west, the fewer available to control Tripoli or attack other rebel-held areas, primarily in eastern Libya.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2653  | Added on Sunday, June 26, 2011, 12:04 AM

Kadafi's forces, meanwhile, see Nalut as strategically important for cutting off supply lines from Tunisia
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2672-75  | Added on Sunday, June 26, 2011, 12:05 AM

Kadafi's forces have prevented residents from tending to their fields and have killed off livestock on farms at the foot of the mountains, denying them access to food save for expensive imports from Tunisia. Kadafi has also stopped gasoline supplies and cut off the city's utilities. "There's no electricity and there's no water," said Mohammad Naluti, 21, a university student who volunteers as a liaison between the city's military and media committees. "Who would want to live here?"
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 790-94  | Added on Sunday, June 26, 2011, 02:30 PM

But such bailouts are only stop-gap measures. Portugal and Spain, and to a lesser extent Belgium and Italy, remain vulnerable to pressure from bondholders. Portugal is likely to receive 50-100 billion euros over the next few months. But should Spain also need a bailout -- which could cost as much as 600 billion euros -- the 750 billion euro European Financial Stability Facility would soon be exhausted. In that event, the main euro creditors, primarily British, French, and German banks, might have to accept so-called haircuts, substantial cuts in the principals of their loans.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 801-2  | Added on Sunday, June 26, 2011, 02:31 PM

Germany had already incorporated such a cap into its own constitution, one that severely restricts any government deficit spending, including the kind that might benefit the country's long-term growth.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 807-8  | Added on Sunday, June 26, 2011, 02:45 PM

version of the gold standard, which wreaked economic havoc in the 1920s and led to a toxic political fallout.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 817-21  | Added on Sunday, June 26, 2011, 02:47 PM

As they begin to adopt Germany's model, or something along those lines, the other eurozone states will find it nearly impossible to use fiscal stimulus in times of crisis. And with monetary policy already in the hands of the dogmatically anti-inflationary European Central Bank, their only means of adjusting to crises will be to stand by as wages fall and unemployment soars. Ireland -- with its collapsed tax revenues, massive cuts in government spending, shrinking wages, and skyrocketing unemployment -- is the unhappy exemplar of rigid austerity measures in the new Europe.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 822-25  | Added on Sunday, June 26, 2011, 02:47 PM

Today, they are more suspicious. And if they come to think that further European integration is causing more economic hardship, their suspicion could harden into bitterness and perhaps even xenophobia. Ireland's new finance minister, Michael Noonan, has told voters that the EU is a game rigged in Germany's favor; editorials in major Irish newspapers warn of Germany's return to racist imperialism. As economic shocks hit other EU countries, politicians in those states will also look for someone to blame.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 837-39  | Added on Sunday, June 26, 2011, 02:51 PM

Instituting effective long-term reforms will be a harder sell. Germany adopted its own large-scale fiscal stimulus in 2009, but it returned to its traditional anti-Keynesian stance as soon as the danger of total systemic collapse had passed. Yet Keynesianism, at least properly understood, is the only way forward.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 845-50  | Added on Sunday, June 26, 2011, 02:52 PM

If anything, "hard" Keynesianism suggests that the problem with the macroeconomic rules governing the euro is not that they are too tough and too detailed but that they are not tough or detailed enough. States in the eurozone should not be allowed to run moderate budget deficits in boom years, the Keynesian argument goes; instead, they should be compelled to run budget surpluses. The surpluses could then be saved in rainy-day funds or used to pay down government debt or, if the country had reached a satisfactory debt-to-GDP ratio, spent as a fiscal stimulus in the event of a crisis. Unlike the kind of budget management advocated by the German government, this approach does not seek to eliminate or minimize governments' leeway to conduct fiscal policy. It gives governments up-front the means to manage demand whenever they might need to.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 625-27  | Added on Sunday, June 26, 2011, 03:08 PM

Meanwhile, the International Monetary Fund predicts that by mid-decade, in terms of GDP, India will have exceeded Germany, Brazil will have outpaced France and the United Kingdom, Mexico will have passed Canada, and Indonesia and Turkey will have superseded Australia.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 693-97  | Added on Sunday, June 26, 2011, 06:31 PM

Granted, the phenomenon of bilateral and regional trade agreements has been the result in part of a vicious cycle. Countries have pursued these agreements because Doha is faltering and bilateral and regional agreements can deliver commercial results; Doha is faltering in part because some countries think they can avoid difficult decisions by opting for easier bilateral or regional talks instead. But as the Doha talks meander, the international community may be reaching a tipping point, where the pursuit of these lesser agreements becomes the preferred option.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 7  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 01:52 AM

read
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 379-83  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 01:55 AM

The ICC needs a new leader who has not only the necessary prosecutorial, diplomatic, and managerial skills but also a keen sense of the importance of this moment in the development of the still fledgling institution. To achieve the ICC's promise as a global court, the parties to the Rome Statute must select a prosecutor who can meet the court's most serious challenges: concluding trials; convincing governments to arrest fugitives; conducting credible investigations in difficult places, such as Libya and Sudan; and expanding the ICC's reach beyond Africa. This may be a lot to ask for, but the future of the ICC depends on it.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 416-18  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 01:59 AM

China, Russia, and the United States have chosen not to join it, for instance, for fear that it might one day take aim at their own nationals. Washington has slowly been softening its position, but it remains wary. Earlier this year, in an unprecedented show of support for the court, it voted for the Security Council's referral of the Libya situation.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 471-75  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 02:07 AM

But with all its formal investigations targeting African states -- the Central African Republic, Congo, Kenya, Libya, Sudan, and Uganda -- the court has also invited the charge that it is an agent for postcolonial Western interests. This is unfortunate. For one thing, Africa is the setting for innumerable atrocities, and international attention to them should be welcomed, not shunned. For another, the ICC has been conducting preliminary examinations (inquiries that may or may not turn into formal investigations) outside Africa, including in Afghanistan, Colombia, Georgia, Honduras, and the Palestinian territories.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 519-20  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 02:12 AM

When it comes to the LRA file, the main challenge for the next prosecutor will be to continue to press for arrests without appearing powerless in the face of ongoing atrocities.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 7  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 02:17 AM

read
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 209-14  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 02:18 AM

For much of its history, the United States drew on the strength of its citizens in times of crisis, with volunteers joining fire brigades and civilians enlisting or being drafted to fight the nation's wars. But during the Cold War, keeping the threat of a nuclear holocaust at bay required career military and intelligence professionals operating within a large, complex, and highly secretive national security establishment. The sheer size and lethality of U.S. and Soviet nuclear arsenals rendered civil defense measures largely futile. By the time the Berlin Wall came down and the Soviet Union collapsed, two generations of Americans had grown accustomed to sitting on the sidelines and the national security community had become used to operating in a world of its own.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 252-58  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 02:24 AM

On the surface, it seems sensible to avoid releasing information about vulnerabilities or security measures that potential adversaries could exploit. But this insularity often undermines the defense of critical infrastructure, such as seaports, dams, and waterworks. In determining the best way to protect a suspension bridge, for example, the bridge's chief engineer is likely to have ideas that would not occur to a law enforcement or military professional working in the Department of Homeland Security. But government officials frequently fail to consult that engineer. They will share security information only with vetted company security officers, who in turn are barred from passing this information on to senior executives and managers who do not hold active security clearances. As a result, investment and operational decisions are often made with scant attention paid to the potential security stakes.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 258-72  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 02:25 AM

The U.S. government should increase its transparency with the broader public as well. Many policymakers believe that candor about potential dangers may generate excessive public fear. Yet the secrecy reflex often contributes to public anxiety. People are most frightened when they sense their vulnerability to threats but feel powerless to address them. U.S. officials have stated for nearly a decade that terrorism is a clear and present danger, but they have given citizens little information about how to cope with that hazard. Instead, citizens are told to proceed with their daily routines because the government is hard at work protecting them. The psychological effect of this is similar to that of a doctor telling a patient that she is suffering from a potentially life-threatening illness but providing only vague guidance about how to combat it. No one wants to receive disturbing news from his physician, but a prognosis becomes less stressful when doctors provide patients with all the details, a clear description of the available treatments, and the opportunity to make decisions that allow the patient to assert some personal control over the outcome. In the same way, the U.S. government can decrease fears of terrorism by giving the American public the information it needs to better withstand, rapidly recover from, and adapt to the next major terrorist attack. Flight attendants routinely tell passengers that they may need to use their seat cushions to stay afloat in the event of an emergency water landing. Although escaping a plane in the water is a frightening scenario, this safety instruction does not generate panic among passengers. Similarly, there is no reason why civilians should not be told what bombs and detonators look like, on the very remote chance that someone like the "Christmas Day bomber" ends up seated next to one of them on a plane. Having better-informed airport workers, flight crews, and passengers could prove a far more effective safeguard than deploying hundreds of new body scanners at airports.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 304-5  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 02:30 AM

Building societal resilience requires a bottom-up, open, and participatory process -- that is, the exact inverse of the way U.S. policymakers have approached homeland security to date.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 340-42  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 02:36 AM

The approaching tenth anniversary of September 11 will provide Obama with an opportunity to recalibrate the nation's approach to homeland security. While honoring the enormous sacrifice of the U.S. armed forces and those who have been working to protect the U.S. homeland, he should ask citizens to step forward and assume their own unique role.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 348-50  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 02:37 AM

It is long past time for Washington to stop treating civil society as a child to be sheltered and to acknowledge the limits and counterproductive consequences of relying so heavily on protective measures. In good times and bad, the greatest asset of the United States has always been its people.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 7  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 02:37 AM

read
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 144-45  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 10:18 AM

Totalitarianism is a twentieth-century enterprise that would have been impossible to realize in premodern, nonindustrialized societies.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 176-79  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 10:22 AM

in post-Baathist Iraq, boxes of files containing hundreds of pages of correspondence from the Office of the President providing guidance on the minutiae of wall posters and paintings and murals and monuments made in Baghdad under Saddam, even as he was waging wars with Iran, Kuwait, and the United States: this is the true measure of totalitarian culture, not what this or that Iraqi artist said about art before Saddam even came to power. 
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 8  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 10:24 AM

read
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 8  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 10:29 AM

read. at progress and the pat in latin america. eated to a jan/feb article.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 8  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 10:29 AM

read. on progress and the past in latin america. eated to a jan/feb article.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 8  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 10:29 AM

read. on progress and the past in latin america. related to a jan/feb article.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 29-32  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 10:30 AM

Although Altman and Haass expect markets to remain calm "possibly for two or three years," the rising price of gold suggests otherwise. Gold has risen from $460 per ounce to $1,400 per ounce in the last five years -- representing a 67 percent devaluation of the U.S. dollar per unit of gold. As former U.S. Federal Reserve Chair Alan Greenspan has said, gold is "the ultimate means of payment."
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 33-35  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 10:31 AM

At 4.6 years, the average maturity of the U.S. federal debt held by the public (debt that now totals $9.1 trillion) is tight relative to, for instance, the average maturity of 13.5 years for British government debt. According to the International Monetary Fund, the maturing debt of the U.S. government will equal 18.1 percent of U.S. GDP during 2011 alone.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 35-38  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 10:31 AM

Altman and Haass rightly note that the U.S. government's annual interest expense will rise dramatically as its stock of debt increases and interest rates inevitably rise. Further debt increases would substantially darken the fiscal outlook for the federal government. And even a relatively small rise in interest rates would have a significant impact.
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 9  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 10:34 AM

read
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May-Jun 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 9  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 10:34 AM

read. cary perspectiveof rising gold prices and consequence of future debt
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Foreign Affairs (Subcription or (free) Registration) (calibre)
- Bookmark on Page 74 | Loc. 1134  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 10:36 AM


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Foreign Affairs (Subcription or (free) Registration) (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 1 | Loc. 4-6  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 10:36 AM

With European NATO allies drastically reducing their defense spending, there were legitimate fears as to whether they could still afford to respond to such complex crises.
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Foreign Affairs (Subcription or (free) Registration) (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 1 | Loc. 10-12  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 10:37 AM

The mission in Libya has revealed three important truths about military intervention today. First, to those who claimed that Afghanistan was to be NATO's last out-of-area mission, it has shown that unpredictability is the very essence of security.
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Foreign Affairs (Subcription or (free) Registration) (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 1 | Loc. 12-15  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 10:37 AM

Second, it has proved that in addition to frontline capabilities, such as fighter-bombers and warships, so-called enablers, such as surveillance and refueling aircraft, as well as drones, are critical parts of any modern operation. And third, it has revealed that NATO allies do not lack military capabilities. Any shortfalls have been primarily due to political, rather than military, constraints.
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The Philosophers' Magazine (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 199-202  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 10:43 AM

Hume left for posthumous publication a work that remains as important and as urgent today as when it was first written: Dialogues Concerning Natural Religion. It should be (but, alas, is not) read by anyone who even thinks of inferring from the remarkable order and arrangement of the observable world as we know it the presence of an intelligent design of a concerned creator of the universe.
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The Philosophers' Magazine (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 215-23  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 10:45 AM

It is for Hume’s sympathetic attention to the complexity of human nature, and for his trying to do justice to it at the deepest levels of philosophical reflection, that we should honour his memory. He was a great philosopher who made lasting contributions to a subject fundamental to the understanding of human life. But for all his philosophical greatness, he was also, as a philosopher, a great man, an admirable human being. And for this too he should be honoured today, as he was at the time of his death. His life-long friend Adam Smith wrote in retrospect not only of Hume’s writings and achievements, which he admired above all others, but of Hume’s “temper [which] … seemed more happily balanced than that perhaps of any other man I have ever known … that gaiety of temper, so agreeable in society, … was in him certainly attended with the most severe application, the most extensive learning, the greatest depth of thought, and a capacity in every respect the most comprehensive. Upon the whole, I have always considered him, both in his lifetime and since his death, as approaching as nearly to the idea of a perfectly wise and virtuous man, as perhaps the nature of human frailty will permit.”
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02 The Restaurant at the End of the Universe (Douglas Adams)
- Highlight Loc. 538-39  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 10:47 AM

This was the gist of the notice. It said "The Guide is definitive. Reality is frequently inaccurate."
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Mar-Apr 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 2823-26  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 06:23 PM

Today, the United States lacks the resources to continue as the primary provider of global public goods. Europe is fully occupied for the moment with saving the eurozone. Japan is likewise tied down with complex political and economic problems at home. None of these powers’ governments has the time, resources, or domestic political capital needed for a new bout of international heavy lifting.
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Mar-Apr 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 2826-28  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 06:23 PM

Meanwhile, there are no credible answers to transnational challenges without the direct involvement of emerging powers such as Brazil, China, and India. Yet these countries are far too focused on domestic development to welcome the burdens that come with new responsibilities abroad.
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Mar-Apr 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 2828-29  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 06:23 PM

We are now living in a G-Zero world, one in which no single country or bloc of countries has the political and economic leverage -- or the will -- to drive a truly international agenda.
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Mar-Apr 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 2834-37  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 06:24 PM

In 1997, the U.S.-dominated G-7 became the U.S.-dominated G-8, as U.S. and European policymakers pulled Russia into the club. This change did not reflect a shift in the world’s balance of power. It was simply an effort to bolster Russia’s fragile democracy and help prevent the country from sliding back into communism or nationalist militarism.
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Mar-Apr 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 2839-41  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 06:25 PM

In September 2008, fears that the global economy stood on the brink of catastrophe hastened the inevitable transition to the G-20, an organization that includes the world’s largest and most important emerging-market states.
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Mar-Apr 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 2863-67  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 06:28 PM

In fact, global defense policy has always been essentially a zero-sum game, as one country or bloc of countries works to maximize its defense capabilities in ways that (deliberately or indirectly) challenge the military preeminence of its rivals. International commerce is a different game; trade can benefit all players. But the divergence of economic interests in the wake of the financial crisis has undermined global economic cooperation, throwing a wrench into the gears of globalization.
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Mar-Apr 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 2869-71  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 06:28 PM

combination of Washington’s declining international clout, on the one hand, and sharp policy disagreements, on the other -- both between developed and developing states and between the United States and Europe -- has created a vacuum of international leadership just at the moment when it is most needed.
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Mar-Apr 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 2890-92  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 06:32 PM

Asset and financial protectionism are on the rise, too. A Chinese state-owned oil company attempted to purchase the U.S. energy firm Unocal in 2005, and a year later, the state-owned Dubai Ports World tried to purchase a company that would allow it to operate several U.S. ports: both ignited a political furor in Washington.
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Mar-Apr 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 2904-11  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 06:35 PM

Following previous crises in emerging markets, such as the Asian financial meltdown of the late 1990s, policymakers in those economies committed themselves to maintaining weak currencies, running current account surpluses, and self-insuring against liquidity runs by accumulating huge foreign exchange reserves. This strategy grew in part from a mistrust that the IMF could be counted on to act as the lender of last resort. Deficit countries, such as the United States, see such accumulations of reserves as a form of trade mercantilism that prevents undervalued currencies from appreciating. Emerging-market economies, in turn, complain that U.S. fiscal and current account deficits could eventually cause the collapse of the U.S. dollar, even as these deficits help build up the dollar assets demanded by those countries accumulating reserves. This is a rerun of the old Triffin dilemma, an economic observation of what happens when the country that produces the reserve currency must run deficits to provide international liquidity, deficits that eventually debase the currency’s value as a stable international reserve.
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Mar-Apr 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 2914-17  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 06:35 PM

Nor is it likely that China’s yuan will soon supplant the dollar as a major reserve currency, because for the yuan to do so, Beijing would have to allow its exchange rate to fluctuate, reduce its controls on capital inflows and outflows, liberalize its domestic capital markets, and create markets for yuan-denominated debt. That is a long-term process that would present many near-term threats to China’s political and economic stability.
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Mar-Apr 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 2922-26  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 06:37 PM

From 1945 until 1990, the global balance of power was defined primarily by relative differences in military capability. It was not market-moving innovation or cultural dynamism that bolstered the Soviet bloc’s prominence within a bipolar international system. It was raw military power. Today, it is the centrality of China and other emerging powers to the future of the global economy, not the numbers of their citizens under arms or the weapons at their disposal, that make their choices crucial for the United States’ future. This is the core of the G-Zero
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Mar-Apr 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Note Loc. 2  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 06:39 PM

read. depressing aticle about power vacuum in world.
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Mar-Apr 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Highlight Loc. 2696-98  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 06:42 PM

By the end of the decade, a vast national network of service providers had emerged to administer these courses and other services -- at a cost of some 140 million euros ($186 million) a year. (The U.S. government, in comparison, spent $18 million last year to facilitate integration.)
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Mar-Apr 2011 (CharlesMartinReid.com)
- Bookmark Loc. 2705  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 06:46 PM


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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 63 | Loc. 952-55  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 08:16 PM

Many of the Chinese migrants who came to California to work on the railroads — and later in agriculture — were farmers who brought with them specialized knowledge of oranges, a fruit that originated in China. They were able to efficiently pick and pack oranges for mass consumption in the U.S., Akin said. "It was the Chinese laborers who carried the horticultural knowledge of citrus that was responsible for making Riverside the center of the citrus industry," she said.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 93 | Loc. 1420-21  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 08:46 PM

TSA spokesman Nico Melendez said that the security measures are based "on what we have learned from intelligence and the tactics used by our adversaries."
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Note on Page 93 | Loc. 1421  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 08:46 PM

what the fuuuuck
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 134 | Loc. 2053-55  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 08:51 PM

By 1990, work had shut down. The site sat fenced off for most of the decade as the pair battled in court — and were sued in turn by business partners who said they had been stiffed, including the noted golf course designer Robert Trent Jones Jr. When
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Note on Page 134 | Loc. 2055  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 08:52 PM

what a bunch of good for nothing human trash. non contributing zeroes.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 135 | Loc. 2059-61  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 08:52 PM

Marsch's dealings with San Diego's power elite went back decades: He had sold a Breckenridge, Colo., ski condo in 1979 to a group including Roger Hedgecock, a county supervisor and later San Diego mayor who wound up convicted for his role in a campaign-finance scandal.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Note on Page 135 | Loc. 2061  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 08:53 PM

again. human trash.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 135 | Loc. 2069  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 08:55 PM

taxes owed on earnings from the Bridges.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Note on Page 135 | Loc. 2069  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 08:55 PM

i did nt know tha a corporation can pay for your taxes
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 136 | Loc. 2084-86  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 08:58 PM

"Does it really take me dragging Lennar through trial … to end up as James Cameron did collecting what is owed to me and showing Lennar's accounting to be the fraud that it is?" Marsch wrote.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Note on Page 136 | Loc. 2086  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 08:58 PM

omg somebody shut this guy the fuck up
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 137 | Loc. 2098  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 09:02 PM

Petrocelli,
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Note on Page 137 | Loc. 2098  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 09:02 PM

ummmmm wtf
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 4 | Loc. 51-53  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 09:13 PM

After government-backed protests in Hanoi demanded that China respect Vietnam’s territorial claims in the South China Sea, the two countries conducted a joint naval patrol in disputed waters. China urged America to avoid getting involved in the dispute.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 4 | Loc. 48-50  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 09:13 PM

China released Ai Weiwei on bail from detention, after the artist and human-rights activist admitted evading tax. Mr Ai was arrested in April as he boarded a flight for Hong Kong, and was held in secret without access to a lawyer. China said it released Mr Ai for “his good attitude in confessing his crimes” and because of a chronic illness.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 4 | Loc. 54-58  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 09:14 PM

Pakistan arrested Brigadier Ali Khan for his ties to Hizb-ut-Tahrir, a banned Islamist group. The most senior Pakistani army officer to be taken into custody in a decade, Brigadier Khan was detained shortly before India’s foreign secretary flew to Islamabad for talks with her Pakistani counterpart. Both sides started a dialogue in February for the first time since the Mumbai attacks of 2008, in which Pakistani officers are accused of involvement.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 4 | Loc. 58-60  | Added on Monday, June 27, 2011, 09:15 PM

Barack Obama proposed withdrawing 33,000 troops from Afghanistan by the end of next summer, with 68,000 remaining to support the transition of responsibility for security to the Afghans by 2014.
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Las Vegas Review Journal (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 56-58  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 03:30 AM

Wrobel could have stayed on until retirement -- he said he loves Nevada -- but since becoming department chairman in June 2008 all he has been able to do is watch in dismay as state support for higher education was repeatedly reduced, including a 15 percent cut due Friday.
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Las Vegas Review Journal (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 59-60  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 03:30 AM

What bothers me is the attacks by some people on state employees. It is like people transferred their anger from illegal immigrants to state employees."
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Las Vegas Review Journal (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 65  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 03:31 AM

And as a result, the public suffers through longer waits in offices and less efficient and productive agencies,
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Las Vegas Review Journal (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 63-64  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 03:31 AM

When people like Rocha retire or like Wrobel just leave, state government loses trained and skilled workers who cannot be replaced quickly,
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Las Vegas Review Journal (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 82  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 03:34 AM

school teachers in Nevada -- who earn 5 percent less than the national average
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Las Vegas Review Journal (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 88-90  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 03:35 AM

Wrobel said UNLV has a "highly mobile" and attractive faculty. Many professors can and will find jobs elsewhere, hurting the university's attempt to attract a higher quality faculty. He said 48 professors just recently took buyouts rather than continuing to teach.
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Las Vegas Review Journal (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 96-99  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 03:36 AM

Subramaniam is tired of people who believe state employees are well-paid, lazy fat cats. Because of its average pay, too often state government has become a training ground for young people and college graduates, he said. Once they gain experience, he said, they transfer to better paying jobs with Clark and Washoe counties or the cities of Reno and Las Vegas.
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Las Vegas Review Journal (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 99-100  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 03:36 AM

"The problem with so many state workers retiring is we have the lowest number (on a per capita basis) of state workers in the country,"
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Las Vegas Review Journal (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 446-47  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 03:59 AM

prejudice against Mormons has held steady over the years despite its growth in the United States to 5.5 million members and around the world with another 7.5 million members.
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Las Vegas Review Journal (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 447-49  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 03:59 AM

Opposition to having a Mormon as president has been about 20 percent across America since 1967, when Gallup first began to measure it, the polling organization said.
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Las Vegas Review Journal (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 500-504  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 04:04 AM

"As far as I'm concerned, this is a very worthwhile and good program that's kept a lot of people out of jail who didn't need to be in jail," said Jim Carmany, Las Vegas' Municipal Court administrator. Bond companies have had to cut jobs and hours, but there is more to the complaints than just loss of business, Ceballos said. He argued that marshals are collecting bail when they accept a partial payment and let a defendant go, and state law bars law enforcement officers from being bail agents or bail enforcement agents as a wall against corruption.
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Las Vegas Review Journal (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 555-57  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 04:08 AM

If politics is allowed to control the process, the dominant party could get more seats in the Legislature and Congress than its population merits, and that could shift government policies in ways that most Nevadans don't support. This
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Las Vegas Review Journal (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 557  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 04:08 AM

This
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Las Vegas Review Journal (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 555-57  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 04:08 AM

If politics is allowed to control the process, the dominant party could get more seats in the Legislature and Congress than its population merits, and that could shift government policies in ways that most Nevadans don't support.
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Las Vegas Review Journal (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 572-73  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 04:10 AM

The hyperpartisanship seen in the Legislature simply does not exist on the state high court, and it shouldn't, he said.
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Las Vegas Review Journal (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 630-32  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 04:15 AM

In 1981 he was named special hearing master for the MGM Grand Hotel fire litigation. Eighty-five people were killed in that fire. Cherry was also named special master of the Las Vegas Hilton fire litigation. That fire occurred just three months after the MGM Grand blaze, killing eight.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 7 | Loc. 106-8  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 11:15 AM

Once considered to be the hottest wireless device around, the BlackBerry has not gained much from the growing demand for smartphones; its share of the market in North America has shrunk to 17% from around 50% just two years ago.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 8 | Loc. 109-11  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 11:16 AM

An annual survey estimated that the combined wealth of the world’s 10.9m rich people (27% of whom are women) stood at $42.7 trillion in 2010, more than in 2007, the year the financial crisis was brewing. More than half of the monied classes live in the United States, Japan and Germany, though Asia has more in total than Europe for the first time.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Note on Page 8 | Loc. 110  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 11:16 AM

meaning financial crisis cased shift in wealth?
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 10 | Loc. 139-40  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 11:20 AM

As the climate gets more poisonous and elections approach in France, Germany and Greece itself, the risk of a disastrous accident—anything from a disorderly default to a currency break-up—is growing.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 10 | Loc. 151-53  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 11:21 AM

While the EU’s leaders are trying to deny the need for default, a rising chorus is taking the opposite line. Greece should embrace default, walk away from its debts, abandon the euro and bring back the drachma (in a similar way to Britain leaving the gold standard in 1931 or Argentina dumping its currency board in 2001).
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 10 | Loc. 153-58  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 11:22 AM

That option would be ruinous, both for Greece and for the EU. Even if capital controls were brought in, some Greek banks would go bust. The new drachma would plummet, making Greece’s debt burden even more onerous. Inflation would take off as import prices shot up and Greece had to print money to finance its deficit. The benefit from a weaker currency would be small: Greece’s exports make up a small slice of GDP. The country would still need external finance, but who would lend to it? And the contagion risk would be bigger than from restructuring alone: if Greece left, why not Portugal or even Spain and Italy? If the euro zone were to break up it would put huge pressure on the single market.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 11 | Loc. 160  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 11:22 AM

It would hardly be a shock to the markets, which have long expected a default (an important difference from Lehman).
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 12 | Loc. 176  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 01:39 PM

the Chinese Communist Party marks its 90th birthday on July 1st
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 13 | Loc. 187-89  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 01:42 PM

However, the love affair between a party that calls itself the vanguard of the proletariat and its actual, middle-class supporters is now under threat. At the root of this is an inevitable slowing in economic growth.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 13 | Loc. 190-95  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 01:42 PM

A sudden crash is not impossible: there could be a botched attempt to tackle either the property bubble or what the prime minister calls the “uncaged tiger” of inflation (now at 5.5%, its highest level in nearly three years). But an immediate upset is still unlikely: inflation is not yet out of control, still far below the 27.7% it reached in 1994. The danger is more in the medium term: growth will inevitably slow over the next decade, as China settles into its status as a middle-income country, and the burden of caring for an ever larger number of elderly people in a slower economy may make middle-class life far more uncomfortable.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 13 | Loc. 195-97  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 01:43 PM

To compensate, the party will have to usher in wrenching change. It is struggling to shift China away from the current unsustainable model, where growth is propelled by vast investment and export-led manufacturing, towards one where domestic consumption plays a bigger role.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 13 | Loc. 197-98  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 01:43 PM

build health-care, pension and social-security systems to reassure citizens: all of these are necessary to persuade the middle class to save less.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 13 | Loc. 198-200  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 01:43 PM

China’s state-owned businesses have an insatiable appetite for capital, which many of them waste. Curbing state companies means taking on all of the well-connected people who ride on their coat-tails,
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 14 | Loc. 201-3  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 01:44 PM

an official report in 2008 said that, of new applicants for membership, by far the biggest category comprised university students over the age of 18. Although the decision by these young careerists to sign up shows the party’s clout, they have very different ambitions from those of the old ideologues.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 14 | Loc. 204-7  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 01:45 PM

attracting underemployed young rural residents to urban jobs. But the supply is beginning to slow. It would help if farmers could sell or mortgage their rural land and use the money to help gain a stronger foothold in the cities. But the party remains overly fearful of privatising farmland, partly for atavistic fears of a destitute peasantry, and partly for ideological reasons.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 14 | Loc. 208-9  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 01:45 PM

Of the tens of thousands of protests each year, most are still rural, typically by farmers
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 14 | Loc. 213-15  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 01:46 PM

Here it runs up against the middle class most directly. To give migrants the same housing and other benefits as urban hukou holders, and to build a proper social safety-net will be expensive. And if more tax is the solution, then the middle class could well begin demanding a greater political say. That is a day the party dreads.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 15 | Loc. 222-24  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 01:47 PM

The most recent leadership transition, in 2002, went smoothly. But every previous generational shift in the party’s 90 years has been chaotic, and, a decade on, the tasks faced by the leaders who took over in 2002 look almost easy by comparison with today’s.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Note on Page 15 | Loc. 224  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 01:47 PM

so true...
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 15 | Loc. 229-30  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 01:48 PM

marked an end to the mission that took 100,000 troops to a distant and dismal part of the world. Afghanistan will cost America roughly $120 billion this year.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 16 | Loc. 234-36  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 01:48 PM

The middle ground is often good politics; it is less comfortable in warfare. In this case, history will probably judge that Mr Obama took out too many soldiers too early.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 16 | Loc. 245-47  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 01:49 PM

Even with the best outcome there, women will suffer discrimination, poppies will flourish and corruption will eat away at daily life. But any hope of a decent life there depends on peace. Avoiding a full-blown civil war is crucial for Afghans.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 16 | Loc. 245  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 01:49 PM

It will continue to be plagued by violence and insurgency.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 17 | Loc. 253-54  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 01:50 PM

Such doubts will make Afghans less likely to reckon on the government enduring—and hence more likely to fight it.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 18 | Loc. 269-70  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 02:07 PM

Take Egypt. Outside agriculture, over 40% of the economy is in state hands,
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 22 | Loc. 328-29  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 02:40 PM

It all sounds suspiciously like the subprime mortgage boom, when banks parked illiquid assets in off-balance-sheet vehicles. The problem is not on the same scale: synthetic ETFs and ETNs are a small proportion of the industry. But the subprime market also started small.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 22 | Loc. 331-34  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 02:40 PM

The exact nature of the collateral should be disclosed on a regular basis, like the main investments in a mutual fund’s portfolio. Investors ought to be told that the market for ETFs may not always be as liquid as they would like. And the industry should look to its own self-interest: it would be a shame if reckless expansion spoiled a good innovation.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 28 | Loc. 415-19  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 02:47 PM

Regarding Germany’s decision to reduce nuclear power output, I can only say that we have all gone collectively insane in Europe (“Nuclear? Nein, danke”, June 4th). There were only a few deaths resulting from the Fukushima nuclear incident in Japan and about a dozen people were treated for minor burns and released from hospital. Deaths from the latest E. coli outbreak in Germany, blamed on organic bean sprouts, number at least 35; more than 3,000 people have been taken ill with different levels of exposure to the bacteria.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 28 | Loc. 420-21  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 02:47 PM

Uncharacteristically, it is the French who are showing remarkable common sense so far and will likely reap the rewards through their nuclear-power industry in the form of increased demand from both Germany and Italy.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 30 | Loc. 455-58  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 02:50 PM

Minutes before the vote the opposition walked out because of a noisy, petty argument over whether “democracy” had returned to Greece in 1974, when the military dictatorship fell, or in 1981 when the first left-of-centre administration was elected. Mr Papandreou managed to coax his opponents back by pointing out what an appalling impression such squabbles make on the rest of the world at such a grave hour in the country’s history.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 32 | Loc. 490-91  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 03:15 PM

In a passionate speech during the confidence vote, he caught public attention by saying that whatever the numbers might show, the government understood how desperate things were for many ordinary folk.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 36 | Loc. 542-45  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 03:24 PM

Across the entire financial system these CDS exposures largely net off, Barclays reckons, and collateral and margin-calls should have reduced the outstanding exposures to relatively small amounts. However, not everyone will end up with a net position close to zero. It is reasonable to suppose that there would be some large losses (and some large gains) on CDS contracts if Greece stopped paying its bills. Quite where these would emerge is causing some worry in markets.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 36 | Loc. 547-48  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 03:26 PM

Were panic to seize the banking system, regulators could do much to restore calm by releasing information they have collected in the past three months as part of “stress tests” of Europe’s banks.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 37 | Loc. 561-65  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 03:31 PM

First and second in line would be the next-wobbliest members of the euro zone: Ireland, whose government has debts of around €150 billion, and Portugal, which owes €160 billion. Partly because they have also reduced their holdings of Irish and Portuguese bonds, European banks should be able to cope if these countries joined Greece in default or in restructuring their debts. However, if contagion were to spread to Spain or Italy, and banks had to accept losses on their governments’ bonds, the sums would look grim even for some banks outside the affected countries (see chart 2). Italy owes €1.8 trillion, or 120% of a far bigger GDP than Greece’s, Ireland’s or Portugal’s. Spain’s debts amount to €640 billion.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 38 | Loc. 575-77  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 03:34 PM

The ECB could counter money-market flight, for instance, by supplying more liquidity, as the Fed did after Lehman crashed. It could also reopen the foreign-exchange swaps set up with the Fed during the crisis.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 38 | Loc. 577-78  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 03:34 PM

Some good ideas are already being discussed. One is to conduct credible stress tests and recapitalise banks that fail.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 38 | Loc. 583-86  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 03:35 PM

Some policies, though, might cause trouble. The ECB has threatened not to accept Greek government bonds as collateral if the country’s debt were restructured. If it carried out that threat, a liquidity crisis in Greece, bank runs and other mayhem could ensue. “It would be almost like an act of war,” says a senior executive at a Greek bank. “I don’t think that they’d pull the plug.”
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 40 | Loc. 601-2  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 03:38 PM

Television images of Greeks haranguing their government over reforms do not help. The protests make it “very difficult for MPs to explain the rescue measures to voters”, says Klaus-Peter Flosbach, the CDU’s fiscal-policy spokesman in the Bundestag.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 40 | Loc. 601-3  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 03:38 PM

Television images of Greeks haranguing their government over reforms do not help. The protests make it “very difficult for MPs to explain the rescue measures to voters”, says Klaus-Peter Flosbach, the CDU’s fiscal-policy spokesman in the Bundestag. Nearly half the electorate favours throwing Greece out of the euro, according to a recent poll.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 42 | Loc. 635-38  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 03:46 PM

Much is at stake in Egypt economically, as well as politically. Like other Arab economies, the country has what might be called a patriarchal economy, with a weak private sector dependent on a dominant state one. Such an economy is the counterpart to autocracy, and in the economic sphere, just as much as in the political one, Egypt is a test for the Arab world. If it can prosper, others can too.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Note on Page 42 | Loc. 638  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 03:46 PM

economist reading... this is a test
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 43 | Loc. 657-63  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 03:50 PM

The task of managing the mess has fallen to an interim government of technocrats, former opposition politicians and a few Mubarak holdovers. The circumstances look inauspicious. Though the government says it is laying the foundations for reform over three to five years, in reality it is only a stopgap administration, in office until elections planned for later this year. Though needing to make changes, it is cramped by hostility to the market reforms launched in the last years of the Mubarak regime. And though supported by demonstrators from Tahrir Square, it has no real mandate. It does not even seem to have the full backing of the military council that has the ultimate say over things in Egypt. The secretive generals—so far as one can tell—are mostly concerned with keeping the peace and deterring anyone who wants to stop them resuming their former position back-seat-driving the country. The result has been a government that is risk-averse to a fault.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 44 | Loc. 665-66  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 03:50 PM

and is low enough not to destroy jobs
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The Economist (calibre)
- Note on Page 44 | Loc. 666  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 03:51 PM

why would a minimum wage destroy jobs?
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 44 | Loc. 672-73  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 03:52 PM

if you include all the various promises from Gulf states, the grand total could be over $20 billion—a remarkable vote of confidence in Egypt.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 44 | Loc. 672-73  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 03:52 PM

raising $11 billion from foreign governments and international financial institutions. In fact, if you include all the various promises from Gulf states, the grand total could be over $20 billion—a remarkable vote of confidence in Egypt.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 44 | Loc. 675-78  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 03:53 PM

It came to power at a heady moment of change, when Egyptians were ready to accept painful measures as well as handouts. Its freedom of manoeuvre was greater than it seemed. It did not have to please a constituency of supporters, nor did it have to look for votes in a future election. At the very least, it had a chance to come clean about some of the hard choices facing the country. That chance was lost.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 45 | Loc. 683-86  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 03:53 PM

But its worst failure is over what Mr Heikal calls the elephant in the room: fuel subsidies. For years the government has sold every kind of fuel at below—often well below—world market prices, and paid the difference. It also subsidises bread and other staples. The direct costs are soaring (see chart 1): food subsidies now account for 2% of GDP; fuel consumes 8%. In all, subsidies cost almost three times the size of the education budget.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 46 | Loc. 699-700  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 03:55 PM

The government could and should have done better than this. It avoided the worst, and bought democracy some time. But it postponed decisions that need to be taken if Egypt’s economic problems are not to worsen.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 47 | Loc. 708-9  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 04:00 PM

If this demographic dividend is to be cashed, and if democracy is to take root, then living standards will have to improve.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 47 | Loc. 711  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 04:01 PM

(its GDP per head at purchasing-power parities was $5,500; Egypt’s is $6,300 at PPP).
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The Economist (calibre)
- Note on Page 47 | Loc. 711  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 04:01 PM

what is PPP?
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 47 | Loc. 714-15  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 04:02 PM

If Egypt is to catch up, it will have to do what Turkey did: reduce the overweening power of the state and provide an environment in which private firms, especially long-suffering small and medium ones, can thrive.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 47 | Loc. 720-21  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 04:03 PM

Yet where a strong government is needed—as regulator, enforcer of contracts and guarantor of competition—it is weak.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 48 | Loc. 731  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 04:05 PM

Educational failures cast a shadow over the quality of the workforce.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Note on Page 48 | Loc. 731  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 04:05 PM

how well educated is the u.s. in comparison? how could you compare spending versus quality of education?
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The Economist (calibre)
- Note on Page 49 | Loc. 741  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 04:07 PM

all has signed up... sic?
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 49 | Loc. 745-47  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 04:08 PM

On balance, if the politics stays stable, the economy should do well enough to consolidate democracy eventually. But that is a big if. As Mr Heikal says: “If we get things right, we could be Turkey in ten years. If we get them wrong, we could be Pakistan in 18 months.”
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight on Page 49 | Loc. 746-47  | Added on Tuesday, June 28, 2011, 04:08 PM

As Mr Heikal says: “If we get things right, we could be Turkey in ten years. If we get them wrong, we could be Pakistan in 18 months.”
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 931-34  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 11:00 AM

For the first time since 1933, the (Democrat-controlled) state legislature has the power to enact a budget with a simple majority, thanks to a ballot measure voters approved last year. So it passed a budget on June 15th, meeting the constitutional deadline—also for the first time in years. But the next day Governor Jerry Brown, himself a Democrat, vetoed that budget—apparently the first such veto in California’s history. The budget was not balanced, he said, and contained “legally questionable manoeuvres”.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 936  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 11:00 AM

the state’s independently elected state controller, John Chiang, decided to stop paying legislators.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 947-50  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 11:01 AM

In January, facing what was then a deficit of more than $25 billion, Mr Brown proposed to solve half the problem by cutting spending and the other half by extending some temporary taxes. For the cuts, he expected support from his fellow Democrats. For the revenues, he did not ask for support from hostile Republicans, merely for their consent to put that question before voters in a special election, which requires a two-thirds majority in the legislature.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 954-56  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 11:01 AM

Meanwhile, the economy and tax receipts have grown just enough to make Mr Brown’s argument look weaker and to shrink the remaining budget hole—to about $10 billion—but not nearly enough to solve the problem.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 963-64  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 11:03 AM

Barack Obama is a formidable campaigner and fund-raiser. In 2008 his campaign raised a record $745m; this time his haul may exceed $1 billion.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Note Loc. 964  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 11:03 AM

hooooly shit
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 980-83  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 11:05 AM

Defenders of the more cautious approach—and there were many—may be motivated less by love than by fear. Mr Obama may not be perfect, but even gloomy progressives realise he is better than the alternative. “Imagine the enforcement and regulating of the Affordable Care Act under President Rick Perry,” cautioned Eve Gittelson, a blogger from New York, at a panel on health reform.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 993-95  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 11:06 AM

In a weak and divided field—it is hard to imagine a supporter of Mr Paul succumbing to Mr Santorum’s religiosity, or a fan of Mr Romney’s country-club Republicanism finding much to like in Mrs Bachmann’s pitchfork populism—room exists for an all-things-to-all-men candidate such as Mr Perry.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1032-36  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 11:10 AM

AMERICA thinks of itself as having not only liberty, but “justice for all”, as the Pledge of Allegiance has it. The World Justice Project disagrees, releasing a report on June 13th on the status of the rule of law in 66 countries around the world. America ranked in the top echelon in many categories. For example, it got high marks for open government, limits on government powers and “order and security”. But on access to civil justice, America did badly: it came 21st, just behind the Czech Republic and just ahead of Jordan. The cost of the system was the most important thing dragging America’s score down.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1039  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 11:10 AM

The worst problem comes in the pre-trial phase known as discovery.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1042-43  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 11:11 AM

The right to discovery has been used by aggressive lawyers not just to find pieces of information, but to exhaust and impoverish adversaries through endless motions for more.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1051  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 11:11 AM

Even the stronger party in a case has a strong incentive to settle, to avoid the time and cost.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1052-53  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 11:12 AM

the ratio of federal trials to initial filings in 2009 was a twelfth of what it was in 1962.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1071-72  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 03:01 PM

Data from the Census Bureau show that married couples, for the first time, now make up less than half (45%) of all households.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1072-75  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 03:02 PM

In every state the numbers of unmarried couples, childless households and single-person households are growing faster than those comprised of married people with children, finds the 2010 census. The latter accounted for 43% of households in 1950; they now account for just 20%. And the trend has a potent class dimension. Traditional marriage has evolved from a near-universal rite to a luxury for the educated and affluent.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1086-89  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 03:03 PM

Americans with a high-school degree or less (who account for 58% of the population) tell researchers they would like to marry, but do not believe they can afford it. Instead, they raise children out of wedlock. Only 6% of children born to college-educated mothers were born outside marriage, according to the National Marriage Project. That compares with 44% of babies born to mothers whose education ended with high school.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Note Loc. 1089  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 03:03 PM

wow...
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1090-92  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 03:04 PM

She and other researchers have linked as much as half of the income inequality in America to changes in family composition: single-parent families (mostly those with a high-school degree or less) are getting poorer while married couples (with educations and dual incomes) are increasingly well-off.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1098-99  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 03:05 PM

“I VENTURE to say that no war can be long carried on against the will of the people.” Edmund Burke should be alive today. None of America’s several wars is popular.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1110-11  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 03:06 PM

Now the Republicans’ own wobbles, the killing of Osama bin Laden, the public’s spreading war fatigue and the transfer of the gung-ho General David Petraeus from Afghanistan to the CIA have given the president unexpected flexibility.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1123-24  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 03:07 PM

With no vital American interest at stake, argues Michele Bachmann, another of the Republicans’ presidential candidates, the “Obama doctrine” has set a precedent for American intervention in “one country after another”.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1134-35  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 06:00 PM

until one of Mr Obama’s advisers was quoted as describing it as “leading from behind”.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1136-38  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 06:01 PM

Since its publication in the New Yorker, “leading from behind” has become a prime exhibit in the Republicans’ scornful excoriation of Mr Obama’s foreign policy. The president now finds himself accused of being both a warmonger for entering the war and a wimp for his lame prosecution of it.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1144-45  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 06:02 PM

He is making a good fist of extricating America from the big wars he inherited from George Bush. But the tiny one he entered so cautiously himself, in which not a single American soldier has died, has brought him disproportionate grief. Even
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1184-85  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 06:08 PM

So far this year the Guatemalan government has seized guns, drugs and cash worth 9% of its annual GDP. (In 2010 the figure was 5% for the whole year.)
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1190-91  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 06:09 PM

Most foreign aid and loans for security still go to individual countries, rather than to regional efforts. That may now change a bit.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1232-33  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 06:21 PM

since the mid-1980s, when Chileans braved General Pinochet’s water cannon to demand a return to democracy.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1247-48  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 06:23 PM

Chile, with little oil and gas, faces an energy shortage, especially if the economy continues to grow by 6% a year.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1411-14  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 06:39 PM

At present 35 of Japan’s 54 nuclear reactors are shut, mostly for routine safety inspections. Yet since March 11th local governments have refused to reopen them until there are credible safety assessments. It is conceivable that by next March all 54 could be out of action, since there are fresh inspections every 13 months (see map). That would in effect strip Japan of about 24% of its pre-March 11th power-generation capacity.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1416-17  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 06:40 PM

The Kansai Institute for Social and Economic Research says a mere 5% drop in energy consumption this summer would wipe out the region’s expected GDP growth of 0.5% in this fiscal year.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1418-19  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 06:40 PM

Japan Centre for Economic Research estimates that, without nuclear power, GDP in 2012 would be 1.6% lower than it would otherwise be.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1428-30  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 06:41 PM

So sour is the prevailing mood that this really might put a nail in the nuclear coffin. Repression in China No
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1434-36  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 06:58 PM

Officially, Mr Ai is “on bail”. China’s state-owned news agency, Xinhua, said he had been freed because of his “good attitude in confessing his crimes as well as a chronic disease he suffers from” (he has diabetes and high blood pressure).
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1575  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 09:14 PM

The once docile middle, weighing up options as the unrest persists, is no longer finding it easy to be neutral.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1582-83  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 09:15 PM

Those in the middle are wary, not just because they fear violence. Hounded as it is by the regime, the opposition has yet to reassure ordinary Syrians of their credentials as future rulers.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1612-13  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 09:18 PM

Few Bedouin say they want to rid Sinai of Egyptian rule altogether, though the more wistful wonder whether Western powers might yet set up a Bedouin dynasty in Sinai as they did with the House of Saud in the Arabian peninsula.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Note Loc. 1613  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 09:18 PM

huh?
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1638-39  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 09:21 PM

when a mission from the Fund cheered the Islamic Republic’s economy earlier this month, heaping praise on the policies of its ruthless government, eyebrows spiked upwards as in a comic scene in a Persian miniature.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1642-44  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 09:21 PM

This is not because Iran’s economy is performing brilliantly. Whereas other big oil exporters have boomed on the back of high prices, Iran has grown sluggishly, nudging upwards only last year to 3.5%. That is not enough to dent a rising unemployment rate, which is now close to 15%.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1644-45  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 09:21 PM

The reason for the praise is Iran’s exemplary execution of a task dear to the IMF’s heart: structural reform.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1646-47  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 09:21 PM

Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, declared this to be the “year of economic jihad”.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1657-59  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 09:24 PM

Until December, economists estimated the annual cost of subsidies on food, fuel and electricity at $60 billion-100 billion, a quarter of Iran’s GDP and equal to or greater than the value of annual energy exports.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1657-60  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 09:24 PM

Until December, economists estimated the annual cost of subsidies on food, fuel and electricity at $60 billion-100 billion, a quarter of Iran’s GDP and equal to or greater than the value of annual energy exports. Most of this burden was carried as an implicit subsidy to domestic energy consumers, with the price of diesel fuel, for example, set at the equivalent of two American cents a litre, and petrol selling for less than bottled water.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1661-63  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 09:25 PM

Iranian governments have long grappled with this problem. Mr Ahmadinejad’s liberal-leaning predecessor, Muhammad Khatami, was stymied by a squeamish, conservative parliament.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1664-66  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 09:25 PM

Ironically, it may have been international sanctions, intended to punish Iran for its suspect nuclear programme, that at last persuaded its opponents of the need to scrap subsidies. Lacking the refining capacity to meet domestic demand, Iran found itself vulnerable to a sudden cut-off in petrol imports.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1672-75  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 09:26 PM

The government cleverly doled out two months’ worth of family cash transfers, amounting to some $90 per person, before unleashing its shock. When the first tranche of price rises hit, quadrupling the cost of some kinds of bread and shooting diesel prices up by 2,000%, among other things, there was barely a peep from the public. Iranians have rapidly got used both to paying a lot more for some things and to having more money to spend as they wish.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1683-85  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 09:27 PM

Trouble brews in the kingdom, too. King Abdullah is 89 or so and weak with age. Crown Prince Sultan, his anointed successor, is 87 and ailing. The next in line, Prince Nayef, the feared interior minister, is 78 and badly diabetic. The young grow restless and impertinent.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1689-90  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 09:27 PM

The money showered on them by the state still buys individual complacency and the complicity of big business and big religion.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1698-1700  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 09:28 PM

Saudi Arabia may ramp up oil production by 500,000 barrels a day (b/d), snubbing calls by other OPEC members to curb supplies and keep prices high. Investment in new oilfields and infrastructure suggest that the Saudis can sustain production at a hefty 10m b/d—worth around $1 billion at current prices—for some time to come.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1726-28  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 09:30 PM

the result of toppling Mr Berlusconi, as Mr Bossi reminded the crowd at Pontida, would probably be to let in the left. Since the League’s leader has steered his party so far to the right, it would have enormous difficulty in forging any alliance with the opposition—and that is assuming the party would win enough seats to be of any use.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Note Loc. 1732  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 09:31 PM

wha is diff. btwn president and prime minister...
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1745  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 09:32 PM

Harold Wilson’s aphorisms. “I know what’s going on,” he told a rally in 1969 as he faced a similar crisis. “I’m going on.”
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1762-64  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 09:33 PM

As much as three years ago, some of Warsaw’s finest political brains were invited to contribute ideas for the presidency. Experts such as Pawel Swieboda, a former bureaucrat and now head of DemosEuropa, a think-tank, have identified the best and worst practices in past presidencies (Sweden’s 2009 stint is seen as an exemplar, whereas Spain and Hungary, the current president, are said to have stumbled).
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1767-68  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 09:33 PM

This week Poland showed its teeth by vetoing moves to set a higher target for cutting EU carbon-dioxide emissions by 2020.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1778-81  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 09:35 PM

In 1988 leaders of Nagorno-Karabakh, a territory populated mainly by ethnic Armenians, demanded a transfer from Soviet Azerbaijan to Soviet Armenia. The Kremlin refused and a nasty war between Azeris and Armenians followed. As Thomas de Waal, an author on the Caucasus, writes, “it was the first stone in an avalanche that swept away the entire multinational construction of the Soviet Union.”
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1783-84  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 09:35 PM

Worryingly, Azerbaijan has poured energy revenues into its army—it spends $3 billion a year (5% of GDP).
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1823-24  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 09:39 PM

Others, such as the Committee of Statistical Confidentiality, or the Strategic Committee for Intensive Calculation, are less so.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Note Loc. 1839  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 09:40 PM

whaaaaa is that a cypress hill reference??
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The Economist (calibre)
- Note Loc. 1841  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 09:41 PM

ha ha blazing
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The Economist (calibre)
- Note Loc. 1841  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 09:41 PM

ha ha rolling
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1848-49  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 09:42 PM

Mr Bergman fears the emergence of a new criminality, such as illegal trade in membership passes or street dealing, which could increase exposure to hard drugs.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1852-54  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 09:42 PM

A potentially precedent-setting case was initiated by a coffee-shop owner from Maastricht, a southern Dutch city, against an earlier decision by the city’s mayor to impose a membership scheme for residents only. After wrangling in Dutch and EU courts (which allowed an apparent breach of the single market on health grounds), the case is now being considered by the Council of State, the highest Dutch appeal body.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1870-71  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 09:44 PM

The dilemma is summed up by Keynes’s adage: “If I owe you a pound, I have a problem; but if I owe you a million, the problem is yours.”
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The Economist (calibre)
- Note Loc. 1871  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 09:45 PM

niiiiiice
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1885-90  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 09:46 PM

But even if ultimate salvation is possible, Greece could fall into plenty of immediate traps. One is the mood at home, with almost daily mass protests outside parliament, interspersed with riots. What if Mr Papandreou cannot get a majority for unpopular reforms? Another is the sternness of the IMF, which says it cannot release next month’s tranche of money before it knows that the euro zone will fully fund Greece next year. A third is the mood of creditor countries such as Germany, which have been insisting on a “substantial” contribution by private bondholders. After much argument, this is now supposed to be done “voluntarily” by rolling over the debt at maturity. But nobody really knows how much room this can create.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1892-94  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 09:47 PM

Even if Greece can be salvaged, attention is turning to the long-term survival of the euro. To Eurosceptics, notably British ones, it should be given up as a bad job. The tragedy of Greece is the inevitable outcome of EU leaders’ hubris in imposing a single currency and a single interest rate on incompatible economies.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2168  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 09:49 PM

PANELS of experts assessing scientific investigations tend to be messy affairs,
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2168-70  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 09:50 PM

PANELS of experts assessing scientific investigations tend to be messy affairs, particularly when their customers are governments. People with expertise in one field, such as renewable energy, may have a bias towards it. Summaries of their work are the result of political negotiations. And findings are further boiled down in an attempt to win media coverage.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2171-73  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 09:50 PM

Possible conflicts of interest, revealed by Steve McIntyre, a blogger, have led to another controversy about the panel—only 18 months after its embarrassment over an incorrect claim about the imminent demise of the Himalayas’ glaciers.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2183-84  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 09:51 PM

What is more, a Greenpeace publication based on this scenario was graced by a foreword written by Rajendra Pachauri, the IPCC’s chairman.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2187-91  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 09:52 PM

it is not necessarily the most worrying conflict of interest. Environmentalists are concerned about the number of “pro-dam” people on the team of authors reporting on hydropower. And it is not just the authors that may be conflicted. Each chapter of an IPCC report goes through a review process to ensure that all comments have been addressed satisfactorily. One of the two editors overseeing this process for the chapter on wind energy was Christian Kjaer, the boss of a lobbying group, the European Wind Energy Association.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2197-98  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 09:54 PM

the summary glosses over the problem, for instance by not mentioning that, although renewables have accounted for almost half the world’s new generating capacity in the past two years, the other half has probably generated a lot more electricity.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2200-2201  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 11:18 PM

The lesson of the latest IPCC row is that its authors and organisers must fight harder against groupthink—and speedily implement the new conflict-of-interest policy.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2209-10  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 11:19 PM

Climatic conditions still dictate where some drugs are grown. Virtually all the world’s cocaine comes from Colombia, Bolivia and Peru. Three-quarters of global opium production is in Afghanistan,
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2212-14  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 11:20 PM

Likewise, synthetic drugs—amphetamine, methamphetamine and ecstasy, plus a growing list of new potions—can be cooked up in factories anywhere (and increasingly with harmless ingredients: researchers at Harvard University are trying to make lysergic acid, the basis for LSD and many other pharmaceuticals, from baker’s yeast).
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2215-16  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 11:21 PM

In America, where cannabis consumption had been falling, the UNODC has spotted a “resurgence”. More than three in ten 18-year-olds and more than one in eight 14-year-olds now use it.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2223-26  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 11:21 PM

This new localism has made life more comfortable for dealers, because they have been able to shorten their supply chains. Most cannabis is now grown in its country of consumption, according to the report. In Japan the number of arrests for domestic cannabis cultivation increased by 17% in 2009, whereas the number of arrests for importing fell by almost half. Sixty countries now report synthetic-drug factories on their territory. More than 10,000 were shut down in 2009,
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2228-30  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 11:22 PM

This industrialisation of production brings new problems. Cultivating cannabis in factories tends to improve its quality, which partially explains why stronger varieties have become more widespread. In America average concentrations of tetrahydrocannabinol, the psychoactive ingredient, doubled in the 1990s, as growers focused on
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2228-30  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 11:22 PM

This industrialisation of production brings new problems. Cultivating cannabis in factories tends to improve its quality, which partially explains why stronger varieties have become more widespread. In America average concentrations of tetrahydrocannabinol, the psychoactive ingredient, doubled in the 1990s, as growers focused on stronger, more expensive cannabis. Synthetic-drug
==========
The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2233-34  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 11:23 PM

If gringos switch from cocaine to home-grown drugs, many in Latin America will breathe a sigh of relief.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2238  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 11:23 PM

the global army of between 50m and 100m domestic workers, most of them women
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2269-70  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 11:26 PM

Last year China became the world’s biggest manufacturer, displacing America from a position it had held for more than a century. In less than a decade it could become the world’s largest economy.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2271-72  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 11:26 PM

China’s rapid recovery from the global financial crisis, and the West’s continuing malaise, have had a profound psychological impact on many Chinese.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2273-74  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 11:26 PM

What is great about socialism, crowed the prime minister, Wen Jiabao, in March last year, is that it enables China “to make decisions efficiently, organise effectively and concentrate resources to accomplish large undertakings”.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2275-76  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 11:26 PM

A big parade of missiles, tanks and goose-stepping soldiers in central Beijing in October 2009, the capital’s first such display in a decade,
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2303-6  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 11:30 PM

The Chinese Academy of Social Sciences struck a rare note of modesty in a report last October. It rated China a mere 17th in a global league of “national competitiveness”. But it pointed out that the country had risen from 73rd place in 1990 and had left India, which was ranked 42nd, in the dust. China’s aim, the report said, should be to reach the top five by 2020 and be second only to America by 2050.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2310-13  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 11:32 PM

they appear more nervous now than at any time for over a decade. They have massively increased spending on domestic security, which in this year’s budget has overtaken that on defence for the first time. The government has been reviving a Maoist system of neighbourhood surveillance by civilian volunteers. In the past few months the police have launched an all-out assault on civil society, arresting dozens of lawyers, NGO activists, bloggers and even artists. The Arab revolutions have spooked the leadership.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2314-18  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 11:33 PM

Late next year, probably in October, the party will hold a national congress, the 18th since its founding 90 years ago. This meeting, a smaller one of the party’s central committee immediately afterwards and a session of the legislature in March 2013 will endorse the biggest shuffle in China’s leadership for a decade. The president, Hu Jintao, and Mr Wen will step down from the pinnacle of power, the nine-member standing committee of the Politburo. A younger generation will begin to take over.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2321-22  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 11:34 PM

new leadership will not have such an easy ride with the economy, which on average has grown by over 10% a year since 2002,
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2327-29  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 11:35 PM

China’s leaders will find it enormously difficult to rebalance China’s economy so that growth is led by consumption rather than by exports and investment. Their efforts will be hampered by the growing clout of state-owned businesses. In the past decade these have risen from the ashes of tens of thousands of government-owned enterprises dismantled in the 1990s.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2329-30  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 11:35 PM

their economic and political influence is enormous and growing.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2331-32  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 11:35 PM

Banks are still almost entirely in government hands. Their profligate lending to other parts of the state empire, in order to keep the economy booming after the financial crisis, will revive a bad-debt problem that China thought it had licked years ago.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2334-37  | Added on Wednesday, June 29, 2011, 11:36 PM

China is likely to disappoint those who believed that the country’s embrace of globalisation would usher in greater political freedoms over the next few years. James Mann, an American journalist, gave warning of this in a 2007 book, “The China Fantasy: Why Capitalism Will Not Bring Democracy to China”, suggesting that a quarter of a century from now China’s “current system of modernised, business-supported repression could well be vastly more established and entrenched”.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2345-46  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 01:54 AM

Like every other Chinese politician since 1949, he avoids stating his ambitions openly,
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2351-53  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 01:54 AM

Hu Jintao’s posts of president, party chief and military commander are almost certain to go to Xi Jinping, the vice-president, and Wen Jiabao’s job as prime minister is likely to be taken by Li Keqiang, his senior deputy. But Mr Bo could well be offered the portfolio of China’s internal security chief, currently held by Zhou Yongkang, with whom he is believed to have close ties.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2382-84  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 01:57 AM

social democrats who want a fairer distribution of wealth. Many in this camp believe that China is far from enjoying the golden age now being proclaimed by some. The country is too divided between rich and poor to be experiencing a shengshi.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2408-10  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 02:00 AM

Chongqing officials proudly note that the municipality, which ranked 19th among Chinese provinces by value of its state assets in 2003, has since moved up to number four, thanks to a more than sevenfold increase in their worth to 1.25 trillion yuan ($192 billion).
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2414-15  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 02:01 AM

as this special report will argue, if China’s state-owned enterprises enjoy a renaissance under China’s new leaders, it will be to the detriment of competition and increased consumption as a new driver of growth.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2421-23  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 02:02 AM

CHINA’S LEADERS ARE usually shy of telling things as they are, but the prime minister, Wen Jiabao, put it bluntly when he described China’s economy in 2007 as “unstable, unbalanced, unco-ordinated and unsustainable”.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2430-34  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 02:03 AM

China has foreign-exchange reserves of more than $3 trillion and ran a modest budget deficit of 2.5% of GDP last year. Its worries are longer-term. The economy will certainly begin to slow in the next few years after three decades of nearly 10% average annual growth. Exports will be constrained by depressed Western markets, and investments in fixed assets will produce diminishing returns. But the slowdown will be less pronounced if the government succeeds in boosting consumption as a new growth engine.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2457-58  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 02:06 AM

But even though it rose to 5.5% in May, considerably above the government’s 4% target for the year, it shows little sign as yet of returning to previous highs of about 20% in 1988 and more than 25% in 1994.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2459-60  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 02:06 AM

America’s Treasury says that because of the higher inflation rate in China, the yuan is in effect appreciating against the dollar by more than 10% a year.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2467-69  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 02:07 AM

Some worry that China could be approaching a Japanese-style crisis: a boom in exports and investment along with bubbly property markets, followed by many years of stagnation. In China’s case the added sting would be that it has not yet got rich. Officials and experts debate endlessly whether the country is slowly heading towards a “middle-income trap”.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2483-84  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 02:10 AM

number of people in relative poverty (with 50% or less of the median income) grew from 12.2% of the population to 14.6% between 2002 and 2007,
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2491-92  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 02:11 AM

It promises 36m new “affordable housing” units, more than Britain’s entire housing stock.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2493-94  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 02:11 AM

government has pledged to ramp up spending on health, education and other social-welfare programmes. Eventually too this could encourage people to save less and consume more.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2494-95  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 02:12 AM

government also wants the high-speed railway network, already the world’s longest at 8,300km, to quintuple in length by 2015.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2496-97  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 02:12 AM

These investments, officials hope, will help to boost urban growth, and with it consumption.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2499-2500  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 02:14 AM

believes that investments are becoming increasingly inefficient and that China is heading towards a “brick wall” of government debt. Growth, he says, will remain high in the early half of the decade but could drop off sharply thereafter as loans turn sour.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2501-3  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 02:14 AM

looming debt problem, exacerbated by the recklessness of local governments during China’s stimulus-spending spree. Not being allowed to borrow directly, many of them set up companies to borrow on their behalf, using land as collateral. “There is a hidden danger of an asset bubble
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2513-15  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 02:15 AM

In 1980 one-fifth of China’s people lived in urban areas. Today the figure is 49.7%. Very soon the country will become predominantly urban, with over 51.5% forecast to be living in urban areas by the end of the five-year plan.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 12-14  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 10:56 AM

Students at the University of California and Cal State University systems are likely to face a second round of tuition hikes this fall in response to deeper funding cuts in the new state budget,
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 14-15  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 10:56 AM

Discussions are underway for tuition increases of at least 10%. That hike would come on top of an 8% increase at UC and a 10% boost at Cal State that already are set to take effect this fall.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 18-19  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 10:57 AM

A decade of increases has more than tripled tuition to about $11,000 a year at UC and $4,884 at Cal State, not including room, board and other fees.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 19-20  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 10:57 AM

this again represents the ongoing disinvestment in higher education in California," said Christopher Chavez, outgoing president of the Cal State Student Assn.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 23-24  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 10:58 AM

"The general sentiment seems to be that my generation and those that follow mine don't deserve an accessible and affordable university," he said.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 28-29  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 10:59 AM

the 10-campus university might need more to help pay for growing pension and healthcare costs, he said. The costs of graduate and professional school programs are expected to rise as well.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 29  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 10:59 AM

23-campus Cal State system
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Note Loc. 32  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 10:59 AM

uh..... from where?
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 36-37  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 11:00 AM

The $650-million reduction represents a cut of about 25% from last year's state support,
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Note Loc. 37  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 11:01 AM

really? cutting funding that much for some of the best schools in the country?
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 37-38  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 11:01 AM

At UC, the $650-million reduction represents a 21% drop in state funds. UC's overall budget is $20 billion,
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 41-43  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 11:02 AM

At UC Riverside, administrators said they were unable to win the stable state funding that an accreditation agency required before giving the proposed medical school its stamp of approval.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Note Loc. 62  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 11:05 AM

wha areeconomic impacts of this?

and why should the state get a slice of online sales? its not like they actually do anything in particular to acilitate the transaction. no more than any other sttae btwn amazons distribution center and your home state.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Note Loc. 69  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 02:22 PM

yea tha menas big economic impact
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 73-74  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 02:37 PM

California's basic sales tax rate also will drop to 7.75% on Friday when a 2-year-old temporary increase expires.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 78-79  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 02:38 PM

"You can't give one segment of retail a 10% discount every day. It's just not fair,"
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 85-86  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 02:39 PM

California's new law was drafted to circumvent a 1992 U.S. Supreme Court ruling that sellers can't be forced to collect sales taxes unless they have a physical presence in the state.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 102-3  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 02:40 PM

"These are bills that Congress ran up," President Obama said at a news conference. "They took the vacation. They bought the car. Now they're saying, 'Maybe we don't have to pay.'"
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Note Loc. 103  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 02:41 PM

its about time the president explains who is responsible
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 107  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 02:42 PM

moving the debt talks out of the realm of closed-door Washington meetings and into full public view,
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Note Loc. 112  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 02:44 PM

this is realy the crux of the debate... higher taxes or less spending

sounds like the WH recognizes a solution must include both. top republicans dont.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Note Loc. 112  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 02:47 PM

this is realy the crux of the debate... higher taxes or less spending

sounds like the WH recognizes a solution must include both. top republicans dont.

ridiculous. all of this so they dont get chastized for compromising. like jon huntsman for being ambassador and mitt romney for providing healthcare for MS.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Note Loc. 112  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 02:47 PM

this is realy the crux of the debate... higher taxes or less spending

sounds like the WH recognizes a solution must include both. top republicans dont.

ridiculous. all of this so they dont get chastized for compromising. like jon huntsman for being ambassador and mitt romney for providing healthcare for MA.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 112-14  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 02:48 PM

The news conference represented a rare instance of Obama using the presidential megaphone to defend his position. In the past, the president has been prone to delivering lengthy answers in a professorial tone, relying on abstract ideas. By contrast, Obama on Wednesday laid out his arguments in simple, everyday terms, echoing an ex-president that he has been studying: Ronald Reagan.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Note Loc. 114  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 02:48 PM

wow... very interesting
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 127-28  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 02:49 PM

Obama cited the high-profile tax break offered to owners of corporate jets several times in the news conference, even though it would bring in only an estimated $3 billion over 10 years.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Note Loc. 128  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 02:50 PM

ONLY???
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Note Loc. 128  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 02:50 PM

ONLY??? how many kids could eat lunch or go to college or get new textbooks for that amount?
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 134-35  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 02:51 PM

federal officials warn that maneuvers to continue paying the nation's bills will be exhausted by Aug. 2, risking a default on federal obligations.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 148-49  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 02:53 PM

we've got to make some tough choices here if we want to reduce our deficit."
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 261-62  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 03:03 PM

"I defer to medical doctors," U.S. District Judge Larry A. Burns said at an emergency hearing requested by the defense. "I have no reason to disagree with doctors. I didn't go to medical school."
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 267-68  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 03:04 PM

Reuben Cahn, one of Loughner's attorneys, said his client "has a right not to be medicated."
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 295-96  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 03:06 PM

delay enforcement of the state's complex carbon trading program until 2013,
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 688  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 09:40 PM

This will be only the sixth time in the last 25 years that a budget has been enacted by the start of the fiscal year,
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 691-92  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 09:40 PM

That means Democrats can ignore Republicans and not spend all summer trying to buy their votes with various versions of pork while the cash-strapped state stiffs small business vendors, drives its credit rating further into the basement and embarrasses itself.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 702-3  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 09:41 PM

German politician Otto Von Bismarck, who famously observed: "Politics is the art of the possible."
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 712-15  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 09:43 PM

Republicans are "wrapped up in cut, cut, cut," says Czyzyk, chairman and chief executive of Mercury Air Group. "Cutting only works as a stopgap measure. It's not going to solve our problems. Our problems have to do with getting jobs. And you're not going to get jobs until the private sector says, 'The place to reinvest in is California.' That's not going to happen until we get regulatory reform.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Note Loc. 715  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 09:43 PM

true of many more places than CA i think
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 715-17  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 09:44 PM

"As in business, you can always cut expenses, but if you don't increase sales you're not going to make it. Cutting doesn't grow you. We've done the cutting. We can't continue to cut in places that completely harm the state. We need to create jobs."
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 722-23  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 09:44 PM

in case that money doesn't materialize, he and Democrats agreed on "trigger cuts" to higher education, K-12 schools, libraries, prisons and services for the needy and disabled.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 727-28  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 09:45 PM

It may have been the best budget possible. But it wasn't befitting a great state and its needs in an increasingly competitive world.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 727-29  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 09:45 PM

It may have been the best budget possible. But it wasn't befitting a great state and its needs in an increasingly competitive world. Point No. 4: We need a Son of Prop. 25 — a ballot measure that reduces the vote requirement for raising taxes to a simple majority. Allow the majority party to function and hold it accountable.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Note Loc. 729  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 09:46 PM

this is a great philosophy to have... but maybe only in theory. i ca see how a freehand to rase taxes could potentally wreak havoc
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 897-98  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 09:50 PM

What Bush used to call "the global war on terrorism" is neither, in Obama's view, Brennan said. "This does not require a 'global' war," he said. "But it does require a focus on specific regions."
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 900-901  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 09:50 PM

"We intentionally do not use the term 'war on terrorism, global war on terrorism'.... Terrorism is a tactic. We're in a war with Al Qaeda."
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Note Loc. 901  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 09:52 PM

wow. so nice to finally hear the government outright saying what their policy is AND it making sense. and also it being a reversal of idiotic past mistakes.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Note Loc. 903  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 09:53 PM

expansion of rone strikes likely to be in anticpation of troop draw downs...

and plus if drones work here they can also work in yemen or somalia or libya or etc etc
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Note Loc. 1021  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 09:58 PM

holy crap... if he is a hick compared to bush... woooooooooooieee
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Note Loc. 1043  | Added on Thursday, June 30, 2011, 10:00 PM

so basically a super conservative george bsh
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July

Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1907-9  | Added on Friday, July 01, 2011, 08:40 AM

The imminent departures of the three — all members of the prestigious National Academy of Sciences — has unsettled leaders of the UC system. Officials say a worsening UC budget picture is emboldening other schools, particularly top private institutions, to recruit UC faculty and may prompt other professors to leave.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1911  | Added on Friday, July 01, 2011, 08:40 AM

18,000 faculty members.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1910  | Added on Friday, July 01, 2011, 08:41 AM

increasingly include overseas universities.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1926-28  | Added on Friday, July 01, 2011, 08:43 AM

The most common destinations were Stanford, NYU, USC, Columbia and Harvard — private schools that tend to pay more — and the University of Michigan, a top public university.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1930-31  | Added on Friday, July 01, 2011, 08:43 AM

Private research universities increasingly pay professors more than public institutions, with the gap growing from an 8% advantage in 1980 for full professors at private doctoral-granting schools to about 25% this
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1945-46  | Added on Friday, July 01, 2011, 08:45 AM

At Rice, their funding will also include a $10-million grant from the Cancer Prevention and Research Institute of Texas, created with a $3-billion state bond issue approved by voters in 2007.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1950-52  | Added on Friday, July 01, 2011, 08:46 AM

UCLA and UC Berkeley reported no significant change in outside recruiting this year and some experts said that because the two campuses are seen as the most prestigious in the UC system, faculty may be more reluctant to leave.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2140-45  | Added on Friday, July 01, 2011, 10:52 AM

A team of UC Berkeley physicists and statisticians that set out to challenge the scientific consensus on global warming recently reported that its data-crunching effort produced results nearly identical to those underlying the prevailing view on climate change. Berkeley physics professor Richard Muller, a longtime critic of government-led climate studies who launched the reexamination, told a congressional hearing in April that the work of the three principal groups that have analyzed temperature trends underlying climate science was "excellent.... We see a global warming trend that is very similar to that previously reported by the other groups."
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2252-54  | Added on Friday, July 01, 2011, 10:58 AM

Animal rights groups, arguing that finning is an inhumane practice, have joined with the Monterey Bay Aquarium, the California Academy of Sciences and environmental groups to lobby for a ban.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2276-77  | Added on Friday, July 01, 2011, 10:59 AM

Concrete river channels, dams and pollution caused by urban runoff have played roles in the suckers' decline,
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2614-16  | Added on Friday, July 01, 2011, 11:04 AM

Sudan is a map of enduring crises. Southern Sudan, after decades of civil war that took more than 2 million lives, gains independence July 9. About 75% of Sudan's oil reserves are in the south and Bashir's north could lose billions of dollars a year in revenue. He is also attempting to crush separatist ambitions in South Kordofan, Blue Nile state and the Darfur region, where the ICC has accused him of genocide.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2619-21  | Added on Friday, July 01, 2011, 11:04 AM

The south, which is controlled by the Sudan People's Liberation Movement, needs the north's pipelines to transport the oil. The two sides have yet to reach an agreement to share revenue from the country's production of about 500,000 barrels a day. Bashir has threatened to shut off the pipelines if the emerging independent south does not pay substantial fees.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2622-24  | Added on Friday, July 01, 2011, 11:05 AM

"President Bashir knows very well that the survival of his regime depends on oil, and the oil is going to be lost. He knew he needed to indulge himself in a war with the south," said Alhajj Hamad, a political analyst. "Now he is getting only 37% of the oil revenues. That is barely enough to pay the staff. Food prices are soaring in the north and the mood in the streets is heading toward revolt."
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2630-31  | Added on Friday, July 01, 2011, 11:06 AM

China National Petroleum Corp. already pumps much of southern Sudan's oil. The
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2631-32  | Added on Friday, July 01, 2011, 11:06 AM

although Beijing is "maintaining traditional ties with the north of Sudan, China has worked to develop friendly exchanges and expand mutually beneficial cooperation" with the south.
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Note Loc. 2632  | Added on Friday, July 01, 2011, 11:07 AM

same thing i noticed before... beijing stance is to be everyones friend unless they are very powerful. or the u.s.a. 
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Los Angeles Times (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2860-62  | Added on Friday, July 01, 2011, 06:34 PM

But many analysts are skeptical that Athens will have the political will or muscle to enforce its new austerity regime in the teeth of growing public opposition. A large state sector and government ownership of assets remain articles of faith for many Greeks; so is civil disobedience against unpopular policies.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2545-49  | Added on Saturday, July 02, 2011, 11:01 AM

The slaughter of many thousands of landlords (not including Liu, who died of natural causes) by officials and vengeful peasants shortly after the communist takeover resulted in profound changes in the system of rural land ownership. Peasants got the land Mao promised them, but only briefly. In the late 1950s the party took it back again and forced farmers into collectively owned “people’s communes”. The legacy of that disastrous decision, which contributed to a famine that left tens of millions dead, still weighs heavily on rural China. So too does a decision to confer hereditary status on peasants, who would be all but barred from cities to stop them rushing in to find work.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2551-54  | Added on Saturday, July 02, 2011, 11:03 AM

The system has been much eroded since the Mao era because of the need for cheap labour to fuel China’s manufacturing boom. But its lingering impact, combined with the still collective ownership of rural land, will retard China’s urbanisation in the years ahead just when the country is most in need of its consumption-boosting benefits.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2578-82  | Added on Saturday, July 02, 2011, 11:58 AM

In the name of building a “new socialist countryside” (a slogan launched in 2005), local governments have been corralling farmers into new apartment blocks in order to free up land which they can use for profitable purposes. Officials have justified the practice as a way of reducing incentives for local governments forcibly to appropriate farmland and sell it to developers. Two million peasants a year have lost their land this way in the past five years, a senior government adviser in north-east China said in March.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2588-89  | Added on Saturday, July 02, 2011, 12:00 PM

Thoroughgoing land reform, of the sort that would enable farmers to cash in on the value of their farmland and establish permanent and prosperous lives in cities (and at the same time encourage larger-scale farming), thus remains stuck.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2594-95  | Added on Saturday, July 02, 2011, 12:01 PM

As many as 20m workers returned to the countryside when the crisis broke in 2008 and China’s exports slumped.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2596  | Added on Saturday, July 02, 2011, 12:01 PM

As officials often say in China, “stability trumps everything.”
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The Economist (calibre)
- Note Loc. 2596  | Added on Saturday, July 02, 2011, 03:10 PM

do they emphasize importance of domestic stability over international stability? 
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2599-2601  | Added on Saturday, July 02, 2011, 03:11 PM

Though the hukou divide is widely resented, peasants have often been reluctant to give up their rural status for fear of losing their land, as well as the added benefit in the countryside of being able to have two children rather than one. In effect, Chongqing and Chengdu have created a new class of urban residents who enjoy the best of both worlds.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2617-20  | Added on Saturday, July 02, 2011, 03:17 PM

For the past two decades or more, urbanisation in China has come relatively easily. As the country proudly claims, slums and shantytowns are rare compared with other developing countries. But ensuring a continuing net inflow of migrants into the cities as the youngest cohort shrinks will mean giving workers from the countryside more incentives to stay permanently (such as affordable housing and schooling). More money is being spent on these, but not yet enough. Too much responsibility is devolved to local governments that usually try hard to shirk it.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2730-32  | Added on Sunday, July 03, 2011, 11:51 AM

James McGregor of APCO Worldwide, a consultancy, described the government’s strategy in a report last year as a “massive and complicated plan” to turn China into a technology powerhouse by 2020 and a global leader by 2050. He said it was “steeped in suspicion of outsiders” and constituted “a blueprint for technology theft” on a large scale.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2727-32  | Added on Sunday, July 03, 2011, 11:51 AM

Far more worrying to foreign businesses is a more overt form of government intervention involving support for Chinese companies that develop new technologies and discrimination against their foreign competitors. Complaints about this began to surface five or six years ago but have been growing much louder in the past two years. James McGregor of APCO Worldwide, a consultancy, described the government’s strategy in a report last year as a “massive and complicated plan” to turn China into a technology powerhouse by 2020 and a global leader by 2050. He said it was “steeped in suspicion of outsiders” and constituted “a blueprint for technology theft” on a large scale.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2745-46  | Added on Sunday, July 03, 2011, 11:54 AM

any further reform would affect the interests of people in the top echelons of the party as well as their families, who have extensive connections with state-owned firms.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2760-61  | Added on Sunday, July 03, 2011, 11:56 AM

Over the next few years China will undergo a huge demographic shift. The share of people over 60 in the total population will increase from 12.5% in 2010 to 20% in 2020. By 2030 their number will double from today’s 178m.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2779-81  | Added on Sunday, July 03, 2011, 11:57 AM

Wang Feng of the Brookings Institution notes that China’s primary-school enrolment dropped from 25.3m in 1995 to 16.7m in 2008. Revoking the one-child policy would probably not make a big difference. Chinese couples have small families mainly because children are expensive, Mr Wang argues.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2803-6  | Added on Sunday, July 03, 2011, 01:06 PM

Young urban couples, many of them without siblings, will find themselves with four parents to look after and will themselves have only one child (known as the 4-2-1 phenomenon). If they are sensible, they will save hard to prepare for such a future, which will not help the government’s efforts to shift China towards more consumption-led growth.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2812  | Added on Sunday, July 03, 2011, 01:07 PM

The people’s will is almost as much of an obstacle to reform in China as the party’s.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2815-21  | Added on Sunday, July 03, 2011, 01:10 PM

FOR A PRINCELING and former chairman of a state-owned company, Qin Xiao is far from typical. Instead of retiring quietly or taking up a party-funded sinecure, the gaunt one-time apparatchik has emerged in recent months as the standard-bearer of a liberal force in Chinese politics that refuses to be subdued by chest-thumping supporters of the “China model”. He believes there is no such thing, only “universal values”. Mr Qin caused a stir in July last year when, in a speech at one of China’s most prestigious universities, Tsinghua, he accused the China modelists of trying to replace enlightenment values of democracy, freedom and individual rights with “Chinese” ones, such as stability and the interests of the state.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2849-51  | Added on Sunday, July 03, 2011, 01:11 PM

Zhang Weiwei, a scholar and proponent of Chinese exceptionalism, wrote in March that China’s evolution was “as if the Roman empire had never collapsed and had survived to this day, turning itself into a modern state with a central government and modern economy, combining all sorts of traditional cultures into one body and with everyone speaking Latin.”
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2851-53  | Added on Sunday, July 03, 2011, 01:12 PM

the vocal nationalist left is having a similar effect on China’s Communist Party as America’s tea-party movement is having on the Republican Party: pushing it towards inward-looking conservatism. Statism is becoming the new ideological fashion,
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2858-59  | Added on Sunday, July 03, 2011, 01:12 PM

David Shambaugh, an American scholar, wrote in the Washington Quarterly that 2009 and 2010 “will be remembered as the years in which China became difficult for the world to deal with”.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 2868-70  | Added on Sunday, July 03, 2011, 01:14 PM

a brooding animosity towards competitors that erupts occasionally into self-destructive rage. Spats last year with Japan and South-East Asian countries over maritime territorial issues badly tarnished China’s image in the region.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 99-100  | Added on Wednesday, July 06, 2011, 09:39 PM

News Corporation finally managed to sell off its troubled Myspace social-networking site in a deal that values the business at $35m. News Corp paid $580m for it in 2005.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 485  | Added on Wednesday, July 06, 2011, 10:01 PM

A company selling car-engine oil has seen sales drop by 80%. “And this is not a luxury product,” says one of the owners.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 486-88  | Added on Wednesday, July 06, 2011, 10:02 PM

unemployment has doubled this year from about 10%. Officials worry that grain supplies are low and food shortages could come soon. Trade is down between 30% and 70%, depending on where you are, and that was before a new round of sanctions imposed by the European Union, Syria’s biggest trading partner.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 694-99  | Added on Thursday, July 07, 2011, 08:34 PM

As well as providing financial firepower and a network for sourcing deals, private-equity firms can shroud the identity of publicity-shy investors. They are also well equipped to structure the fiddlier bits of deals and to guide the integration of partners from different cultures. Getting that sort of thing right is undoubtedly hard for Chinese firms with limited experience of international deals—witness the bafflement of one firm at foreigners’ habit of taking time off for holidays. Europeans, of course, have plenty of experience of cross-cultural deals. According to one Briton, the Chinese are no worse than the neighbours. “The French are way more difficult than the Chinese,” he says.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 969-70  | Added on Sunday, July 10, 2011, 01:12 PM

Even Reagan, a supply-sider persuaded by Arthur Laffer’s pretty curves that his tax cuts would pay for themselves, raised taxes when they did not.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 974-77  | Added on Sunday, July 10, 2011, 01:13 PM

To non-partisans, the idea of taming the deficit by spending cuts alone flies against both common sense and arithmetic. America’s tax-take is not high either by international or its own historical standards. One commission after another has advocated mixing spending reductions and revenue increases. Without the latter, entitlement programmes will have to be eviscerated, even if, as now looks possible, the defence budget takes a share of the pain. But the Republicans will not budge from their dogma.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 988-91  | Added on Sunday, July 10, 2011, 01:15 PM

For example, the blue-collar whites who make up 40% of the electorate are fed up with Mr Obama, but also wary of sudden change and attached to entitlements such as Medicare and Social Security (pensions). As Henry Olsen of the American Enterprise Institute notes, this group has handed power to the Republicans before, only to defect when the party threatened the welfare state.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 999-1001  | Added on Sunday, July 10, 2011, 01:16 PM

Since 2001 average income growth per person has been below 1% a year, one of the lowest rates in the world. Whereas the drug war has raged mainly along the cocaine trail, with two-thirds of its estimated 40,000 killings occurring in just 3% of the country’s municipalities, economic hardship has touched nearly everyone.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1001-4  | Added on Sunday, July 10, 2011, 01:16 PM

security is now a greater concern for Mexicans than the economy is. That is partly because GDP is growing again: last year it rose by 5.5%. But it is also because the violence caused by the crackdown on gangs continues to spread. Last year the government recorded more than five times as many mafia-linked murders as in 2007.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1479-82  | Added on Tuesday, July 12, 2011, 11:05 AM

The UAE is by many standards a contented place. Its citizens, who account for less than a fifth of the country’s 8.2m residents, are among the world’s most pampered. They enjoy cradle-to-grave welfare lavished by the oil-rich state and the advantages of what has long been the Gulf’s most open and tolerant way of life. No wonder many Emiratis think it churlish to demand such things as full political rights and free speech.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1745-47  | Added on Saturday, July 16, 2011, 02:11 PM

No German institution is among the leaders in global rankings, and money is part of the problem. The United States spends nearly twice as much per student as Germany does. Two-thirds of American universities’ revenues come from private sources, compared with just 15% in Germany.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1747-48  | Added on Saturday, July 16, 2011, 02:11 PM

The federal government is pumping in money through programmes like the “excellence initiative”, which promotes mainly research at a few select universities. But it so far has done little to improve teaching, which is what students tend to care about.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1755-57  | Added on Saturday, July 16, 2011, 02:12 PM

In most states they pay €500 ($720) per term—nothing like the mortgage-sized sums levied on American, and soon British, students. Fees produced €1.2 billion for German universities in 2008, a modest but useful sum compared with their total spending of €36 billion.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1427-31  | Added on Saturday, July 23, 2011, 12:34 PM

so far Egypt’s courts have largely shielded the biggest fish from punishment, including Mr Mubarak himself and the security officers responsible for widespread torture, as well as the killing of hundreds of people during the revolution. “In 1952 we had a coup that turned into a revolution,” grumbles a young activist in Cairo, referring to the army putsch that overthrew King Farouk and then replaced his liberal democracy with a socialist dictatorship. “This time we seem to have had a revolution that turned into a coup.”
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1453-55  | Added on Saturday, July 23, 2011, 12:36 PM

On the tricky question of Islam and the state, the likely outcome may be a sort of fudge, with the state described as “civil” rather than secular, and Islamic law being accepted as an underlying principle for legislation rather than a literal prescription.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1464-65  | Added on Saturday, July 23, 2011, 12:37 PM

foresees a return to the regional politics of the 1960s, when Saudi Arabia sparred with revolutionary republics in what some dubbed an Arab cold war.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1467-71  | Added on Saturday, July 23, 2011, 12:39 PM

$120 billion in new social spending, while slapping extra restrictions on its press and tightening police control of public gatherings. Some of that cash may subtly undermine reforms elsewhere. While welcome, given Egypt’s squeezed finances, a generous Saudi pledge of $4 billion in aid raises Egyptian fears that strings may be quietly attached. Private Saudi funding, often filtered through lavishly government-supported charities, bolsters Salafists in Egypt who believe that Muslims should blindly obey their rulers and deride democracy as “man-made law”.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1480-81  | Added on Saturday, July 23, 2011, 12:40 PM

A gap in outlook yawns between young people attuned to the world and an older generation restrained by deference to power and tradition.
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1482-84  | Added on Saturday, July 23, 2011, 12:40 PM

In a few years countries such as Saudi Arabia could find themselves surrounded by fellow Arab states whose citizens gleefully express their entitlement to accountable government. Some may prove models of constitutional monarchy that look easily applicable elsewhere. Others may evolve ways of accommodating Islamic rules within a consensual context of tolerance and pragmatism. The question then would be, why not here?
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The Economist (calibre)
- Highlight Loc. 1489-91  | Added on Saturday, July 23, 2011, 12:41 PM

Yet the overall trend towards democratisation is no more stoppable in the Arab world than it has been elsewhere. “You have to understand that this is not a bunch of different revolutions,” explains a sunken-eyed Syrian student, taking a breather in Lebanon from weeks of protest-organising in Damascus. “This is one big revolution for all the Arabs. It will not stop until it reaches 

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October

The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Highlight Loc. 1914-22  | Added on Friday, October 07, 2011, 03:10 AM

The principal purposes to be answered by union are these the common defense of the members; the preservation of the public peace as well against internal convulsions as external attacks; the regulation of commerce with other nations and between the States; the superintendence of our intercourse, political and commercial, with foreign countries. The authorities essential to the common defense are these: to raise armies; to build and equip fleets; to prescribe rules for the government of both; to direct their operations; to provide for their support. These powers ought to exist without limitation, BECAUSE IT IS IMPOSSIBLE TO FORESEE OR DEFINE THE EXTENT AND VARIETY OF NATIONAL EXIGENCIES, OR THE CORRESPONDENT EXTENT AND VARIETY OF THE MEANS WHICH MAY BE NECESSARY TO SATISFY THEM. The circumstances that endanger the safety of nations are infinite, and for this reason no constitutional shackles can wisely be imposed on the power to which the care of it is committed. This power ought to be coextensive with all the possible combinations of such circumstances; and ought to be under the direction of the same councils which are appointed to preside over the common defense.
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Highlight Loc. 1925-27  | Added on Friday, October 07, 2011, 03:11 AM

intrusted with the care of the common defense, is a question in the first instance, open for discussion; but the moment it is decided in the affirmative, it will follow, that that government ought to be clothed with all the powers requisite to complete execution of its trust.
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Highlight Loc. 1960-62  | Added on Friday, October 07, 2011, 03:15 AM

Every view we may take of the subject, as candid inquirers after truth, will serve to convince us, that it is both unwise and dangerous to deny the federal government an unconfined authority, as to all those objects which are intrusted to its management.
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Highlight Loc. 1962-63  | Added on Friday, October 07, 2011, 03:15 AM

the people, to see that it be modeled in such a manner as to admit of its being safely vested with the requisite powers.
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Highlight Loc. 2026-36  | Added on Friday, October 07, 2011, 03:26 AM

Though a wide ocean separates the United States from Europe, yet there are various considerations that warn us against an excess of confidence or security. On one side of us, and stretching far into our rear, are growing settlements subject to the dominion of Britain. On the other side, and extending to meet the British settlements, are colonies and establishments subject to the dominion of Spain. This situation and the vicinity of the West India Islands, belonging to these two powers create between them, in respect to their American possessions and in relation to us, a common interest. The savage tribes on our Western frontier ought to be regarded as our natural enemies, their natural allies, because they have most to fear from us, and most to hope from them. The improvements in the art of navigation have, as to the facility of communication, rendered distant nations, in a great measure, neighbors. Britain and Spain are among the principal maritime powers of Europe. A future concert of views between these nations ought not to be regarded as improbable. The increasing remoteness of consanguinity is every day diminishing the force of the family compact between France and Spain. And politicians have ever with great reason considered the ties of blood as feeble and precarious links of political connection. These circumstances combined, admonish us not to be too sanguine in considering ourselves as entirely out of the reach of danger.
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Highlight Loc. 2038-51  | Added on Friday, October 07, 2011, 03:29 AM

These garrisons must either be furnished by occasional detachments from the militia, or by permanent corps in the pay of the government. The first is impracticable; and if practicable, would be pernicious. The militia would not long, if at all, submit to be dragged from their occupations and families to perform that most disagreeable duty in times of profound peace. And if they could be prevailed upon or compelled to do it, the increased expense of a frequent rotation of service, and the loss of labor and disconcertion of the industrious pursuits of individuals, would form conclusive objections to the scheme. It would be as burdensome and injurious to the public as ruinous to private citizens. The latter resource of permanent corps in the pay of the government amounts to a standing army in time of peace; a small one, indeed, but not the less real for being small. Here is a simple view of the subject, that shows us at once the impropriety of a constitutional interdiction of such establishments, and the necessity of leaving the matter to the discretion and prudence of the legislature. In proportion to our increase in strength, it is probable, nay, it may be said certain, that Britain and Spain would augment their military establishments in our neighborhood. If we should not be willing to be exposed, in a naked and defenseless condition, to their insults and encroachments, we should find it expedient to increase our frontier garrisons in some ratio to the force by which our Western settlements might be annoyed. There are, and will be, particular posts, the possession of which will include the command of large districts of territory, and facilitate future invasions of the remainder. It may be added that some of those posts will be keys to the trade with the Indian nations. Can any man think it would be wise to leave such posts in a situation to be at any instant seized by one or the other of two neighboring and formidable powers? To act this part would be to desert all the usual maxims of prudence and policy.
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Bookmark Loc. 2084  | Added on Friday, October 07, 2011, 03:31 AM


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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Highlight Loc. 2080-88  | Added on Friday, October 07, 2011, 03:32 AM

Reasons have been already given to induce a supposition that the State governments will too naturally be prone to a rivalship with that of the Union, the foundation of which will be the love of power; and that in any contest between the federal head and one of its members the people will be most apt to unite with their local government. If, in addition to this immense advantage, the ambition of the members should be stimulated by the separate and independent possession of military forces, it would afford too strong a temptation and too great a facility to them to make enterprises upon, and finally to subvert, the constitutional authority of the Union. On the other hand, the liberty of the people would be less safe in this state of things than in that which left the national forces in the hands of the national government. As far as an army may be considered as a dangerous weapon of power, it had better be in those hands of which the people are most likely to be jealous than in those of which they are least likely to be jealous. For it is a truth, which the experience of ages has attested, that the people are always most in danger when the means of injuring their rights are in the possession of those of whom they entertain the least suspicion.
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Highlight Loc. 2090-91  | Added on Friday, October 07, 2011, 03:33 AM

The truth is, that the existence of a federal government and military establishments under State authority are not less at variance with each other than a due supply of the federal treasury and the system of quotas and requisitions.
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Highlight Loc. 2095-2102  | Added on Friday, October 07, 2011, 03:34 AM

When armies are once raised what shall be denominated ``keeping them up,'' contrary to the sense of the Constitution? What time shall be requisite to ascertain the violation? Shall it be a week, a month, a year? Or shall we say they may be continued as long as the danger which occasioned their being raised continues? This would be to admit that they might be kept up IN TIME OF PEACE, against threatening or impending danger, which would be at once to deviate from the literal meaning of the prohibition, and to introduce an extensive latitude of construction. Who shall judge of the continuance of the danger? This must undoubtedly be submitted to the national government, and the matter would then be brought to this issue, that the national government, to provide against apprehended danger, might in the first instance raise troops, and might afterwards keep them on foot as long as they supposed the peace or safety of the community was in any degree of jeopardy. It is easy to perceive that a discretion so latitudinary as this would afford ample room for eluding the force of the provision.
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Highlight Loc. 2095-2110  | Added on Friday, October 07, 2011, 03:35 AM

When armies are once raised what shall be denominated ``keeping them up,'' contrary to the sense of the Constitution? What time shall be requisite to ascertain the violation? Shall it be a week, a month, a year? Or shall we say they may be continued as long as the danger which occasioned their being raised continues? This would be to admit that they might be kept up IN TIME OF PEACE, against threatening or impending danger, which would be at once to deviate from the literal meaning of the prohibition, and to introduce an extensive latitude of construction. Who shall judge of the continuance of the danger? This must undoubtedly be submitted to the national government, and the matter would then be brought to this issue, that the national government, to provide against apprehended danger, might in the first instance raise troops, and might afterwards keep them on foot as long as they supposed the peace or safety of the community was in any degree of jeopardy. It is easy to perceive that a discretion so latitudinary as this would afford ample room for eluding the force of the provision. The supposed utility of a provision of this kind can only be founded on the supposed probability, or at least possibility, of a combination between the executive and the legislative, in some scheme of usurpation. Should this at any time happen, how easy would it be to fabricate pretenses of approaching danger! Indian hostilities, instigated by Spain or Britain, would always be at hand. Provocations to produce the desired appearances might even be given to some foreign power, and appeased again by timely concessions. If we can reasonably presume such a combination to have been formed, and that the enterprise is warranted by a sufficient prospect of success, the army, when once raised, from whatever cause, or on whatever pretext, may be applied to the execution of the project. If, to obviate this consequence, it should be resolved to extend the prohibition to the RAISING of armies in time of peace, the United States would then exhibit the most extraordinary spectacle which the world has yet seen, that of a nation incapacitated by its Constitution to prepare for defense, before it was actually invaded.
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Highlight Loc. 2110-12  | Added on Friday, October 07, 2011, 03:35 AM

the presence of an enemy within our territories must be waited for, as the legal warrant to the government to begin its levies of men for the protection of the State. We must receive the blow, before we could even prepare to return it.
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Highlight Loc. 2115-23  | Added on Friday, October 07, 2011, 03:36 AM

Here I expect we shall be told that the militia of the country is its natural bulwark, and would be at all times equal to the national defense. This doctrine, in substance, had like to have lost us our independence. It cost millions to the United States that might have been saved. The facts which, from our own experience, forbid a reliance of this kind, are too recent to permit us to be the dupes of such a suggestion. The steady operations of war against a regular and disciplined army can only be successfully conducted by a force of the same kind. Considerations of economy, not less than of stability and vigor, confirm this position. The American militia, in the course of the late war, have, by their valor on numerous occasions, erected eternal monuments to their fame; but the bravest of them feel and know that the liberty of their country could not have been established by their efforts alone, however great and valuable they were. War, like most other things, is a science to be acquired and perfected by diligence, by perserverance, by time, and by practice. All violent policy, as it is contrary to the natural and experienced course of human affairs, defeats itself.
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Highlight Loc. 2146-50  | Added on Friday, October 07, 2011, 03:27 PM

A failure in this delicate and important point is the great source of the inconveniences we experience, and if we are not cautious to avoid a repetition of the error, in our future attempts to rectify and ameliorate our system, we may travel from one chimerical project to another; we may try change after change; but we shall never be likely to make any material change for the better. The idea of restraining the legislative authority, in the means of providing for the national defense, is one of those refinements which owe their origin to a zeal for liberty more ardent than enlightened.
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Highlight Loc. 2168-73  | Added on Friday, October 07, 2011, 03:32 PM

As incident to the undefined power of making war, an acknowledged prerogative of the crown, Charles II. had, by his own authority, kept on foot in time of peace a body of 5,000 regular troops. And this number James II. increased to 30,000; who were paid out of his civil list. At the revolution, to abolish the exercise of so dangerous an authority, it became an article of the Bill of Rights then framed, that ``the raising or keeping a standing army within the kingdom in time of peace, UNLESS WITH THE CONSENT OF PARLIAMENT, was against law.'' In that kingdom, when the pulse of liberty was at its highest pitch, no security against the danger of standing armies was thought requisite, beyond a prohibition of their being raised or kept up by the mere authority of the executive magistrate.
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Highlight Loc. 2182-87  | Added on Friday, October 07, 2011, 03:35 PM

Even in some of the States, where this error was not adopted, we find unnecessary declarations that standing armies ought not to be kept up, in time of peace, WITHOUT THE CONSENT OF THE LEGISLATURE. I call them unnecessary, because the reason which had introduced a similar provision into the English Bill of Rights is not applicable to any of the State constitutions. The power of raising armies at all, under those constitutions, can by no construction be deemed to reside anywhere else, than in the legislatures themselves; and it was superfluous, if not absurd, to declare that a matter should not be done without the consent of a body, which alone had the power of doing it.
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Highlight Loc. 2196-2201  | Added on Friday, October 07, 2011, 03:37 PM

Let us examine whether there be any comparison, in point of efficacy, between the provision alluded to and that which is contained in the new Constitution, for restraining the appropriations of money for military purposes to the period of two years. The former, by aiming at too much, is calculated to effect nothing; the latter, by steering clear of an imprudent extreme, and by being perfectly compatible with a proper provision for the exigencies of the nation, will have a salutary and powerful operation. The legislature of the United States will be OBLIGED, by this provision, once at least in every two years, to deliberate upon the propriety of keeping a military force on foot; to come to a new resolution on the point; and to declare their sense of the matter, by a formal vote in the face of their constituents.
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Highlight Loc. 2228-32  | Added on Friday, October 07, 2011, 03:41 PM

Few persons will be so visionary as seriously to contend that military forces ought not to be raised to quell a rebellion or resist an invasion; and if the defense of the community under such circumstances should make it necessary to have an army so numerous as to hazard its liberty, this is one of those calamaties for which there is neither preventative nor cure. It cannot be provided against by any possible form of government; it might even result from a simple league offensive and defensive, if it should ever be necessary for the confederates or allies to form an army for common defense. But it is an evil infinitely less likely to attend us in a united than in a disunited state;
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Highlight Loc. 2233-36  | Added on Friday, October 07, 2011, 03:41 PM

It is not easy to conceive a possibility that dangers so formidable can assail the whole Union, as to demand a force considerable enough to place our liberties in the least jeopardy, especially if we take into our view the aid to be derived from the militia, which ought always to be counted upon as a valuable and powerful auxiliary. But in a state of disunion (as has been fully shown in another place), the contrary of this supposition would become not only probable, but almost unavoidable.
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Note Loc. 2236  | Added on Friday, October 07, 2011, 03:42 PM

wow. really? that seems really naive.
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Highlight Loc. 2245-47  | Added on Friday, October 07, 2011, 03:44 PM

I believe it may be laid down as a general rule that their confidence in and obedience to a government will commonly be proportioned to the goodness or badness of its administration. It must be admitted that there are exceptions to this rule; but these exceptions depend so entirely on accidental causes,
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Highlight Loc. 2249-56  | Added on Friday, October 07, 2011, 03:45 PM

Various reasons have been suggested, in the course of these papers, to induce a probability that the general government will be better administered than the particular governments; the principal of which reasons are that the extension of the spheres of election will present a greater option, or latitude of choice, to the people; that through the medium of the State legislatures which are select bodies of men, and which are to appoint the members of the national Senate there is reason to expect that this branch will generally be composed with peculiar care and judgment; that these circumstances promise greater knowledge and more extensive information in the national councils, and that they will be less apt to be tainted by the spirit of faction, and more out of the reach of those occasional ill-humors, or temporary prejudices and propensities, which, in smaller societies, frequently contaminate the public councils, beget injustice and oppression of a part of the community, and engender schemes which, though they gratify a momentary inclination or desire, terminate in general distress, dissatisfaction, and disgust.
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Note Loc. 2256  | Added on Friday, October 07, 2011, 03:45 PM

ever been to utah?
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Highlight Loc. 2298-2302  | Added on Friday, October 07, 2011, 08:46 PM

THAT there may happen cases in which the national government may be necessitated to resort to force, cannot be denied. Our own experience has corroborated the lessons taught by the examples of other nations; that emergencies of this sort will sometimes arise in all societies, however constituted; that seditions and insurrections are, unhappily, maladies as inseparable from the body politic as tumors and eruptions from the natural body; that the idea of governing at all times by the simple force of law (which we have been told is the only admissible principle of republican government), has no place but in the reveries of those political doctors whose sagacity disdains the admonitions of experimental instruction.
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Highlight Loc. 2330-37  | Added on Saturday, October 08, 2011, 12:51 AM

If the representatives of the people betray their constituents, there is then no resource left but in the exertion of that original right of self-defense which is paramount to all positive forms of government, and which against the usurpations of the national rulers, may be exerted with infinitely better prospect of success than against those of the rulers of an individual state. In a single state, if the persons intrusted with supreme power become usurpers, the different parcels, subdivisions, or districts of which it consists, having no distinct government in each, can take no regular measures for defense. The citizens must rush tumultuously to arms, without concert, without system, without resource; except in their courage and despair. The usurpers, clothed with the forms of legal authority, can too often crush the opposition in embryo. The smaller the extent of the territory, the more difficult will it be for the people to form a regular or systematic plan of opposition, and the more easy will it be to defeat their early efforts.
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Highlight Loc. 2358-61  | Added on Saturday, October 08, 2011, 12:19 PM

When will the time arrive that the federal government can raise and maintain an army capable of erecting a despotism over the great body of the people of an immense empire, who are in a situation, through the medium of their State governments, to take measures for their own defense, with all the celerity, regularity, and system of independent nations? The apprehension may be considered as a disease, for which there can be found no cure in the resources of argument and reasoning. PUBLIUS.
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Note Loc. 2361  | Added on Saturday, October 08, 2011, 12:19 PM

so the whole system is founded on mistrust
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Highlight Loc. 2401-6  | Added on Saturday, October 08, 2011, 12:24 PM

To oblige the great body of the yeomanry, and of the other classes of the citizens, to be under arms for the purpose of going through military exercises and evolutions, as often as might be necessary to acquire the degree of perfection which would entitle them to the character of a well-regulated militia, would be a real grievance to the people, and a serious public inconvenience and loss. It would form an annual deduction from the productive labor of the country, to an amount which, calculating upon the present numbers of the people, would not fall far short of the whole expense of the civil establishments of all the States. To attempt a thing which would abridge the mass of labor and industry to so considerable an extent, would be unwise: and the experiment, if made, could not succeed, because it would not long be endured.
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Note Loc. 2406  | Added on Saturday, October 08, 2011, 12:25 PM

this is kind of like a tirade against insurance
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Highlight Loc. 2408-16  | Added on Saturday, October 08, 2011, 12:26 PM

``But though the scheme of disciplining the whole nation must be abandoned as mischievous or impracticable; yet it is a matter of the utmost importance that a well-digested plan should, as soon as possible, be adopted for the proper establishment of the militia. The attention of the government ought particularly to be directed to the formation of a select corps of moderate extent, upon such principles as will really fit them for service in case of need. By thus circumscribing the plan, it will be possible to have an excellent body of well-trained militia, ready to take the field whenever the defense of the State shall require it. This will not only lessen the call for military establishments, but if circumstances should at any time oblige the government to form an army of any magnitude that army can never be formidable to the liberties of the people while there is a large body of citizens, little, if at all, inferior to them in discipline and the use of arms, who stand ready to defend their own rights and those of their fellow-citizens. This appears to me the only substitute that can be devised for a standing army, and the best possible security against it, if it should exist.''
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Highlight Loc. 2436-39  | Added on Saturday, October 08, 2011, 12:32 PM

If there should be no army, whither would the militia, irritated by being called upon to undertake a distant and hopeless expedition, for the purpose of riveting the chains of slavery upon a part of their countrymen, direct their course, but to the seat of the tyrants, who had meditated so foolish as well as so wicked a project, to crush them in their imagined intrenchments of power, and to make them an example of the just vengeance of an abused and incensed people?
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Note Loc. 2439  | Added on Saturday, October 08, 2011, 12:33 PM

not if the military is run like the military...
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Highlight Loc. 2443-44  | Added on Saturday, October 08, 2011, 12:33 PM

If we were even to suppose the national rulers actuated by the most ungovernable ambition, it is impossible to believe that they would employ such preposterous means to accomplish their designs.
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Note Loc. 2444  | Added on Saturday, October 08, 2011, 12:33 PM

oh sure. like syria.
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Note Loc. 2453  | Added on Saturday, October 08, 2011, 12:36 PM

nowi am confused. i thought he was advocating a militia
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Highlight Loc. 2456-66  | Added on Saturday, October 08, 2011, 12:37 PM

Money is, with propriety, considered as the vital principle of the body politic; as that which sustains its life and motion, and enables it to perform its most essential functions. A complete power, therefore, to procure a regular and adequate supply of it, as far as the resources of the community will permit, may be regarded as an indispensable ingredient in every constitution. From a deficiency in this particular, one of two evils must ensue; either the people must be subjected to continual plunder, as a substitute for a more eligible mode of supplying the public wants, or the government must sink into a fatal atrophy, and, in a short course of time, perish. In the Ottoman or Turkish empire, the sovereign, though in other respects absolute master of the lives and fortunes of his subjects, has no right to impose a new tax. The consequence is that he permits the bashaws or governors of provinces to pillage the people without mercy; and, in turn, squeezes out of them the sums of which he stands in need, to satisfy his own exigencies and those of the state. In America, from a like cause, the government of the Union has gradually dwindled into a state of decay, approaching nearly to annihilation. Who can doubt, that the happiness of the people in both countries would be promoted by competent authorities in the proper hands, to provide the revenues which the necessities of the public might require?
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Highlight Loc. 2588-89  | Added on Saturday, October 08, 2011, 12:49 PM

It should not be forgotten that a disposition in the State governments to encroach upon the rights of the Union is quite as probable as a disposition in the Union to encroach upon the rights of the State governments.
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Highlight Loc. 1687  | Added on Monday, October 10, 2011, 12:18 PM

To the People of the State of New York:
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Note Loc. 1687  | Added on Monday, October 10, 2011, 12:18 PM

notes
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The Federalist Papers (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay)
- Note Loc. 1687  | Added on Monday, October 10, 2011, 12:18 PM

notes
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Anathem (Neal Stephenson)
- Highlight Loc. 2502-5  | Added on Sunday, October 16, 2011, 10:39 AM

The argument between Jesry and his brother decayed into sporadic sniper fire across the table, suppressed by glares and arm-squeezings from exasperated females who had wordlessly squared up into a peacekeeping force. Jesry’s brother had decided that with our hair-splitting debates about how many Tetrarchs there were, we’d shown ourselves to be a lot of insignificant pedants. Jesry informed him that this was an iconography that dated back to before the founding of the city-state of Ethras.
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Anathem (Neal Stephenson)
- Highlight Loc. 3242-48  | Added on Sunday, October 16, 2011, 09:10 PM

“Ylma is having you work it out in the most gruesome way possible,” I said, “using Saunt Lesper’s Coordinates, so that when she teaches you how it’s really done, it’ll seem that much easier.” Barb was dumbfounded. I went on, “Like hitting yourself in the head with a hammer—it feels so good when you stop.” This was the oldest joke in the world, but Barb hadn’t heard it before, and he became so amused that he got physically excited and had to run back and forth across the kitchen several times to flame off energy. A few weeks ago I would have been alarmed by this and would have tried to calm him down, but now I was used to it, and knew that if I approached him physically things would get much worse. “What’s the right way to do 
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Anathem (Neal Stephenson)
- Highlight Loc. 3231-66  | Added on Sunday, October 16, 2011, 09:10 PM

“You want to know what’s stupid?” “Sure, Barb. Lay it on me,” I said, hauling a fistful of vegetable trimmings up out of the drain against the back-pressure of twenty gallons of dammed-up dishwater. The drain gargled and began to empty. “Any sline could stand out on the meadow at night and see some satellites in polar orbits, and other satellites in orbits around the equator, and know that those were two different kinds of orbits!” he exclaimed. “But if you work out the xs and ys and zs of it, guess what?” “What?” “They just look like a lot of xs and ys and zs, and it is not as obvious that some are polar and some are equatorial as it would be to any old dumb sline looking up into the sky!” “Worse than that,” I pointed out, “staring at the xs and ys and zs doesn’t even tell you that they are orbits.” “What do you mean?” “An orbit is a stationary, stable thing,” I said. “The satellite’s moving all the time, of course, but always in the same way. But that kind of stability is in no way shown by the xs and ys and zs.” “Yeah! It’s like knowing all of the theorics only makes us stupider!” he laughed excitedly, and cast a theatrical glance over his shoulder, as if we were up to something incredibly mischievous. “Ylma is having you work it out in the most gruesome way possible,” I said, “using Saunt Lesper’s Coordinates, so that when she teaches you how it’s really done, it’ll seem that much easier.” Barb was dumbfounded. I went on, “Like hitting yourself in the head with a hammer—it feels so good when you stop.” This was the oldest joke in the world, but Barb hadn’t heard it before, and he became so amused that he got physically excited and had to run back and forth across the kitchen several times to flame off energy. A few weeks ago I would have been alarmed by this and would have tried to calm him down, but now I was used to it, and knew that if I approached him physically things would get much worse. “What’s the right way to do it?” “Orbital elements,” I said. “Six numbers that tell you everything that can be known about how a satellite is moving.” “But I already have those six numbers.” “What are they?” I asked, testing him. “The satellite’s position on Saunt Lesper’s x, y, and z axes. That’s three numbers. And its velocity along each one of those axes. That’s three more. Six numbers.” “But as you pointed out you can look at those six numbers and still not be able to visualize the orbit, or even know that it is an orbit. What I am telling you is that with some more theorics you can turn them into a different list of six numbers, the orbital elements, that are infinitely easier to work with, in that you can glance at them and know right away whether the orbit goes over the poles or around the equator.” “Why didn’t Grandsuur Ylma tell me that to begin with?” I couldn’t tell him, because you learn too damned fast. But if I tried to be overly diplomatic, Barb would see through it and plane me. Then I had an upsight: it was my responsibility, just as much as it was Ylma’s, to teach fids the right stuff at the right time. “You are now ready to stop working in Saunt Lesper’s Coordinates,” I announced, “and begin working in other kinds of spaces, the way real, grown-up theors do.” “Is this like parallel dimensions?” said Barb, who apparently had been watching the same kinds of speelies as I had before coming here. “No. These spaces I’m talking about aren’t like physical spaces that you can measure with a ruler and move around in. They are abstract theorical spaces that follow different rules, called action principles. The space that cosmographers like to use has six dimensions: one for each of the orbital elements. But that’s a special-purpose tool, only used in that discipline. A more general one was developed early in the Praxic Age by Saunt Hemn…” And I went on to give Barb a calca* about Hemn spaces, or configuration spaces, which Hemn had invented when he, like Barb, had become sick of xs and ys and zs.
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Anathem (Neal Stephenson)
- Highlight Loc. 3375-83  | Added on Sunday, October 16, 2011, 09:20 PM

“I spent almost all of Apert extramuros,” Orolo said with a sigh, as if he had finally been run to ground. “I was expecting that it would be a wasteland. A cultural and intellectual charnel house. But that’s not exactly what I found. I went to speelys. I enjoyed them! I went to bars and got into some reasonably interesting conversations with people. Slines. I liked them. Some were quite interesting. And I don’t mean that in a bug-under-a-microscope way. They have stuck in my mind—characters I’ll always remember. For a while I was quite seduced by it. Then one evening I had an especially lively discussion with a sline who was as bright as anyone within this concent. And somehow, toward the end, it came out that he believed that the sun revolved around Arbre. I was flabbergasted, you know. I tried to disabuse him of this. He scoffed at my arguments. It made me remember just how much careful observation and theorical work is necessary to prove something as basic as that Arbre goes around the sun. How indebted we are to those who went before us. And this got me to thinking that I’d been living on the right side of the gate after all.”
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Anathem (Neal Stephenson)
- Highlight Loc. 3416-26  | Added on Sunday, October 16, 2011, 09:23 PM

Whatever his name, that boy was going to save me. There was a lot he didn’t know, but nothing he was afraid to ask about, and ask about, and ask about, until he understood it perfectly. I decided to make him my fid. People would think I was doing it to be charitable. Maybe some would even think I was getting ready to fall back, and was making the care of Barb my avocation. Let them think so! In truth it was mostly self-interest. I had learned more theorics in six weeks, simply by being willing to sit next to Barb, than I had in six months before Apert. I saw now that in my desire to know theorics I had taken shortcuts that, just like shortcuts on a map, turned out to be longcuts. Whenever I’d seen Jesry get it quicker than me, I had misread equations in a way that had seemed easier at the time but made things harder—no, impossible—later. Barb didn’t have that fear that others were getting it faster; because of how his brain was set up, he couldn’t read that in their faces. And he did not have the same desire to reach a distant goal. He was altogether self-centered and short-sighted. He wanted only to understand this one problem or equation chalked on the slate before him now, today, whether or not it was convenient for the others around him. And he was willing to stand there asking questions about it through supper and past curfew.
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Anathem (Neal Stephenson)
- Highlight Loc. 5210-16  | Added on Tuesday, October 18, 2011, 09:16 PM

“The aliens are jamming the nav satellites,” I announced. “Or maybe they just shot them down!” said Barb. “Let’s buy a sextant, then,” suggested Fraa Jad. “Those have not been made in four thousand years,” I told him. “Let’s build one then.” “I have no idea of all the parts and whatnot that go into a sextant.” He found this amusing. “Neither do I. I was assuming we would design it from first principles.” “Yeah!” snorted Barb. “It’s just geometry, Raz!”
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Anathem (Neal Stephenson)
- Highlight Loc. 5210-29  | Added on Tuesday, October 18, 2011, 09:17 PM

“The aliens are jamming the nav satellites,” I announced. “Or maybe they just shot them down!” said Barb. “Let’s buy a sextant, then,” suggested Fraa Jad. “Those have not been made in four thousand years,” I told him. “Let’s build one then.” “I have no idea of all the parts and whatnot that go into a sextant.” He found this amusing. “Neither do I. I was assuming we would design it from first principles.” “Yeah!” snorted Barb. “It’s just geometry, Raz!” “In the present age, this continent is covered by a dense network of hard-surfaced roads replete with signs and other navigational aids,” I announced. “Oh,” said Fraa Jad. “Between that and this”—I waved the cartabla—“we can find our way to Saunt Tredegarh without having to design a sextant from first principles.” Fraa Jad seemed a little put out by this. A minute later, though, we happened to pass an office supply store. I ran in and bought a protractor, then handed it to Fraa Jad to serve as the first component in his homemade sextant. He was deeply impressed. I realized that this was the first thing he’d seen extramuros that made sense to him. “Is that a Temple of Adrakhones?” he asked, gazing at the store. “No,” I said, and turned my back on it and walked away. “It is praxic. They need primitive trigonometry to build things like wheelchair ramps and doorstops.” “Nonetheless,” he said, falling behind me, and looking back longingly, “they must have some perception—” “Fraa Jad,” I said, “they have no awareness of the Hylaean Theoric World.” “Oh. Really?” “Really. Anyone out here who begins to see into the HTW suppresses it, goes crazy, or ends up at Saunt Edhar.” I turned around and looked at him. “Where did you think Barb and I came from?” Once we had gotten clear as to that, Barb and Jad were happy to follow me and discuss sextants as I led them on a wide arc around the west side of Saunt Edhar to the machine hall.
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Anathem (Neal Stephenson)
- Highlight Loc. 5242-70  | Added on Tuesday, October 18, 2011, 09:20 PM

“Do you think he is going to physically assault me? Because I know a little vlor. Not as much as Lio but—” “That would be an unusual way to handle it. Out here it would be a legal dispute. But you guys have your own separate law, so he can’t touch you. And it sounds like the Powers That Be are leaning on him to let this thing happen. He’ll negotiate with them for compensation. He’s also negotiating with the insurance company to make sure that none of this voids his policy.” “Wow. Things are complicated out here.” Cord looked in the direction of the Praesidium and sniffled. “And they’re not…in there?” I thought about that for a while. “I guess my disappearance on Tenth Night probably looks as weird to you as your boss’s insurance policy looks to me.” “Correct.” “Well, it wasn’t personal. And it hurt me a lot. Maybe as much as this mess hurts you.” “That is unlikely,” Cord said, “since ten seconds before you walked in here I got fired.” “That is wildly irrational behavior!” I protested. “Even by extramuros standards.” “Yes and no. Yes, it’s crazy for me to get fired because of a decision you made without my knowledge. But no, in a way it’s not, because I’m weird here. I’m a girl. I use the machines to make jewelry. I make parts for the Ita and get paid in jars of honey.” “Well, I’m really sorry—” “Just stop,” she suggested. “If there’s anything I can do—if you’d like to join the math—” “The math you just got thrown out of?” “I’m just saying, if there’s anything I can do to make it up to you—” “Give me an adventure.” In the moment that followed, Cord realized that this sounded weird, and lost her nerve. She held up her hands. “I’m not talking about some massive adventure. Just something that would make getting fired seem small. Something that I might remember when I’m old.” Now for the first time I reviewed everything that had happened in the last twelve hours. It made me a little dizzy. “Raz?” she said, after a while. “I can’t predict the future,” I said, “but based on what little I know so far, I’m afraid it has to be a massive adventure or nothing.” “Great!” “Probably the kind of adventure that ends in a mass burial.” That quieted her down a little bit. But after a while, she said: “Do you need transportation? Tools? Stuff?” “Our opponent is an alien starship packed with atomic bombs,” I said. “We have a protractor.” “Okay, I’ll go home and see if I can scrounge up a ruler and a piece of string.” “That’d be great.” “See you here at noon. If they’ll let me back in, that is.” “I’ll see to it that they do. Hey, Cord—” “Yeah?” “This is probably the wrong time to ask…but could you do me one favor?”
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Anathem (Neal Stephenson)
- Highlight Loc. 5432-36  | Added on Tuesday, October 18, 2011, 09:35 PM

Before leaving town we stopped, or rather slowed down, at a place where we could get food without spending a lot of time. I remembered this kind of restaurant from my childhood but it was new to the Hundreders. I couldn’t help seeing it as they did: the ambiguous conversation with the unseen serving-wench, the bags of hot-grease-scented food hurtling in through the window, condiments in packets, attempting to eat while lurching down a highway, volumes of messy litter that seemed to fill all the empty space in the mobe, a smell that outstayed its welcome.
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Anathem (Neal Stephenson)
- Bookmark Loc. 8678  | Added on Saturday, October 22, 2011, 01:33 PM


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Anathem (Neal Stephenson)
- Bookmark Loc. 12744  | Added on Thursday, October 27, 2011, 10:18 PM


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<pre>

==November==

<pre>
Red Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Bookmark Loc. 6638  | Added on Monday, November 14, 2011, 11:59 PM


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Red Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 6904-10  | Added on Wednesday, November 16, 2011, 12:01 AM

Dropping his bag on the floor and looking around at the room, he cursed aloud. To have to be in Burroughs in person— as if one’s physical presence made any difference these days! It was an absurd anachronism, but that’s the way people were. Another vestige of the savannah. They lived like monkeys still, while their new god powers lay around them in the weeds. Slusinski came in. Though his accent was pure New York, Frank had always called him Jeeves, because he looked like the actor in the BBC series. “We’re like dwarves in a waldo,” Frank said to him angrily. “One of those really big waldo excavators. We’re inside it and supposed to be moving a mountain, and instead of using the waldo capabilities we’re leaning out of a window and digging with teaspoons. And complimenting each other on the way we’re taking advantage of the height.”
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Red Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 7012-20  | Added on Wednesday, November 16, 2011, 12:12 AM

In a few months’ time, when the elevator was maneuvered into its remarkable orbit, Pavonis Mons was going to become the hub of Mars, superceding Burroughs as Burroughs had once superseded Underhill. And as the elevator’s touchdown was not far off, signs of the area’s coming predominance were already everywhere. Paralleling the train piste as it ascended the steep eastern slope of the volcano were two new roads and four thick pipelines, as well as an array of cables, a line of microwave towers, and a continuous litter of stations, loading tracks, warehouses, and dumps. And then, on the last and steepest upcurve of the volcano’s cone, there was a vast congregation of tents and industrial buildings, thicker and thicker until up on the broad rim they were everywhere, and between them immense fields of insolation-capture sheets, and receivers for the energy microwaved down from the orbiting solar panels. Each tent along the way was a little town, stuffed with little apartment blocks, and each apartment block was stuffed with people, their laundry hanging from every window. The tents nearest the piste had very few trees in them, and looked like commercial districts. Frank caught quick glimpses of food stands, video rentals, open-front gyms, clothing stores, laundromats. Litter piled in the streets.
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Ender's Game (Orson Scott Card)
- Highlight Loc. 35-41  | Added on Saturday, November 19, 2011, 12:33 AM

Asimov’s Foundation trilogy, which was (more or less) an extrapolation of the ideas in Gibbon’s Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, applied to a galaxy-wide empire in some far future time. The novel set me, not to dreaming, but to thinking, which is Asimov’s most extraordinary ability as a fiction writer. What would the future be like? How would things change? What would remain the same? The premise of Foundation seemed to be that even though you might change the props and the actors, the play of human history is always the same. And yet that fundamentally pessimistic premise (you mean we’ll never change?) was tempered by Asimov’s idea of a group of human beings who, not through genetic change, but through learned skills, are able to understand and heal the minds of other people.
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Ender's Game (Orson Scott Card)
- Highlight Loc. 43-46  | Added on Saturday, November 19, 2011, 12:34 AM

Those were some of the ideas that played through my mind as I read Foundation, curled on my bed—a thin mattress on a slab of plywood, a bed my father had made for me—in my basement bedroom in our little rambler on 650 East in Orem, Utah. And then, as so many science fiction readers have done over the years, I felt a strong desire to write stories that would do for others what Asimov’s story had done for me.
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Ender's Game (Orson Scott Card)
- Highlight Loc. 60-65  | Added on Saturday, November 19, 2011, 12:36 AM

Far more deeply rooted in my mind was my experience, five or six years earlier, of reading Bruce Catton’s three-volume Army of the Potomac. I remembered so well the stories of the commanders in that war—the struggle to find a Union general capable of using McClellan’s magnificent army to defeat Lee and Jackson and Stuart, and then, finally, Grant, who brought death to far too many of his soldiers, but also made their deaths mean something, by grinding away at Lee, keeping him from dancing and maneuvering out of reach. It was because of Catton’s history that I had stopped enjoying chess, and had to revise the rules of Risk in order to play it—I had come to understand something of war, and not just because of the conclusions Catton himself had reached. I found meanings of my own in that history.
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Ender's Game (Orson Scott Card)
- Highlight Loc. 66-69  | Added on Saturday, November 19, 2011, 12:37 AM

I learned that history is shaped by the use of power, and that different people, leading the same army, with, therefore, approximately the same power, applied it so differently that the army seemed to change from a pack of noble fools at Fredericksburg to panicked cowards melting away at Chancellorsville, then to the grimly determined, stubborn soldiers who held the ridges at Gettysburg, and then, finally, to the disciplined, professional army that ground Lee to dust in Grant’s long campaign. It wasn’t the soldiers who changed. It was the leader.
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Ender's Game (Orson Scott Card)
- Highlight Loc. 600-602  | Added on Saturday, November 19, 2011, 01:02 AM

“With Ender, we have to strike a delicate balance. Isolate him enough that he remains creative—otherwise he’ll adopt the system here and we’ll lose him. At the same time, we need to make sure he keeps a strong ability to lead.” “If he earns rank, he’ll lead.”
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Ender's Game (Orson Scott Card)
- Highlight Loc. 1647-55  | Added on Saturday, November 19, 2011, 02:27 AM

“Why?” asked Ender. “I’ve watched your practice sessions with the Launchies. I think you show some promise. Bonzo is stupid and I wanted you to get better training than Petra could give you. All she can do is shoot.” “I needed to learn that.” “You still move like you were afraid to wet your pants.” “So teach me.” “So learn.” “I’m not going to quit my freetime practice sessions.” “I don’t want you to quit them.” “Rose the Nose does.” “Rose the Nose can’t stop you. Likewise, he can’t stop you from using your desk.” “I thought commanders could order anything.” “They can order the moon to turn blue, too, but it doesn’t happen. Listen, Ender, commanders have just as much authority as you let them have. The more you obey them, the more power they have over you.”
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Ender's Game (Orson Scott Card)
- Highlight Loc. 2039-40  | Added on Saturday, November 19, 2011, 02:53 AM

“Peter, you’re twelve.” “Not on the nets I’m not. On the nets I can name myself anything I want, and so can you.”
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Ender's Game (Orson Scott Card)
- Bookmark Loc. 4608  | Added on Saturday, November 19, 2011, 03:36 PM


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Green Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 1230-32  | Added on Sunday, November 20, 2011, 03:23 PM

“Continuous expansion is a fundamental tenet of economics. Therefore one of the fundamentals of the universe itself. Because everything is economics. Physics is cosmic economics, biology is cellular economics, the humanities are social economics, psychology is mental economics, and so on.”
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Green Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 1262-66  | Added on Sunday, November 20, 2011, 03:28 PM

“We understand the world through paradigms. The change from empty-world economics to full-world economics is a major paradigm shift. Max Planck once said that a new paradigm takes over not when it convinces its opponents, but when its opponents eventually die.” “And now they aren’t dying,” Art said. Fort nodded. “The treatments are keeping people around. And a lot of them have tenure.”
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Green Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 1442-48  | Added on Sunday, November 20, 2011, 03:46 PM

“For development! Mars isn’t just an empty world, Randolph— in economic terms, it’s nearly a nonexistent world. Its bioinfrastructure has to be constructed, you see. I mean one could just extract the metals and move on, which is what Subarashii and the others seem to have in mind. But that’s treating it like nothing more than a big asteroid. Which is stupid, because its value as a base of operations, as a planet so to speak, far surpasses the value of its metals. All its metals together total about twenty trillion dollars, but the value of a terraformed Mars is more in the neighborhood of two hundred trillion dollars. That’s about one third of the current Gross World Value, and even that doesn’t make proper assessment of its scarcity value, if you ask me. No, Mars is bioinfrastructure investment, just like I was talking about. Exactly the kind of thing Praxis is looking for.”
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Green Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 2353-55  | Added on Sunday, November 20, 2011, 11:33 PM

“To figure things out,” he said. “But terraforming is not figuring things out.” “Terraforming isn’t science. I never said it was. It’s what people-do with science. Applied science, or technology. What have you. The choice of what to do with what you learn from science. Whatever you call that.”
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Green Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 2407-13  | Added on Sunday, November 20, 2011, 11:39 PM

She did not reply. It was distressing, it really was. Once, in an attempt to understand Ann, to be able to talk to her, he had done research in the philosophy of science. He had read a fair amount of material, concentrating particularly on the land ethic, and the fact-value interface. Alas, it had never proved to be of much help; in conversation with her, he had never seemed able to apply what he had learned in any useful manner. Now, looking down at her, feeling the ache in his joints, he recalled something that Kuhn had written about Priestley— that a scientist who continued to resist after his whole profession had been converted to a new paradigm might be perfectly logical and reasonable, but had ipso facto ceased to be a scientist. It seemed that something like this had happened to Ann, but what then was she now? A counterrevolutionary? A prophet?
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Green Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 2476-81  | Added on Sunday, November 20, 2011, 11:50 PM

The formula governing the number of possible relationships in a group was n(n-1)/2 where n is the number of individuals in the group; so that, for the 1,000 people at Biotique Burroughs, there were 499,500 possible relationships. This seemed to Sax well beyond anyone’s ability to comprehend— even the 4,950 possible relationships in a group of 100, the hypothesized “design limit” of human group size, seemed unwieldy. Certainly it had been at Underhill, when they had had a chance to test it. So it was important to find a smaller group at Biotique, and Sax set about doing so.
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Green Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 2571-76  | Added on Monday, November 21, 2011, 12:00 AM

He breathed in a cold rush of the gas, held it briefly, exhaled, and felt all the weight go out of him— that was the subjective impression. It was fairly humorous to see how responsive mood was to chemical manipulation, despite what it implied about the precarious balance of one’s emotional equanimity, even sanity itself. Not on the face of it a pleasant realization. But at the moment, not a problem. In fact it made him grin. He looked over the rail at the rooftops of Burroughs, and noticed for the first time that the new neighborhoods to the west and north were shifting to blue tile roofs and white walls, so that they were taking on a Greek look, while the old parts of town were more Spanish. Jessica was definitely making an effort to keep their upper arms in contact. It was possible her balance was impaired by mirth.
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Green Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 2669-73  | Added on Monday, November 21, 2011, 09:52 PM

And so he worked on, trying to incorporate into the calculation skylight radiance intensities, Chandrasekhar’s radiative transfer equation, chromaticity scales, aerosol chemical compositions, Legendre polynomials to evaluate the angular scattering intensities, Riccati-Bessel functions to evaluate the scattering cross sections, and so on— occupying the better part of the drive to Arena Glacier, concentrating hard and steadfastly ignoring the world around him and the situation in which he now found himself.
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Green Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 3123-33  | Added on Tuesday, November 22, 2011, 01:17 AM

And it occurred to him that this vision was not a matter of accident (the lensing of tears over his cornea, for instance) but the result of a new and growing conceptual understanding of the landscape. It was a kind of cognitive vision, and he could not help but remember Ann saying angrily to him, Mars is the place you have never seen. He had taken it as a figure of speech. But now he recalled Kuhn, asserting that scientists who used different paradigms existed in literally different worlds, epistemology being such an integral component of reality. Thus Aristoteleans simply did not see the Galilean pendulum, which to them was a body falling with some difficulty; and in general, scientists debating the relative merits of competing paradigms simply talked right through each other, using the same words to discuss different realities. He had considered that too to be a figure of speech. But thinking of it now, absorbing the hallucinatory clarity of the ice, he had to admit that it certainly described what his conversations with Ann had always felt like. It had been a frustration to both of them, and when Ann had cried out that he had never seen Mars, a statement that was obviously false on some levels, she had perhaps meant only to say that he hadn’t seen her Mars, the Mars created by her paradigm. And that was no doubt true.
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Green Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 3925-33  | Added on Tuesday, November 22, 2011, 11:10 PM

“Power,” Desmond said. “Power and gain.” “Ah.” Sax had always been so uninterested in those things that it was hard for him to understand why anyone else would be. What was personal gain but the freedom to do what you wanted to do? And what was power but the freedom to do what you wanted to do? And once you had that freedom, any more wealth or power actually began to restrict one’s options, and reduce one’s freedom. One became a servant of one’s wealth or power, constrained to spend all one’s time protecting it. So that properly seen, the freedom of a scientist with a lab at his command was the highest freedom possible. Any more wealth and power only interfered with that. Desmond was shaking his head as Sax described this philosophy. “Some people like to tell others what to do. They like that more than freedom. Hierarchy, you know. And their place in the hierarchy. As long as it’s high enough. Everyone bound into their places. It’s safer than freedom. And a lot of people are cowards.”
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Green Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 4093-95  | Added on Tuesday, November 22, 2011, 11:27 PM

So that human beings were miraculous indeed— conscious creators, walking this new world like fresh young gods, wielding immense alchemical powers. So that anyone Michel met on Mars he regarded curiously, wondering as he looked at their often innocuous exteriors what kind of new Paracelsus or Isaac of Holland stood before him, and whether they would turn lead to gold, or cause rocks to 
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Green Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 4566-73  | Added on Thursday, November 24, 2011, 01:42 AM

Maya was clearly in a foul mood, Nirgal recognized the look from childhood, although this one was worse, her face hard and her mouth set in a downturned sickle. “I killed Phyllis,” she told Coyote. There was silence. Nirgal’s hands went cold. Suddenly, looking around at the others, he saw that they all felt awkward. It was the sole woman among them who was the killer, and for a second there was something strange in that which they all felt, including Maya— who drew herself up, scornful of their cowardice. None of this was rational or even conscious in them, Nirgal saw as he read their faces, but rather something primal, instinctive, biological. And so Maya only stared them down the more, contemptuous of their horror, glaring at them with an eagle’s alien hostility. Coyote stepped to her side and went on his toes to peck her on the cheek with a kiss, meeting her glare foursquare. “You did good,” he said, putting a hand to her arm. “You saved Sax.”
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Green Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 5369-72  | Added on Friday, November 25, 2011, 02:40 AM

Maya was at their table, and she looked at Art as suspiciously as she had in Echus Chasma. “It isn’t possible,” she declared. She looked much better than she had when they had parted, Nirgal thought— rested, tall, rangy, graceful, glamorous. She seemed to have shrugged off the guilt of murder as if it were a coat she didn’t like.
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Green Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 5990-95  | Added on Friday, November 25, 2011, 10:53 PM

“No. But would they fight without orders from their leaders?” “Some might. It’s their job, after all.” “Yes, but they have no great stake beyond that,” Nadia said, thinking it out as she spoke. “Without nationalism or ethnicity, or some other kind of home feeling involved, I don’t think these people will fight to the death. They know they’re being ordered around to protect the powerful. Some more egalitarian system makes an appearance, and they might feel a conflict of loyalties.” “Retirement benefits,” Maya mocked, and people laughed again.
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Green Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 5986-95  | Added on Friday, November 25, 2011, 10:53 PM

“Mandatory retirement?” Maya suggested acidly. People laughed, and Nadia glared at her old friend. “Forced disemployment,” Art said loudly from the back, where he had just appeared. “You mean a coup,” Maya said. “Not to fight the entire population on the surface, but just the leadership and their bodyguards.” “And maybe their armies,” Nirgal insisted. “We have no sign that they are disaffected, or even apathetic.” “No. But would they fight without orders from their leaders?” “Some might. It’s their job, after all.” “Yes, but they have no great stake beyond that,” Nadia said, thinking it out as she spoke. “Without nationalism or ethnicity, or some other kind of home feeling involved, I don’t think these people will fight to the death. They know they’re being ordered around to protect the powerful. Some more egalitarian system makes an appearance, and they might feel a conflict of loyalties.” “Retirement benefits,” Maya mocked, and people laughed again.
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Green Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 6167-71  | Added on Friday, November 25, 2011, 11:10 PM

Nadia would have expected Coyote to be among those arguing with him, but in fact he said, “We have to argue all of it! Even if you want no state, or a minimal state, then you still have to argue it point by point. Especially since most minimalists want to keep exactly the economic and police system that keeps them privileged. That’s libertarians for you— anarchists who want police protection from their slaves. No! If you want to make the minimum-state case, you have to argue it from the ground up.”
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Green Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 6210-15  | Added on Friday, November 25, 2011, 11:14 PM

“You will only repeat the socialist catastrophe!” Vlad shrugged. “Don’t be too hasty to judge that period. The socialist countries were under assault from capitalism without and corruption within, and no system could survive that. We must not throw the baby socialism out with the Stalinist bathwater, or we lose many concepts of obvious fairness that we need. Earth is in the grip of the system that defeated socialism, and it is clearly an irrational and destructive hierarchy. So how can we deal with it without being crushed? We have to look everywhere for answers to this, including the systems that the current order defeated.”
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Green Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 6259-63  | Added on Friday, November 25, 2011, 11:19 PM

So out they went, ready to work, two sharp young men and one blunt old woman. It was strange, Nadia thought, to see who emerged as leaders in situations like these. It wasn’t necessarily the most brilliant or well-informed, as Marina or Coyote would serve to show, though both qualities helped, and those two people were important. But the leaders were the ones people would listen to. The magnetic ones. And in a crowd of such powerful intellects and personalities, such magnetism was very rare, very elusive. Very powerful. . . .
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Green Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 6378-80  | Added on Friday, November 25, 2011, 11:32 PM

Coyote came by and said to Art, “Don’t tell me about how different Praxis is. That’s the oldest dodge in the book. If only the rich would behave decently, then the system would be okay. That’s crap. The system overdetermines everything, and it’s the system that has to change.”
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Green Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 6491-6510  | Added on Friday, November 25, 2011, 11:45 PM

“Work points for a Martian government!” He peered over the screen at the crowd, and they subsided into an attentive silence. “One. Martian society will be composed of many different cultures. It is better to think of it as a world rather than a nation. Freedom of religion and cultural practice must be guaranteed. No one culture or group of cultures should be able to dominate the rest. “Two. Within this framework of diversity, it still must be guaranteed that all individuals on Mars have certain inalienable rights, including the material basics of existence, health care, education, and legal equality. “Three. The land, air, and water of Mars are in the common stewardship of the human family, and cannot be owned by any individual or group. “Four. The fruits of an individual’s labor belong to the individual, and cannot be appropriated by another individual or group. At the same time, human labor on Mars is part of a communal enterprise, given to the common good. The Martian economic system must reflect both these facts, balancing self-interest with the interests of society at large. “Five. The metanational order ruling Earth is currently incapable of incorporating the previous two principles, and cannot be applied here. In its place we must enact an economics based on ecologic science. The goal of Martian economics is not ‘sustainable development’ but a sustainable prosperity for its entire biosphere. “Six. The Martian landscape itself has certain ‘rights of place’ which must be honored. The goal of our environmental alterations should therefore be minimalist and ecopoetic, reflecting the values of the areophany. It is suggested that the goal of environmental alterations be to make only that portion of Mars lower than the five-kilometer contour human-viable. Higher elevations, constituting some thirty percent of the planet, would then remain in something resembling their primeval conditions, existing as natural wilderness zones. “Seven. The habitation of Mars is a unique historical process, as it is the first inhabitation of another planet by humanity. As such it should be undertaken in a spirit of reverence for this planet and for the scarcity of life in the universe. What we do here will set precedents for further human habitation of the solar system, and will suggest models for the human relationship to Earth’s environment as well. Thus Mars occupies a special place in history, and this should be remembered when we make the necessary decisions concerning life here.”
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Green Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 6691-6726  | Added on Saturday, November 26, 2011, 12:05 AM

In psychology we believe we have scientifically identified a certain pathology in which a person needs to know everything because he is afraid of not knowing. It’s a pathology of monocausotaxophilia, as Pöppel called it, the love of single causes that explain everything. This can become fear of a lack of causes. Because the lack might be dangerous. The knowledge-seeking becomes primarily defensive, in that it is a way of denying fear when one really is afraid. At its worst it isn’t even knowledge-seeking, because when the answers arrive they cease to be of interest, as they are no longer dangerous. So that reality itself doesn’t matter to such a person. Everyone tries to avoid danger. But motivations are always multiple. And different from action to action. Time to time. Any patterns are a matter of— observer’s speculation. Psychology is a science in which the observer becomes intimately involved with the subject of observation. That’s one of the reasons I don’t think it’s a science. It is certainly a science. One of its tenets is, if you want to know more, care more. Every astronomer loves the stars. Otherwise why study them so? Because they are mysteries. What do you care about? I care about truth. The truth is not a very good lover. It isn’t love I’m looking for. Are you sure? No surer than anyone else who thinks about— motivations. You agree we have motivations? Yes. But science cannot explain them. So they are part of your great unexplainable. Yes. And so you focus your attention on other things. Yes. But the motivations are still there. Oh yes. What did you read when you were young? All kinds of things. What were some of your favorite books? Sherlock Holmes. Other detective stories. The Thinking Machine. Dr. Thorndyke. Did your parents punish you if you got upset? I don’t think so. They didn’t like me making a fuss. But I think they were just ordinary in that respect. Did you ever see them get upset? I don’t remember. Did you ever see them shout, or cry? I never heard them shout. Sometimes my mom cried, I think. Did you know why? No. Did you wonder why? I don’t remember. Would it matter if I had? What do you mean? I mean, if I had had one kind of past. I could still have turned into any kind of person. Depending on my reaction to the— events. And if I had had another kind of past. The same variations would have followed. So that your line of questioning is useless. In that it has no explanatory rigor. It’s an imitation of the scientific method. I consider your conception of science to be as parsimonious and reductive as your scientific activities. Essentially you are saying we should not study the human mind in a scientific manner because it is too complex to make the study easy. That’s not very bold of you. The universe outside us is complex too, but you don’t advise avoiding that. Why so with the universe inside? You can’t isolate factors, you can’t repeat conditions, you can’t set up experiments with controls, you can’t make falsifiable hypotheses. The whole apparatus of science is unavailable to you. Think about the first scientists for a while.
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Green Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 6769-74  | Added on Saturday, November 26, 2011, 12:08 AM

he had understood people speaking to him, his thinking had been much the same as far as he could tell, and he had had no trouble with the spatial and other nonlinguistic tests. But when he tried to talk, sudden betrayal— in the mouth and in the mind. Things lost their names. Strangely enough, without names they were still things. He could see them and think about them in terms of shapes, or numbers. Formula of description. Various combinations of conic sections and the six surfaces of revolution symmetrical around an axis, the plane, the sphere, the cylinder, the catenoid, the unduloid, and the nodoid; shapes without the names, but the shapes alone were like names. Spatializing language. But it turned out that remembering without words was hard.
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Green Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 6776-77  | Added on Saturday, November 26, 2011, 12:09 AM

And in each place an object. Or another place. On one counter, all the Acheron labs. On top of the refrigerator, Boulder, Colorado. And so he remembered all the shapes he thought by their location in the mental lab.
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Green Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 7362-65  | Added on Saturday, November 26, 2011, 01:16 AM

He raised a finger admonishingly. “Your anger will help, but it can’t be everything. Frank was nothing but anger, remember? And you see where it got him. You have to fight not only against what you hate, but for what you love, you see? And so you have to find what it is you love. You have to remember it, or create it.” “Yes yes,” she said, suddenly irritated. “I love you, but shut up now.”
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Green Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 7473-78  | Added on Saturday, November 26, 2011, 11:32 AM

found a photo of Frank at age twenty-three, in the beginning of his work with the NSC: a dark-haired kid with a sharp confident smile, looking at the world as if he were ready to tell it something it didn’t know. So young! So young and so knowing. At first glance Maya thought it was the innocence of youth to look so knowing, but in fact the face did not look innocent. His had not been an innocent childhood. But he was a fighter, and he had found his method, and was prevailing. A power that couldn’t be beaten, or so the smile seemed to say. But kick the world, break your foot. As they said in Kamchatka.
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Green Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 8038-44  | Added on Sunday, November 27, 2011, 01:09 AM

Very few nisei or sansei or yonsei ever came to visit him, however, which surprised him. “No doubt it is a good sign for the long-term prospects of Martian habitation,” he said one evening as he came up from a quiet day in his office on the bottom floor. Maya shrugged. “They could be crazy and not know it. It looked like it might be that way to me, when I went around the basin.” Michel eyed her. “Do you mean crazy or just different?” “I don’t know. They just seem unaware of what they’re doing.” “Every generation is its own secret society. And these are what you might call areurges. It is their nature to operate the planet. You have to give them that.”
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Green Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 8115-19  | Added on Sunday, November 27, 2011, 01:18 AM

“Hmm,” Maya said. She couldn’t remember. She recalled instead the looks on the faces of the people at that night’s meeting. It was true, they had revealed everything— they had been like masks expressing exactly the sentences their owners had spoken. The metanats are out of control. They’re screwing things up. They’re selfish, they only care about themselves. Metanationalism is a new kind of nationalism, but without any home feeling. It’s money patriotism, a kind of disease. People are suffering, not so much here, but on Earth. And if it doesn’t change it will happen here too. They will infect us.
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Green Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 8166-77  | Added on Sunday, November 27, 2011, 02:24 AM

Michel was in there cleaning up, making room for people to sleep on the floor. It was going to be an irritating evening. The next morning when she got up early to go to the bathroom, feeling hung over, Art was already up. Over the sleeping bodies on the floor he whispered, “Want to go out and get breakfast?” Maya nodded. When she was dressed they walked down the stairs and out, through the park and along the corniche, which was lurid in the horizontal beams of dawn sunlight. They stopped in a café that had just washed down its section of sidewalk. On the dawn-stained white wall of the building, a sentence had been painted with the help of a stencil, so that it was neat and small, and brilliantly red: YOU CAN NEVER GO BACK “My God,” Maya exclaimed. “What?” She pointed at the graffito. “Oh, yeah,” Art said. “You see that painted all over Sheffield and Burroughs these days. Pithy, eh?” “Ka wow.” They sat in the chill air by a small round table, and ate pastries and drank Turkish coffee. The ice on the horizon blinked like diamonds, revealing some movement under the ice. “What a fantastic sight,” Art said.
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Green Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 8199-8203  | Added on Sunday, November 27, 2011, 02:27 AM

Maya said, “But these metanationals are squabbling all the time yes?” “That’s right.” “The thing to do would be to start a big fight between some of them.” Art’s eyebrows shot up. “A dangerous plan!” “For who?” “For Earth.” “I don’t give a damn about Earth,” Maya said, tasting the words on her tongue. “Join the crowd,” Art said ruefully, and she laughed again.
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Green Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 8728-33  | Added on Sunday, November 27, 2011, 12:49 PM

She handed out the teacups, and as Spencer came in and had the story told to him, she got a robe and draped it over Michel’s shoulders, excoriating herself for the miserable timing of her assault on him. She sat by him, squeezing his thigh, trying to tell him by touch that she was there, that she was his family too, and that all her games were over, to the best of her ability— no more treating him as pet or punching bag. . . . That she loved him. But his thigh was like warm ceramic, and he obviously didn’t notice her hand, was scarcely even aware she was there. And it came to her that it was precisely in the moments of greatest need when people could do the least for each other.
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Green Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 8970-72  | Added on Sunday, November 27, 2011, 01:14 PM

there were more and more incidents of sabotage in the cities, which caused a corresponding increase in police surveillance, until it seemed very possible that things could break wide open.
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Green Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Note Loc. 8972  | Added on Sunday, November 27, 2011, 01:15 PM

monkey wrench gang.......... on mars
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Green Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 8985-87  | Added on Sunday, November 27, 2011, 01:17 PM

This kind of work, and the destruction of the southern sanctuaries, had created what looked from a distance like a sort of war fever in Dorsa Brevia, and Maya was worried by that too. Sax, at the heart of it, was a stubborn secretive brilliant brain-damaged loose cannon, a bona fide mad scientist.
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Green Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 9195-97  | Added on Sunday, November 27, 2011, 03:55 PM

“We’ve got to let the Transitional Authority know how widespread the resistance is, so that when the moment comes, they don’t try to crush us out of ignorance, see what I mean? At this point we need them to feel disliked and outnumbered. Hell, mass numbers of people in the streets are about the only thing that scare governments, if you ask me.”
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Green Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 9397-9401  | Added on Sunday, November 27, 2011, 04:15 PM

Another July revolution, then, and another October revolution too. A decade past the bicentennial of the Bolshevik revolution, she seemed to remember. Which was another strange thought. Well, but they too had tried. All the revolutionaries, all through history. Mostly desperate peasants, fighting for their children’s lives. As in her Russia. So many in that bitter twentieth century, risking all to make a better life, and even so it had led to disaster. It was frightening— as if history were a series of human wave assaults on misery, failing time after time.
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Blue Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 195-204  | Added on Tuesday, November 29, 2011, 01:14 AM

Ann walked on. As she walked she felt more and more uneasy, without knowing why. This is how people change— in little quantum jumps when struck by outer events— no intention, no plan. Someone says “the look in people’s eye,” and the phrase is suddenly conjoined with an image: a face glowing with passionate conviction, another phrase: you can’t just do what you want! And so it occurred to her (the look on that young woman’s face!) that it was not just the cable’s fate they were deciding— not just “should the cable come down,” but “how do we decide things?” That was the critical postrevolutionary question, perhaps more important than any single issue being debated, even the fate of the cable. Up until now, most people in the underground had operated by a working method which said if we don’t agree with you we will fight you. That attitude was what had gotten people into the underground in the first place, Ann included. And once used to that method, it was hard to get away from it. After all, they had just proved that it worked. And so there was the inclination to continue to use it. She felt that herself. But political power . . . say it did come out of the look in people’s eye. You could fight forever, but if people weren’t behind you. . . .
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Blue Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 760-67  | Added on Tuesday, November 29, 2011, 11:41 PM

So he talked it over with the Da Vinci space scientists, who had effectively taken over control of the mirrors. The lab rats, people called them behind their backs, and his (though he heard anyway); the lab rats, or the saxaclones. Serious young native Martian scientists, in fact, with just the same variations of temperament as grad students and postdocs in any lab anywhere, anytime; but the facts didn’t matter. They worked with him and so they were the saxaclones. Somehow he had become the very model of the modern Martian scientist; first as white-coated lab rat, then as full-blown mad scientist, with a crater-castle full of eager Igors, mad-eyed but measured in manner, little Mr. Spocks, the men as skinny and awkward as cranes on the ground, the women drab in their protective noncoloration, their neuter devotion to Science. Sax was very fond of them. He liked their devotion to science, it made sense to him— an urge to understand things, to be able to express them mathematically. It was a sensible desire. In fact it often seemed to him that if everyone were a physicist then they would be very much better off.
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Blue Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 1254-63  | Added on Wednesday, November 30, 2011, 01:54 AM

formulate a first approximation constitution, a working draft.” Maya shook her head. “That won’t be easy, with this crowd.” “Take the constitutions of the twenty or thirty most successful Terran countries,” Sax suggested, thinking out loud, “and see how they work. Have an AI compile a composite document, perhaps, and see what it says.” “How would you define most successful?” Art asked. “Country Futures Index, Real Values Gauge, Costa Rica Comparisons— even Gross Domestic Product, why not.” Economics was like psychology, a pseudoscience trying to hide that fact with intense theoretical hyperelaboration. And gross domestic product was one of those unfortunate measurement concepts, like inches or the British thermal unit, that ought to have been retired long before. But what the hell—”Use several different sets of criteria, human welfare, ecologic success, what have you.” “But Sax,” Coyote complained, “the very concept of the nation-state is a bad one. That idea by itself will poison all those old constitutions.” “Could be,” Sax said. “But as a starting point.”
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Blue Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 2187-91  | Added on Wednesday, November 30, 2011, 10:32 PM

“It’s dangerous,” Charlotte said when Art brought this matter up in the nightly meeting with Nadia. “When you have a country formed out of a lot of groups that don’t trust each other, with one a clear majority, then you get what they call ‘census voting,’ where politicians represent their groups, and get their votes, and election results are always just a reflection of population numbers. In that situation the same thing happens every time, so the majority group has a monopoly on power, and the minorities feel hopeless, and eventually rebel. Some of the worst civil wars in history began in those circumstances.”
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Blue Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 2225-80  | Added on Wednesday, November 30, 2011, 11:25 PM

Antar spoke often for this last group, with Jackie sitting right next to him, obviously in support. This along with his ties to the Arab community gave his statements a kind of double weight, and people listened. “This new economy that’s being proposed,” he declared one day at the table of tables, repeating his theme, “is a radical and unprecedented intrusion of government into business.” Suddenly Vlad Taneev stood up. Startled, Antar stopped speaking and looked over. Vlad glared at him. Stooped, massive-headed, shaggy-eyebrowed, Vlad rarely if ever spoke in public; he hadn’t said a thing in the congress so far. Slowly the greater part of the warehouse went silent, watching him. Art felt a quiver of anticipation; of all the brilliant minds of the First Hundred, Vlad was perhaps the most brilliant— and, except for Hiroko, the most enigmatic. Old when they had left Earth, intensely private, Vlad had built the Acheron labs early on and stayed there as much as possible thereafter, living in seclusion with Ursula Kohl and Marina Tokareva, two more of the great first ones. No one knew anything for certain about the three of them, they were a limit-case illustration of the insular nature of other people’s relationships; but this of course did not stop gossip, on the contrary, people talked about them all the time, saying that Marina and Ursula were the real couple, that Vlad was a kind of friend, or pet; or that Ursula had done most of the work on the longevity treatment, and Marina most of the work on eco-economics; or that they were a perfectly balanced equilateral triangle, collaborating on all that emerged from Acheron; or that Vlad was a bigamist of sorts who used two wives as fronts for his work in the separate fields of biology and economics. But no one knew for sure, for none of the three ever said a word about it. Watching him stand there at the table, however, one had to suspect that the theory about him being just a front man was wrong. He was looking around in a fiercely intent, slow glare, capturing them all before he turned his eye again on Antar. “What you said about government and business is absurd,” he stated coldly. It was a tone of voice that had not been heard much at the congress so far, contemptuous and dismissive. “Governments always regulate the kinds of business they allow. Economics is a legal matter, a system of laws. So far, we have been saying in the Martian underground that as a matter of law, democracy and self-government are the innate rights of every person, and that these rights are not to be suspended when a person goes to work. You”— he waved a hand to indicate he did not know Antar’s name—”do you believe in democracy and self-rule?” “Yes!” Antar said defensively. “Do you believe in democracy and self-rule as the fundamental values that government ought to encourage?” “Yes!” Antar repeated, looking more and more annoyed. “Very well. If democracy and self-rule are the fundamentals, then why should people give up these rights when they enter their workplace? In politics we fight like tigers for freedom, for the right to elect our leaders, for freedom of movement, choice of residence, choice of what work to pursue— control of our lives, in short. And then we wake up in the morning and go to work, and all those rights disappear. We no longer insist on them. And so for most of the day we return to feudalism. That is what capitalism is— a version of feudalism in which capital replaces land, and business leaders replace kings. But the hierarchy remains. And so we still hand over our lives’ labor, under duress, to feed rulers who do no real work.” “Business leaders work,” Antar said sharply. “And they take the financial risks—” “The so-called risk of the capitalist is merely one of the privileges of capital.” “Management—” “Yes yes. Don’t interrupt me. Management is a real thing, a technical matter. But it can be controlled by labor just as well as by capital. Capital itself is simply the useful residue of the work of past laborers, and it could belong to everyone as well as to a few. There is no reason why a tiny nobility should own the capital, and everyone else therefore be in service to them. There is no reason they should give us a living wage and take all the rest that we produce. No! The system called capitalist democracy was not really democratic at all. That is why it was able to turn so quickly into the metanational system, in which democracy grew ever weaker and capitalism ever stronger. In which one percent of the population owned half of the wealth, and five percent of the population owned ninety-five percent of the wealth. History has shown which values were real in that system. And the sad thing is that the injustice and suffering caused by it were not at all necessary, in that the technical means have existed since the eighteenth century to provide the basics of life to all. “So. We must change. It is time. If self-rule is a fundamental value, if simple justice is a value, then they are values everywhere, including in the workplace where we spend so much of our lives. That was what was said in point four of the Dorsa Brevia agreement. It says everyone’s work is their own, and the worth of it cannot be taken away. It says that the various modes of production belong to those who created them, and to the common good of the future generations. It says that the world is something we all steward together. That is what it says. And in our years on Mars, we have developed an economic system that can keep all those promises. That has been our work these last fifty years. In the system we have developed, all economic enterprises are to be small cooperatives, owned by their workers and by no one else. They hire their management, or manage themselves. Industry guilds and co-op associations will form the larger structures necessary to regulate trade and the market, share capital, and create credit.” Antar said scornfully, “These are nothing but ideas. It is utopianism and nothing more.” “Not at all.” Again Vlad waved him away. “The system is based on models from Terran history, and its various parts have all been tested on both worlds, and have succeeded very well. You don’t know about this partly because you are ignorant, and partly because metanationalism itself steadfastly ignored and denied all alternatives to it. But most of our microeconomy has been in successful operation for centuries in the Mondragon region of Spain. The different parts of the macroeconomy have been used in the pseudometanat Praxis, in Switzerland, in India’s state of Kerala, in Bhutan, in Bologna Italy, and in many other places, including the Martian underground itself. These organizations were the precursors to our economy, which will be democratic in a way capitalism never even tried to be.” A synthesis of systems. And Vladimir Taneev was a very great synthesist; it was said that all the components of the longevity treatment had already been there, for instance, and that Vlad and Ursula had simply put them together. Now in his economic work with Marina he was claiming to have done the same kind of thing. And although he had not mentioned the longevity treatment in this discussion, nevertheless it lay there like the table itself, a big cobbled-together achievement, part of everyone’s lives. Art looked around and thought he could see people thinking, well, he did it once in biology and it worked; could economics be more difficult?
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Blue Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 2404-10  | Added on Wednesday, November 30, 2011, 11:40 PM

They could do anything. That, however, was part of what made it difficult to bring the congress to a close. Infinite possibility was going to collapse, in the act of choosing, to the single world line of history. The future becoming the past: there was something disappointing in this passage through the loom, this so-sudden diminution from infinity to one, the collapse from potentiality to reality which was the action of time itself. The potential was so delicious— the way they could have, potentially, all the best parts of all good governments of all time, combined magically into some superb, as-yet-unseen synthesis— or throw all that aside, and finally strike a new path to the heart of just government. . . .To go from that to the mundane problematic of the constitution as written was an inevitable letdown, and instinctively people put it off.
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Blue Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 2438-43  | Added on Wednesday, November 30, 2011, 11:53 PM

This expansion of the judiciary satisfied what desire they had for a strong global government, without giving an executive body much power; it was also a response to the heroic role played by Earth’s World Court in the previous century, when almost every other Terran institution had been bought or otherwise collapsed under metanational pressures; only the World Court had held firm, issuing ruling after ruling on behalf of the disenfranchised and the land, in a mostly ignored rearguard and indeed symbolic action against the metanats’ depredations; a moral force, which if it had had more teeth, might have done more good. But from the Martian underground they had seen the battle fought, and now they remembered.
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December

Blue Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 2559-65  | Added on Thursday, December 01, 2011, 10:26 AM

“She is counting on history to take its usual course,” Maya said as they sat in the baths watching the news. “Power is like matter, it has gravity, it clumps and then starts to draw more into itself. This local power, spread out through the tents—” She shrugged cynically. “Perhaps it’s a nova,” Nirgal suggested. She laughed. “Yes, perhaps. But then it starts clumping again. That’s the gravity of history— power drawn into centers, until there is an occasional nova. Then a new drawing in. We’ll see it on Mars too, you mark my words. And Jackie will be right at the middle of it—” She stopped before adding the bitch, in respect for Nirgal’s feelings. Regarding him with a curious hooded gaze, as if wondering what she might do with Nirgal that would advance her never-ending war with Jackie. Little novas of the heart.
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Blue Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 2585-87  | Added on Thursday, December 01, 2011, 10:29 AM

They were taking the north fork, down to Trinidad. From their elevator car they looked down on most of the Western Hemisphere, centered over the Amazon basin, where brown water veined through the green lungs of Earth.
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Blue Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 2657-67  | Added on Friday, December 02, 2011, 12:22 AM

“Mars is a mirror,” he said in the microphone, “in which Terra sees its own essence. The move to Mars was a purifying voyage, stripping away all but the most important things. What arrived in the end was Terran through and through. And what has happened since there has been an expression of Terran thought and Terran genes. And so, more than any material aid in scarce metals or new genetic strains, we can most help the home planet by serving as a way for you to see yourselves. As a way to map out an unimaginable immensity. Thus in our small way we do our part to create the great civilization that trembles on the brink of becoming. We are the primitives of an unknown civilization.” Loud cheers. “That’s what it looks like to us on Mars, anyway— a long evolution through the centuries, toward justice and peace. As people learn more, they understand better their dependence on each other and on their world. On Mars we have seen that the best way to express this interdependence is to live for giving, in a culture of compassion. Every person free and equal in the sight of all, working together for the good of all. It’s that work that makes us most free. No hierarchy is worth acknowledging but this one: the more we give, the greater we become. Now in the midst of a great flood, spurred by the great flood, we see the flowering of this culture of compassion, emerging on both the two worlds at once.”
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Blue Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 2904-7  | Added on Friday, December 02, 2011, 10:36 AM

So in every meeting he was painfully focused, and fairly coherent and engaged, especially compared to his deep abstraction during the voyage to Earth. And Sax Russell was after all The Terraformer Of Mars, the current living avatar of The Great Scientist, a very powerful position in Terran culture, Nirgal thought— something like the Dalai Lama of science, a continuing reincarnation of the embodiment of the spirit of science, created for a culture that only seemed to be able to handle one scientist at a time.
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Blue Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 2909-15  | Added on Friday, December 02, 2011, 10:37 AM

As all these things, his odd halting style actually helped to build the Terrans’ image of him. Simple verbal difficulty turned him into a kind of oracle; the Terrans seemed to believe that he thought on such a lofty plane that he could only speak in riddles. This was what they wanted, perhaps. This was what science meant to them— after all, current physical theory spoke of ultimate reality as ultramicroscopic loops of string, moving supersymmetrically in ten dimensions. That kind of thing had inured people to strangeness from physicists. And the increasing use of translation AIs was getting everyone used to odd locutions of all types; almost everyone Nirgal met spoke English, but they were all slightly different Englishes, so that Earth seemed to Nirgal an explosion of idiolects, no two persons employing the same tongue.
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Blue Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 2935-45  | Added on Friday, December 02, 2011, 10:41 AM

“It’s going to be all right,” he said, looking at as many of them as he could. “Every moment in history contains a mix of archaic elements, things from all over the past, right back into prehistory itself. The present is always a melange of these variously archaic elements. There are still knights coming through on horseback and taking the crops of peasants. There are still guilds, and tribes. Now we see so many people leaving their jobs to work in the flood-relief efforts. That’s a new thing, but it’s also a pilgrimage. They want to be pilgrims, they want to have a spiritual purpose, they want to do real work— meaningful work. They won’t tolerate being stolen from anymore. Those of you here who represent the aristocracy look worried. Perhaps you will have to work for yourselves, and live off that. Live at the same level as anyone else. And it’s true— that will happen. But it’s going to be all right, even for you. Enough is as good as a feast. And it’s when everyone is equal that your kids are safest. This universal distribution of the longevity treatment that we are now seeing is the ultimate meaning of the democratic movement. It’s the physical manifestation of democracy, here at last. Health for all. And when that happens the explosion of positive human energy is going to transform the Earth in just a matter of years.”
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Blue Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 2935-67  | Added on Friday, December 02, 2011, 10:44 AM

“It’s going to be all right,” he said, looking at as many of them as he could. “Every moment in history contains a mix of archaic elements, things from all over the past, right back into prehistory itself. The present is always a melange of these variously archaic elements. There are still knights coming through on horseback and taking the crops of peasants. There are still guilds, and tribes. Now we see so many people leaving their jobs to work in the flood-relief efforts. That’s a new thing, but it’s also a pilgrimage. They want to be pilgrims, they want to have a spiritual purpose, they want to do real work— meaningful work. They won’t tolerate being stolen from anymore. Those of you here who represent the aristocracy look worried. Perhaps you will have to work for yourselves, and live off that. Live at the same level as anyone else. And it’s true— that will happen. But it’s going to be all right, even for you. Enough is as good as a feast. And it’s when everyone is equal that your kids are safest. This universal distribution of the longevity treatment that we are now seeing is the ultimate meaning of the democratic movement. It’s the physical manifestation of democracy, here at last. Health for all. And when that happens the explosion of positive human energy is going to transform the Earth in just a matter of years.” Someone in the crowd stood and asked him about the possibility of a population explosion, and he nodded. “Yes of course. This is a real problem. You don’t have to be a demographer to see that if new ones continue being born while the elderly are not dying, population will quickly soar to incredible levels. Unsustainable levels, until there will be a crash. So. This has to be faced now. The birth rate simply has to be cut, at least for a while. It isn’t a situation that has to last forever. The longevity treatments are not immortality treatments. Eventually the first generations given the treatment will die. And therein lies the solution to the problem. Say the current population on the two worlds is fifteen billion. That means we’re already starting from a bad spot. Given the severity of the problem, as long as you get to be a parent at all, there is no reason to complain; it’s your own longevity causing the problem after all, and parenthood is parenthood, one child or ten. So say that each person partners, and the two parents have only a single child, so that there is one child for every two people in the previous generation. Say that means seven and a half billion children out of this present generation. And they are all given the longevity treatment too, of course, and cosseted until they are no doubt the insufferable royalty of the world. And they go on to have four billion children, the new royalty, and that generation has two, and so on. All of them are alive at once, and the population is rising all the time, but at a lower rate as time passes. And then at some point, maybe a hundred years from now, maybe a thousand years from now, that first generation will die. It may happen over a fairly short period of time, but fast or slow, when the process is done, the overall population will be almost halved. At that point people can look at the situation, the infrastructure, the environments of the two worlds— the carrying capacity of the entire solar system, whatever that might be. After the biggest generations are gone, people can start having two children each, perhaps, so that there is replacement, and a steady state. Or whatever. When they have that kind of choice, the population crisis will be over. It could take a thousand years.” Nirgal stopped to look outside of himself, to stare around at the audience; people watching him rapt, silent. He gestured with a hand, to draw them all together. “In the meantime, we have to help each other. We have to regulate ourselves, we have to take care of the land. And it’s here, in this part of the project, that Mars can help Earth. First, we are an experiment in taking care of the land. Everyone learns from that, and some lessons can be applied here. Then, more importantly, though most of the population will always be located here on Earth, a goodly fraction of it can move to Mars. It will help ease the situation, and we’ll be happy to take them. We have an obligation to take on as many people as we possibly can, because we on Mars are Terrans still, and we are all in this together. Earth and Mars— and there are other habitable worlds in the solar system as well, none as big as our two, but there are a lot of them. And by using them all, and cooperating, we can get through the populated years. And walk out into a golden age.”
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Blue Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 2979-80  | Added on Friday, December 02, 2011, 10:47 AM

“There are values higher than economic values,” Vlad had insisted back in the congress on Mars, and Nirgal saw now how there were people on Earth who had always believed that, at least in part.
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Blue Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 4863-71  | Added on Sunday, December 04, 2011, 05:16 PM

So she did the job. But all the time she wanted off Pavonis. Art saw her patience get shorter by the day; she knew by his look that she was becoming crochety, crabby, dictatorial; she knew it, but could not help it. After meetings with frivolous or obstructionist people she often unleashed a torrent of vicious abuse, in a steady low cursing voice that Art obviously found unnerving. Delegations would come in demanding an end to the death penalty, or the right to build in the Olympus Mons caldera, or a free eighth spot on the executive council, and as soon as the door closed Nadia would say, “Well there’s a bunch of fucking idiots for you, stupid fools never even thought about tie votes, never occurred to them that taking someone else’s life abrogates your own right to live,” and so on. The new police captured a group of Red ecoteurs who had tried to blow up the Socket again, and in the process killed a security guard out of his position, and she was the hardest judge they had: “Execute them!” she exclaimed. “Look, you kill someone, you lose your right to live. Execute them or else exile them from Mars for life— make them pay in a way that really gets the rest of the Reds’ attention.”
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Blue Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 4863-73  | Added on Sunday, December 04, 2011, 05:16 PM

So she did the job. But all the time she wanted off Pavonis. Art saw her patience get shorter by the day; she knew by his look that she was becoming crochety, crabby, dictatorial; she knew it, but could not help it. After meetings with frivolous or obstructionist people she often unleashed a torrent of vicious abuse, in a steady low cursing voice that Art obviously found unnerving. Delegations would come in demanding an end to the death penalty, or the right to build in the Olympus Mons caldera, or a free eighth spot on the executive council, and as soon as the door closed Nadia would say, “Well there’s a bunch of fucking idiots for you, stupid fools never even thought about tie votes, never occurred to them that taking someone else’s life abrogates your own right to live,” and so on. The new police captured a group of Red ecoteurs who had tried to blow up the Socket again, and in the process killed a security guard out of his position, and she was the hardest judge they had: “Execute them!” she exclaimed. “Look, you kill someone, you lose your right to live. Execute them or else exile them from Mars for life— make them pay in a way that really gets the rest of the Reds’ attention.” “Well,” Art said uneasily. “Well, after all.” But on she raged. She couldn’t stop until she felt less angry. And Art could see that it was getting harder every time.
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Blue Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 5447-48  | Added on Sunday, December 04, 2011, 11:05 PM

No, Nirgal had no desire for nostalgia— the meaning of life lay not in the past but in the present, not in resistance but in expression.
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Blue Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 5555-58  | Added on Sunday, December 04, 2011, 11:54 PM

People came in wanting to talk about something else, and Nirgal withdrew to the window, near the nurse and the infant. He was not interested in what they were doing, not any of it— it was both ugly and abstract, a continuous manipulation of people devoid of any of the tangible rewards that so much work had. That’s politics, Jackie would say. And it was clear she enjoyed it. But Nirgal did not. It was strange; he had worked all his life for this situation, ostensibly, and now that it was here, he did not like it.
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Blue Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 5651-57  | Added on Monday, December 05, 2011, 12:02 AM

seeing everything as if through the wrong end of a telescope, a telescope consisting of the question Is this the life I want to lead? This distancing and somehow miniaturizing question kept returning to him, spurring him by day as he banked in the sunlight, haunting him at night in sleepless hours between the timeslip and dawn. What was he to do? The success of the revolution had left him without a task. All his life he had wandered Mars talking to people about a free Mars, about inhabitation rather than colonization, about becoming indigenous to the land. Now that task was ended, the land was theirs to live on as they chose. But in this new situation he found he did not know his part. He had to think very specifically about how to go on in this new world, no longer as the voice of the collective, but as an individual in his own private life.
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Blue Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 5659-62  | Added on Monday, December 05, 2011, 12:03 AM

It was hard to give up being a revolutionary. Nothing seemed to follow from it, either logically or emotionally. But something had to be done. That life was past. In the midst of a banking slow dive in his blimpglider, he suddenly understood Maya and her obsessive talk about incarnations. He was twenty-seven m-years old now, he had crisscrossed all Mars, he had been to Earth, he had returned to a free world. Time for the next metempsychosis.
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Blue Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Bookmark Loc. 5662  | Added on Monday, December 05, 2011, 12:03 AM


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Blue Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 6627-30  | Added on Monday, December 05, 2011, 02:47 AM

After repeated experiments it had become clear— on Mars at least— that all these sometimes contradictory goals could be best achieved in polyarchy, a complex system in which power was distributed out to a great number of institutions. In theory this network of distributed power, partly centralized and partly decentralized, created the greatest amount of individual freedom and collective good, by maximizing the amount of control that an individual had over his or her life.
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Blue Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 6818-20  | Added on Monday, December 05, 2011, 10:40 AM

“Like those people who think they’ve seen Hiroko,” he murmured tentatively, to see what Michel would say. “Ah yes,” Michel said. “Magical thinking— it’s a very persistent form of thinking. Never let your rationalism blind you to the fact that most of our thinking is magical thinking.
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Blue Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 6889-95  | Added on Monday, December 05, 2011, 08:32 PM

The mathematician said, “Travel times will change so radically. Three weeks from Mars to Uranus. Ten days from Mars to Jupiter. From Mars to Earth, three days. Three days!” She looked around at the others, frowning. “It will make the solar system something like Europe in the nineteenth century. Train trips. Ocean liners.” The others nodded. The engineer said, “Now we’re neighbors with people on Mercury, or Uranus, or Pluto.” The head adviser shrugged. “Or for that matter Alpha Centauri. Let’s not worry about that. Contact is a good thing. Only connect, the poet says. Only connect. Now we will connect with a vengeance.” He raised his cup. “Cheers.”
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Blue Mars (Kim Stanley Robinson)
- Highlight Loc. 7144-46  | Added on Monday, December 05, 2011, 08:54 PM

Once two adults got in a fight and afterward they had to present their cases to the four kids, who decided against one of them. The butcher woman explained to Nirgal: “We teach them, they judge us. They’re hard but fair.”
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2012

January

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Infinite Jest (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 843  | Added on Sunday, January 29, 2012, 08:20 AM

The sun like a sneaky keyhole view of hell.
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Infinite Jest (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 851-58  | Added on Sunday, January 29, 2012, 08:24 AM

A breeze sends the beach ball skating all the way across the blue pool to the other side, and Orin watches its noiseless glide. The white iron tables have no umbrellas, and you can tell where the sun is without looking; you can feel right where it is on your body and project from there. The ball moves tentatively back out toward the middle of the pool and then stays there, not even bobbing. The same small breezes make the rotted palms along the condominium complex's stone walls rustle and click, and a couple of fronds detach and spiral down, hitting the deck with a slap. All the plants out here are malevolent, heavy and sharp. The parts of the palms above the fronds are tufted in sick stuff like coconut-hair. Roaches and other things live in the trees. Rats, maybe. Loathsome high-altitude critters of all kinds. All the plants either spiny or meaty. Cacti in queer tortured shapes. The tops of the palms like Rod Stewart's hair, from days gone by.
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Infinite Jest (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 862-67  | Added on Sunday, January 29, 2012, 08:26 AM

Watching the Jacuzzi funnel and bubble and foam around the leg. And out of nowhere a bird had all of a sudden fallen into the Jacuzzi. With a flat matter-of-fact plop. Out of nowhere. Out of the wide empty sky. Nothing overhung the Jacuzzi but sky. The bird seemed to have just had a coronary or something in flight and died and fallen out of the empty sky and landed dead in the Jacuzzi, right by the leg. He brought his sunglasses down onto the bridge of his nose with a finger and looked at it. It was an undistinguished kind of bird. Not a predator. Like a wren, maybe. It seems like no way could it have been a good sign. The dead bird bobbed and barrel-rolled in the foam, sucked under one second and reappearing the next, creating an illusion of continued flight.
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February

Consider the Lobster: And Other Essays (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 3418-22  | Added on Wednesday, February 01, 2012, 03:19 AM

Be apprised, though, that the Maine Lobster Festival’s democratization of lobster comes with all the massed inconvenience and aesthetic compromise of real democracy. See, for example, the aforementioned Main Eating Tent, for which there is a constant Disneyland-grade queue, and which turns out to be a square quarter mile of awning-shaded cafeteria lines and rows of long institutional tables at which friend and stranger alike sit cheek by jowl, cracking and chewing and dribbling. It’s hot, and the sagged roof traps the steam and the smells, which latter are strong and only partly food-related.
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Consider the Lobster: And Other Essays (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 3418-28  | Added on Wednesday, February 01, 2012, 03:20 AM

Be apprised, though, that the Maine Lobster Festival’s democratization of lobster comes with all the massed inconvenience and aesthetic compromise of real democracy. See, for example, the aforementioned Main Eating Tent, for which there is a constant Disneyland-grade queue, and which turns out to be a square quarter mile of awning-shaded cafeteria lines and rows of long institutional tables at which friend and stranger alike sit cheek by jowl, cracking and chewing and dribbling. It’s hot, and the sagged roof traps the steam and the smells, which latter are strong and only partly food-related. It is also loud, and a good percentage of the total noise is masticatory. The suppers come in styrofoam trays, and the soft drinks are iceless and flat, and the coffee is convenience-store coffee in more styrofoam, and the utensils are plastic (there are none of the special long skinny forks for pushing out the tail meat, though a few savvy diners bring their own). Nor do they give you near enough napkins considering how messy lobster is to eat, especially when you’re squeezed onto benches alongside children of various ages and vastly different levels of fine-motor development—not to mention the people who’ve somehow smuggled in their own beer in enormous aisle-blocking coolers, or who all of a sudden produce their own plastic tablecloths and spread them over large portions of tables to try to reserve them (the tables) for their own little groups. And so on.
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Consider the Lobster: And Other Essays (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 3433-38  | Added on Wednesday, February 01, 2012, 03:21 AM

What the Maine Lobster Festival really is is a midlevel county fair with a culinary hook, and in this respect it’s not unlike Tidewater crab festivals, Midwest corn festivals, Texas chili festivals, etc., and shares with these venues the core paradox of all teeming commercial demotic events: It’s not for everyone. 6 Nothing against the euphoric senior editor of Food & Wine, but I’d be surprised if she’d ever actually been here in Harbor Park, amid crowds of people slapping canal-zone mosquitoes as they eat deep-fried Twinkies and watch Professor Paddywhack, on six-foot stilts in a raincoat with plastic lobsters protruding from all directions on springs, terrify their children.
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Consider the Lobster: And Other Essays (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 3466-67  | Added on Wednesday, February 01, 2012, 03:24 AM

Most of us have been in supermarkets or restaurants that feature tanks of live lobsters, from which you can pick out your supper while it watches you point.
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Consider the Lobster: And Other Essays (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 3470-73  | Added on Wednesday, February 01, 2012, 03:24 AM

So then here is a question that’s all but unavoidable at the World’s Largest Lobster Cooker, and may arise in kitchens across the US: Is it all right to boil a sentient creature alive just for our gustatory pleasure? A related set of concerns: Is the previous question irksomely PC or sentimental? What does “all right” even mean in this context? Is the whole thing just a matter of personal choice?
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Consider the Lobster: And Other Essays (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 3526-31  | Added on Wednesday, February 01, 2012, 03:32 AM

For one thing, it’s not just that lobsters get boiled alive, it’s that you do it yourself—or at least it’s done specifically for you, on-site. 14 As mentioned, the World’s Largest Lobster Cooker, which is highlighted as an attraction in the festival’s program, is right out there on the MLF’s north grounds for everyone to see. Try to imagine a Nebraska Beef Festival 15 at which part of the festivities is watching trucks pull up and the live cattle get driven down the ramp and slaughtered right there on the World’s Largest Killing Floor or something—there’s no way.
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Consider the Lobster: And Other Essays (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 3550-56  | Added on Wednesday, February 01, 2012, 03:35 AM

There are, of course, other ways to kill your lobster on-site and so achieve maximum freshness. Some cooks’ practice is to drive a sharp heavy knife point-first into a spot just above the midpoint between the lobster’s eyestalks (more or less where the Third Eye is in human foreheads). This is alleged either to kill the lobster instantly or to render it insensate, and is said at least to eliminate some of the cowardice involved in throwing a creature into boiling water and then fleeing the room. As far as I can tell from talking to proponents of the knife-in-head method, the idea is that it’s more violent but ultimately more merciful, plus that a willingness to exert personal agency and accept responsibility for stabbing the lobster’s head honors the lobster somehow and entitles one to eat it (there’s often a vague sort of Native American spirituality-of-the-hunt flavor to pro-knife arguments).
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Consider the Lobster: And Other Essays (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 3606-7  | Added on Wednesday, February 01, 2012, 03:39 AM

The truth is that if you, the festival attendee, permit yourself to think that lobsters can suffer and would rather not, the MLF begins to take on the aspect of something like a Roman circus or medieval torture-fest.
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Consider the Lobster: And Other Essays (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 3626-29  | Added on Wednesday, February 01, 2012, 03:41 AM

These last few queries, though, while sincere, obviously involve much larger and more abstract questions about the connections (if any) between aesthetics and morality—about what the adjective in a phrase like “The Magazine of Good Living” is really supposed to mean—and these questions lead straightaway into such deep and treacherous waters that it’s probably best to stop the public discussion right here. There are limits to what even interested persons can ask of each other.
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Consider the Lobster: And Other Essays (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 3705-10  | Added on Wednesday, February 01, 2012, 01:21 PM

Dostoevsky is a literary titan, and in some ways this can be the kiss of death, because it becomes easy to regard him as yet another sepia-tinted Canonical Author, belovedly dead. His works, and the tall hill of criticism they’ve inspired, are all required acquisitions for college libraries … and there the books usually sit, yellowly, smelling the way really old library books smell, waiting for somebody to have to do a term paper. Dahlberg is mostly right, I think. To make someone an icon is to make him an abstraction, and abstractions are incapable of vital communication with living people. 10
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Consider the Lobster: And Other Essays (David Foster Wallace)
- Bookmark Loc. 3725  | Added on Wednesday, February 01, 2012, 01:25 PM


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Consider the Lobster: And Other Essays (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 3725-27  | Added on Wednesday, February 01, 2012, 01:26 PM

The point is that it’s not just the death-by-canonization thing: there is real and alienating stuff that stands in the way of our appreciating Dostoevsky and has to be dealt with—either by learning enough about all the unfamiliar stuff that it stops being so confusing, or else by accepting it (the same way we accept racist/sexist elements in some other nineteenth-century books) and just grimacing and reading on anyway.
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Consider the Lobster: And Other Essays (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 51-59  | Added on Wednesday, February 01, 2012, 02:02 PM

It is not a coincidence that the Oscars ceremony is held during TV’s Sweeps Week. We pretty much all tune in, despite the grotesquerie of watching an industry congratulate itself on its pretense that it’s still an art form, of hearing people in $5,000 gowns invoke lush clichés of surprise and humility scripted by publicists, etc.—the whole cynical postmodern deal—but we all still seem to watch. To care. Even though the hypocrisy hurts, even though opening grosses and marketing strategies are now bigger news than the movies themselves, even though Cannes and Sundance have become nothing more than enterprise zones. But the truth is that there’s no more real joy about it all anymore. Worse, there seems to be this enormous unspoken conspiracy where we all pretend that there’s still joy. That we think it’s funny when Bob Dole does a Visa ad and Gorbachev shills for Pizza Hut. That the whole mainstream celebrity culture is rushing to cash in and all the while congratulating itself on pretending not to cash in. Underneath it all, though, we know the whole thing sucks.
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Consider the Lobster: And Other Essays (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 67-70  | Added on Wednesday, February 01, 2012, 02:04 PM

It is no accident that Adult Video News—a slick, expensive periodical whose articles are really more like infomercials—and its yearly Awards both came into being in 1982. The early ’80s, after all, saw the genesis of VCRs and home-video rentals, which have done for the adult industry pretty much what TV did for pro football.
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Consider the Lobster: And Other Essays (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 134-40  | Added on Wednesday, February 01, 2012, 04:41 PM

Nor let us forget Vegas’s synecdoche and beating heart. It’s kittycorner from Bally’s: Caesars Palace. The granddaddy. As big as 20 Wal-Marts end to end. Real marble and fake marble, carpeting you can pass out on without contusion, 130,000 square feet of casino alone. Domed ceilings, clerestories, barrel vaults. In Caesars Palace is America conceived as a new kind of Rome: conqueror of its own people. An empire of Self. It’s breathtaking. The winter’s light rain makes all the neon bleed. The whole thing is almost too pretty to stand. There could be no site but Las Vegas’s Caesars for modern porn’s Awards show—here, the AAVNAs are one more spectacle. Way more tourists and conventioneers recognize the starlets than you’d expect. Double-takes all over the hotel. Even just standing around or putting coins in a slot machine, the performers become a prime attraction. Las Vegas doesn’t miss a trick.
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Consider the Lobster: And Other Essays (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 302-12  | Added on Thursday, February 02, 2012, 02:44 AM

So yr. corresps. were, for a couple hours, at least logistically speaking, In. For a regular civilian male, hanging out in a hotel suite with porn starlets is a tense and emotionally convolved affair. There is, first, the matter of having seen the various intimate activities and anatomical parts of these starlets in videos heretofore and thus (weirdly) feeling shy about meeting them. But there is also a complex erotic tension. Because porn films’ worlds are so sexualized, with everybody seemingly teetering right on the edge of coitus all the time and it taking only the slightest nudge or excuse—a stalled elevator, an unlocked door, a cocked eyebrow, a firm handshake—to send everyone tumbling into a tangled mass of limbs and orifices, there’s a bizarre unconscious expectation/dread/ hope that this is what might happen in Max Hardcore’s hotel room. Yr. corresps. here find it impossible to overemphasize the fact that this is a delusion. In fact, of course, the unconscious expectation/dread/hope makes no more sense than it would make to be hanging out with doctors at a medical convention and to expect that at the slightest provocation everyone in the room would tumble into a frenzy of MRIs and epidurals. Nevertheless the tension persists, despite the fact that the actresses are obviously tired and disassociated from the day’s CES,
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Consider the Lobster: And Other Essays (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 817-21  | Added on Thursday, February 02, 2012, 03:38 AM

My point is not that his wit is too subtle for US students. In fact, the only halfway effective strategy I’ve come up with for exploring Kafka’s funniness in class involves suggesting to students that much of his humor is actually sort of unsubtle—or rather anti-subtle. The claim is that Kafka’s funniness depends on some kind of radical literalization of truths we tend to treat as metaphorical. I opine to them that some of our most profound collective intuitions seem to be expressible only as figures of speech, that that’s why we call these figures of speech expressions.
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Consider the Lobster: And Other Essays (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 832-33  | Added on Thursday, February 02, 2012, 03:40 AM

What Kafka’s stories have, rather, is a grotesque, gorgeous, and thoroughly modern complexity, an ambivalence that becomes the multivalent Both/And logic of the, quote, “unconscious,” which I personally think is just a fancy word for soul.
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Consider the Lobster: And Other Essays (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 4274-84  | Added on Thursday, February 02, 2012, 03:42 AM

There are probably whole Johns Hopkins U. Press books to be written on the lallating function that humor serves in today’s US psyche. A crude way to put the whole thing is that our present culture is, both developmentally and historically, adolescent. And since adolescence is acknowledged to be the single most stressful and frightening period of human development — the stage when the adulthood we claim to crave begins to present itself as a real and narrowing system of responsibilities and limitations (taxes, death) and when we yearn inside for a return to the same childish oblivion we pretend to scorn* — it’s not difficult to see why we as a culture are so susceptible to art and entertainment whose primary function is escape, i.e. fantasy, adrenaline, spectacle, romance, etc. Jokes are a kind of art, and because most of us Americans come to art now essentially to escape ourselves — to pretend for a while that we’re not mice and walls are parallel and the cat can be outrun — it’s understandable that most of us are going to view “A Little Fable” as not all that funny, or maybe even see it as a repulsive instance of the exact sort of downer-type death-and-taxes reality for which “real” humor serves as a respite.
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Consider the Lobster: And Other Essays (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 839-41  | Added on Thursday, February 02, 2012, 03:44 AM

No wonder they cannot appreciate the really central Kafka joke: that the horrific struggle to establish a human self results in a self whose humanity is inseparable from that horrific struggle. That our endless and impossible journey toward home is in fact our home.
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Consider the Lobster: And Other Essays (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 841-44  | Added on Thursday, February 02, 2012, 03:45 AM

You can ask them to imagine his stories as all about a kind of door. To envision us approaching and pounding on this door, increasingly hard, pounding and pounding, not just wanting admission but needing it; we don’t know what it is but we can feel it, this total desperation to enter, pounding and ramming and kicking. That, finally, the door opens … and it opens outward—we’ve been inside what we wanted all along. Das ist komisch.
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The Trial (Franz Kafka)
- Highlight Loc. 2281-95  | Added on Sunday, February 05, 2012, 09:04 AM

For although the pettiest lawyer might be to some extent capable of analyzing the state of things in the Court, it never occurred to the lawyers that they should suggest or insist on any improvements in the system, while -- and this was very characteristic -- almost every accused man, even quite simple people among them, discovered from the earliest stages a passion for suggesting reforms which often wasted time and energy that could have been better employed in other directions. The only sensible thing was to adapt oneself to existing conditions. Even if it were possible to alter a detail for the better here or there -- but it was simple madness to think of it -- any benefit arising from that would profit clients in the future only, while one's own interests would be immeasurably injured by attracting the attention of the ever-vengeful officials. Anything rather than that! One must lie low, no matter how much it went against the grain, and try to understand that this great organization remained, so to speak, in a state of delicate balance, and that if someone took it upon himself to alter the disposition of things around him, he ran the risk of losing his footing and falling to destruction, while the organization would simply right itself by some compensating reaction in another part of its machinery -- since everything interlocked -- and remain unchanged, unless, indeed, which was very probable, it became still more rigid, more vigilant, severer, and more ruthless.
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The Trial (Franz Kafka)
- Highlight Loc. 2388-96  | Added on Sunday, February 05, 2012, 09:13 AM

The contempt which he had once felt for the case no longer obtained. Had he stood alone in the world he could easily have ridiculed the whole affair, though it was also certain that in that event it could never have arisen at all. But now his uncle had dragged him to this lawyer, family considerations had come in; his position was no longer quite independent of the course the case took, he himself, with a certain inexplicable complacence, had imprudently mentioned it to some of his acquaintances, others had come to learn of it in ways unknown to him, his relations with Fräulein Bürstner seemed to fluctuate with the case itself -- in short, he hardly had the choice now to accept the trial or reject it, he was in the middle of it and must fend for himself. To give in to fatigue would be dangerous.
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The Trial (Franz Kafka)
- Bookmark Loc. 2408  | Added on Sunday, February 05, 2012, 09:15 AM


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The Trial (Franz Kafka)
- Highlight Loc. 2406-23  | Added on Sunday, February 05, 2012, 09:15 AM

From this standpoint the conclusion was inevitable that the case must be withdrawn from Dr. Huld as soon as possible, preferably that very evening. According to him that was something unheard of, it was true, and very likely an insult, but K. could not endure that his efforts in the case should be thwarted by moves possibly originating in the office of his own representative. Once the lawyer was shaken off, the petition must be sent in at once and the officials be urged daily, if possible, to give their attention to it. This would never be achieved by sitting meekly in the attic lobby like the others with one's hat under the seat. K. himself, or one of the women, or some other messenger must keep at the officials day after day and force them to sit down at their desks and study K.'s papers instead of gaping out into the lobby through the wooden rails. These tactics must be pursued unremittingly, everything must be organized and supervised; the Court would encounter for once an accused man who knew how to stick up for his rights. Yet even though K. believed he could manage all this, the difficulty of drawing up the petition seemed overwhelming. At one time, not more than a week ago, he had regarded the possibility of having to draw up his own plea with merely a slight feeling of shame; it never even occurred to him that there might be difficulties in the way. He could remember that one of those mornings, when he was up to his ears in work, he had suddenly pushed everything aside and seized his jotting-pad with the idea of drafting the plan of such a plea and handing it to Dr. Huld by way of egging him on, but just at that moment the door of the Manager's room opened and the Assistant Manager came in laughing uproariously.
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The Trial (Franz Kafka)
- Highlight Loc. 2438-48  | Added on Sunday, February 05, 2012, 09:17 AM

And besides how dreary such a task would be! It would do well enough, perhaps, as an occupation for one's second childhood in years of retirement, when the long days needed filling up. But now, when K. should be devoting his mind entirely to work, when every hour was hurried and crowded -- for he was still in full career and rapidly becoming a rival even to the Assistant Manager -- when his evenings and nights were all too short for the pleasures of a bachelor life, this was the time when he must sit down to such a task! Once more his train of thought had led him into self-pity. Almost involuntarily, simply to make an end of it, he put his finger on the button which rang the bell in the waiting-room. While he pressed it he glanced at the clock. It was eleven o'clock, he had wasted two hours in dreaming, a long stretch of precious time, and he was, of course, still wearier than he had been before. Yet the time had not been quite lost, he had come to decisions which might prove valuable.
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The Trial (Franz Kafka)
- Highlight Loc. 2457-73  | Added on Sunday, February 05, 2012, 09:19 AM

As it was, he tugged papers covered with statistics out of every pocket, spread them before K., explained various entries, corrected a trifling error which his eye had caught even in this hasty survey, reminded K. of a similar transaction which he had concluded with him about a year before, mentioned casually that this time another bank was making great sacrifices to secure the deal, and finally sat in eager silence waiting for K.'s comments. K. had actually followed the man's argument quite closely in its early stages -- the thought of such an important piece of business had its attractions for him too -- but unfortunately not for long; he had soon ceased to listen and merely nodded now and then as the manufacturer's claims waxed in enthusiasm, until in the end he forgot to show even that much interest and confined himself to staring at the other's bald head bent over the papers and asking himself when the fellow would begin to realize that all his eloquence was being wasted. When the manufacturer stopped speaking, K. actually thought for a moment that the pause was intended to give him the chance of confessing that he was not in a fit state to attend to business. And it was with regret that he perceived the intent look on the manufacturer's face, the alertness, as if prepared for every objection, which indicated that the interview would have to continue. So he bowed his head as at a word of command and began slowly to move his pencil point over the papers, pausing here and there to stare at some figure.
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The Trial (Franz Kafka)
- Highlight Loc. 2517-35  | Added on Sunday, February 05, 2012, 09:24 AM

But as no one came in he recovered his composure, went over to the washbasin, washed his face in cold water, and returned to his place at the window with a clearer mind. The decision to take his defense into his own hands seemed now more grave to him than he had originally fancied. So long as the lawyer was responsible for the case it had not come really home to him, he had viewed it with a certain detachment and kept beyond reach of immediate contact with it, he had been able to supervise it whenever he liked, but could also withdraw whenever he liked. Now, on the other hand, if he were to conduct his own defense he would be putting himself completely in the power of the Court, at least for the time being, a policy which would eventually bring about his absolute and definite acquittal, but would meanwhile, provisionally at least, involve him in far greater dangers than before. If he had ever doubted that, his state of mind today in his encounter with the Assistant Manager and the manufacturer would have been more than enough to convince him. What a stupor had overcome him, merely because he had decided to conduct his own defense! And what would develop later on? What days were lying in wait for him? Would he ever find the right path through all these difficulties? To put up a thoroughgoing defense -- and any other kind would be a waste of time -- to put up a thoroughgoing defense, did that not involve cutting himself off from every other activity? Would he be able to carry that through? And how was he to conduct his case from a Bank office? It was not merely the drawing up of a plea; that might be managed on a few weeks' furlough, though to ask for leave of absence just now would be decidedly risky; but a whole trial was involved, whose duration it was impossible to foresee. What an obstacle had suddenly arisen to block K.'s career!
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The Trial (Franz Kafka)
- Highlight Loc. 2888-92  | Added on Sunday, February 05, 2012, 02:49 PM

"Impervious only to proof which one brings before the Court," said the painter, raising one finger as if K. had failed to perceive a fine distinction. "But it is quite a different matter with one's efforts behind the scenes; that is, in the consultingrooms, in the lobbies or, for example, in this very studio." What the painter now said no longer seemed incredible to K., indeed it agreed in the main with what he had heard from other people.
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The Trial (Franz Kafka)
- Highlight Loc. 4110-46  | Added on Friday, February 10, 2012, 04:03 PM

"In the writings which preface the Law that particular delusion is described thus: before the Law stands a doorkeeper. To this doorkeeper there comes a man from the country who begs for admittance to the Law. But the doorkeeper says that he cannot admit the man at the moment. The man, on reflection, asks if he will be allowed, then, to enter later. `It is possible,' answers the doorkeeper, `but not at this moment.' Since the door leading into the Law stands open as usual and the doorkeeper steps to one side, the man bends down to peer through the entrance. When the doorkeeper sees that, he laughs and says: `If you are so strongly tempted, try to get in without my permission. But note that I am powerful. And I am only the lowest doorkeeper. From hail to hail, keepers stand at every door, one more powerful than the other. And the sight of the third man is already more than even I can stand.' These are difficulties which the man from the country has not expected to meet, the Law, he thinks, should be accessible to every man and at all times, but when he looks more closely at the doorkeeper in his furred robe, with his huge pointed nose and long thin Tartar beard, he decides that he had better wait until he gets permission to enter. The doorkeeper gives him a stool and lets him sit down at the side of the door. There he sits waiting for days and years. He makes many attempts to be allowed in and wearies the doorkeeper with his importunity. The doorkeeper often engages him in brief conversation, asking him about his home and about other matters, but the questions are put quite impersonally, as great men put questions, and always conclude with the statement that the man cannot be allowed to enter yet. The man, who has equipped himself with many things for his journey, parts with all he has, however valuable, in the hope of bribing the doorkeeper. The doorkeeper accepts it all, saying, however, as he takes each gift: `I take this only to keep you from feeling that you have left something undone.' During all these long years the man watches the doorkeeper almost incessantly. He forgets about the other doorkeepers, and this one seems to him the only barrier between himself and the Law. In the first years he curses his evil fate aloud; later, as he grows old, he only mutters to himself. He grows childish, and since in his prolonged study of the doorkeeper he has learned to know even the fleas in his fur collar, he begs the very fleas to help him and to persuade the doorkeeper to change his mind. Finally his eyes grow dim and he does not know whether the world is really darkening around him or whether his eyes are only deceiving him. But in the darkness he can now perceive a radiance that streams inextinguishably from the door of the Law. Now his life is drawing to a close. Before he dies, all that he has experienced during the whole time of his sojourn condenses in his mind into one question, which he has never yet put to the doorkeeper. He beckons the doorkeeper, since he can no longer raise his stiffening body. The doorkeeper has to bend far down to hear him, for the difference in size between them has increased very much to the man's disadvantage. `What do you want to know now?' asks the doorkeeper, `you are insatiable.' `Everyone strives to attain the Law,' answers the man, `how does it come about, then, that in all these years no one has come seeking admittance but me?' The doorkeeper perceives that the man is nearing his end and his hearing is failing, so he bellows in his ear: `No one but you could gain admittance through this door, since this door was intended for you. I am now going to shut it.'"
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The Trial (Franz Kafka)
- Highlight Loc. 4286-88  | Added on Friday, February 10, 2012, 04:16 PM

"That means I belong to the Court," said the priest. "So why should I want anything from you? The Court wants nothing from you. It receives you when you come and it dismisses you when you go."
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The Trial (Franz Kafka)
- Highlight Loc. 4484-88  | Added on Friday, February 10, 2012, 04:32 PM

How closely non-publication was bound up for Kafka with the problem of how to conduct his life (a problem which, to our immeasurable grief, no longer obtains) could be gathered from many of his conversations and can be seen in this letter to me: . . . I am not enclosing the novels. Why rake up old efforts? Only because I have not burned them yet? . . . Next time I come I hope to do so.
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The Trial (Franz Kafka)
- Highlight Loc. 4552-59  | Added on Friday, February 10, 2012, 04:39 PM

As someone said to me -- I can't remember now who it was -- it is really remarkable that when you wake up in the morning you nearly always find everything in exactly the same place as the evening before. For when asleep and dreaming you are, apparently at least, in an essentially different state from that of wakefulness; and therefore, as that man truly said, it requires enormous presence of mind or rather quickness of wit, when opening your eyes to seize hold as it were of everything in the room at exactly the same place where you had let it go on the previous evening. That was why, he said, the moment of waking up was the riskiest moment of the day. Once that was well over without deflecting you from your orbit, you could take heart of grace for the rest of the day.
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Stiff: The Curious Lives of Human Cadavers (Mary Roach)
- Highlight Loc. 159-62  | Added on Thursday, February 16, 2012, 06:40 AM

The problem with cadavers is that they look so much like people. It's the reason most of us prefer a pork chop to a slice of whole suckling pig. It's the reason we say "pork" and "beef" instead of "pig" and "cow." Dissection and surgical instruction, like meat-eating, require a carefully maintained set of illusions and denial. Physicians and anatomy students must learn to think of cadavers as wholly unrelated to the people they once were.
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Reaper Man (Terry Pratchett)
- Highlight Loc. 713-15  | Added on Thursday, February 16, 2012, 08:26 AM

“What is this thing, anyway?” said the Dean, inspecting the implement in his hands. “It’s called a shovel,” said the Senior Wrangler. “I’ve seen the gardeners use them. You stick the sharp end in the ground. Then it gets a bit technical.”
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Reaper Man (Terry Pratchett)
- Highlight Loc. 1080-86  | Added on Thursday, February 16, 2012, 08:55 AM

The Chief Priest moved a little closer. “I think I could be strong enough to master and defeat just a little snare,” he said. “I haven’t felt like this since Mrs. Cake was one of my flock.” “Mrs. Cake? What’s a Mrs. Cake?” “You have…ghastly Things from the Dungeon Dimensions and things, yes? Terrible hazards of your ungodly profession?” said the Chief Priest. “Yes.” “We have someone called Mrs. Cake.” Ridcully gave him an enquiring look. “Don’t ask,” said the priest, shuddering. “Just be grateful you’ll never have to find out.” Ridcully silently passed him the brandy.
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Stiff: The Curious Lives of Human Cadavers (Mary Roach)
- Highlight Loc. 2386-90  | Added on Friday, February 17, 2012, 05:19 PM

have trouble believing Thomas Edison to be a loopy individual. I offer as evidence the following passage on human memory, taken from his diaries: "We do not remember. A certain group of our little people do this for us. They live in that part of the brain which has become known as the 'fold of Broca.'…There may be twelve or fifteen shifts that change about and are on duty at different times like men in a factory….Therefore it seems likely that remembering a thing is all a matter of getting in touch with the shift that was on duty when the recording was done."
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Stiff: The Curious Lives of Human Cadavers (Mary Roach)
- Highlight Loc. 3472-73  | Added on Sunday, February 19, 2012, 08:37 AM

In the Bradbury story, the protagonist ends up having his bones pulled out through his mouth, by an alien disguised as a beautiful woman. Though he was reduced to a jellyfish heap on his living-room floor, his body remained intact. No blood was spilled.
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Stiff: The Curious Lives of Human Cadavers (Mary Roach)
- Highlight Loc. 3507-13  | Added on Sunday, February 19, 2012, 08:42 AM

If you are considering becoming a brain donor, the best thing for you to do is stay away from the Brain Bank. Within ten minutes of arriving, I was watching a twenty-four-year-old technician slice a sixty- seven-year-old brain. The brain had been flash-frozen and did not slice cleanly. It sliced as does a Butterfinger, with little shards crumbling off. The shards quickly thawed and looked less Butterfingerlike. The technician wiped them up with a paper towel. "There goes third grade." He has gotten in trouble for saying things like this.
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Consider the Lobster: And Other Essays (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 661-65  | Added on Sunday, February 19, 2012, 09:04 AM

And no US novelist has mapped the inner terrain of the solipsist better than John Updike, whose rise in the 1960s and ’70s established him as both chronicler and voice of probably the single most self-absorbed generation since Louis XIV. As were Freud’s, Updike’s big preoccupations have always been with death and sex (not necessarily in that order), and the fact that his books’ mood has gotten more wintry in recent years is understandable—Updike has always written mainly about himself, and since the surprisingly moving Rabbit at Rest he’s been exploring, more and more overtly, the apocalyptic prospect of his own death.
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Consider the Lobster: And Other Essays (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 670-72  | Added on Sunday, February 19, 2012, 09:05 AM

First, though, if I may poke the critical head into the frame for just one moment, I’d like to offer assurances that your reviewer is not one of these spleen-venting spittle-spattering Updike haters one often encounters among literary readers under forty.
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Consider the Lobster: And Other Essays (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 679  | Added on Sunday, February 19, 2012, 09:07 AM

“Just a penis with a thesaurus.”
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Consider the Lobster: And Other Essays (David Foster Wallace)
- Bookmark Loc. 679  | Added on Sunday, February 19, 2012, 09:07 AM


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Consider the Lobster: And Other Essays (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 686-87  | Added on Sunday, February 19, 2012, 09:08 AM

But I think the deep reason so many of my generation dislike Updike and the other GMNs has to do with these writers’ radical self-absorption, and with their uncritical celebration of this self-absorption both in themselves and in their characters.
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Consider the Lobster: And Other Essays (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 690-93  | Added on Sunday, February 19, 2012, 09:12 AM

They always live in either Pennsylvania or New England, are either unhappily married or divorced, are roughly Updike’s age. Always either the narrator or the point-of-view character, they tend all to have the author’s astounding perceptual gifts; they think and speak in the same effortlessly lush, synesthetic way that Updike does. They are also always incorrigibly narcissistic, philandering, self-contemptuous, self-pitying … and deeply alone, alone the way only an emotional solipsist can be alone.
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Consider the Lobster: And Other Essays (David Foster Wallace)
- Note Loc. 693  | Added on Sunday, February 19, 2012, 09:14 AM

once again foster wallace articulates precisely the unformed and subconscious impression i can never seem to put my finger on
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Consider the Lobster: And Other Essays (David Foster Wallace)
- Note Loc. 693  | Added on Sunday, February 19, 2012, 09:17 AM

once again foster wallace articulates precisely the unformed and subconscious impression i can never seem to put my finger on. except in my case it was norman mailer. same impressions that walce describes. it is neary irresistable reading, but a completely absurdly mysoginistic narcissistic narrator. harlots ghost could have been the escapades of a frat boy (fratire) and would have been enjoyable anywa.
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Consider the Lobster: And Other Essays (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 697-702  | Added on Sunday, February 19, 2012, 09:18 AM

I’m guessing that for the young educated adults of the sixties and seventies, for whom the ultimate horror was the hypocritical conformity and repression of their own parents’ generation, Updike’s evection of the libidinous self appeared refreshing and even heroic. But young adults of the nineties—many of whom are, of course, the children of all the impassioned infidelities and divorces Updike wrote about so beautifully, and who got to watch all this brave new individualism and sexual freedom deteriorate into the joyless and anomic self-indulgence of the Me Generation—today’s subforties have very different horrors, prominent among which are anomie and solipsism and a peculiarly American loneliness: the prospect of dying without even once having loved something more than yourself.
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Consider the Lobster: And Other Essays (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 739-43  | Added on Sunday, February 19, 2012, 09:24 AM

Turnbull is particularly keen on subatomic physics and something he calls the “Theory of Many Worlds”—a real theory, by the way, which was proposed in the fifties as a solution to certain quantum paradoxes entailed by the Principles of Indeterminacy and Complementarity, and which in truth is wildly complex and technical, but which Turnbull seems to believe is basically the same as the Theory of Past-Life Channeling, thereby explaining the set pieces where Turnbull is somebody else. The whole quantum setup ends up being embarrassing in the special way something pretentious is embarrassing when it’s also wrong.
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Consider the Lobster: And Other Essays (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 749-51  | Added on Sunday, February 19, 2012, 09:25 AM

The clunky bathos of this novel seems to have infected even the line-by-line prose, Updike’s great strength for almost forty years. Toward the End of Time does have flashes of beautiful writing—deer described as “tender-faced ruminants,” leaves as “chewed to lace by Japanese beetles,” a car’s tight turn as a “slur” and its departure as a “dismissive acceleration down the driveway.”
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Consider the Lobster: And Other Essays (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 758  | Added on Sunday, February 19, 2012, 09:26 AM

they seem less like John Updike than like somebody doing a mean parody of John Updike.
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Consider the Lobster: And Other Essays (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 770-74  | Added on Sunday, February 19, 2012, 09:28 AM

Maybe the one thing that the reader ends up appreciating about Ben Turnbull is that he’s such a broad caricature of an Updike protagonist that he helps clarify what’s been so unpleasant and frustrating about this author’s recent characters. It’s not that Turnbull is stupid: he can quote Pascal and Kierkegaard on angst, discourse on the death of Schubert, distinguish between a sinistrorse and a dextrorse Polygonum vine, etc. It’s that he persists in the bizarre, adolescent belief that getting to have sex with whomever one wants whenever one wants to is a cure for human despair.
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hunter s thompson - the great shark hunt (The Great Shark Hunt)
- Highlight Loc. 497-500  | Added on Sunday, February 19, 2012, 05:31 PM

To this extent, Louisville has integrated itself right out of the South, and now faces problems more like those of a Northern or Midwestern city. The white power structure has given way in the public sector, only to entrench itself more firmly in the private. And the Negro -- especially the educated Negro -- feels that his victories are hollow and his "progress" is something he reads about in the newspapers.
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hunter s thompson - the great shark hunt (The Great Shark Hunt)
- Highlight Loc. 567-70  | Added on Sunday, February 19, 2012, 05:40 PM

It is the same assumption that motivates a homeowner to sell to whites only-- not because of race prejudice but out of concern for property values. In other words, almost nobody has anything against Negroes, but everybody's neighbor does. This is galling to the Negroes. Simple racism is an easy thing to confront, but a mixture of guilty prejudice, economic worries and threatened social standing is much harder to fight.
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hunter s thompson - the great shark hunt (The Great Shark Hunt)
- Highlight Loc. 669-70  | Added on Wednesday, February 22, 2012, 04:24 AM

Indeed. When the going gets tough, the tough get going. John Mitchell said that -- shortly before he quit his job and left Washington at 90 miles an hour in a chauffeur-driven limousine.
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hunter s thompson - the great shark hunt (The Great Shark Hunt)
- Highlight Loc. 675-97  | Added on Wednesday, February 22, 2012, 04:27 AM

There is a bond, among pros, that needs no definition. Or at least it didn't on that Sunday morning in Houston, for reasons that require no further discussion at this point in time. . . because it suddenly occurred to me that I had already written the lead for this year's Super Bowl game; I wrote it last year in Los Angeles, and a quick rip through my fat manila folder of clips labeled "Football '73" turned it up as if by magic. I jerked it out of the file, and retyped it on a fresh page slugged: "Super Bowl/Houston '74." The only change necessary was the substitution of "Minnesota Vikings" for "Washington Redskins." Except for that, the lead seemed just as adequate for the game that would begin in about six hours as it was for the one that I missed in Los Angeles in January of '73. "The precision-jackhammer attack of the Miami Dolphins stomped the balls off the Minnesota Vikings today by stomping and hammering with one precise jack-thrust after another up the middle, mixed with pinpoint-precision passes into the flat and numerous hammer-jack stops around both ends. . ." The jangling of the telephone caused me to interrupt my work. I jerked it off the hook, saying nothing to whoever was on the other end, and began flashing the hotel operator. When she finally cut in I spoke very calmly. "Look," I said. "I'm a very friendly person and a minister of the gospel, to boot -- but I thought I left instructions down there to put no calls -- NO CALLS, GODDAMNIT! -- through to this room, and especially not now in the middle of this orgy. . . I've been here eight days and nobody's called me yet. Why in hell would they start now?. . . What? Well, I simply can't accept that kind of flimsy reasoning, operator. Do you believe in Hell? Are you ready to speak with Saint Peter?. . . Wait a minute now, calm down. . . I want to be sure you understand one thing before I get back to my business; I have some people here who need help . . . But I want you to know that God is Holy! He will not allow sin in his presence! The Bible says: 'There is none righteous. No, not one . . . For all have sinned and come short of the glory of God.' That's from the book of Romans, young lady. . ." 30 The silence at the other end of the line was beginning to make me nervous. But I could feel the sap rising, so I decided to continue my sermon from the balcony. . . and I suddenly realized that somebody was beating on my door. Jesus god, I thought, it's the manager; they've come for me at last. But it was a TV reporter from Pittsburgh, raving drunk and demanding to take a shower. I jerked him into the room. "Nevermind the goddamn shower," I said. "Do you realize what I have on my spine?" He stared at me, unable to speak. "A giant leech," I said. "It's been there for eight days, getting fatter and fatter with blood." He nodded slowly as I led him over to the phone. "I hate leeches," he muttered. "That's the least of our problems," I said. "Room service won't send any beer up until noon, and all the bars are closed. . . I have this Wild Turkey, but I think it's too heavy for the situation we're in." "You're right," he said. "I got work to do.

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March

My American Unhappiness (Dean Bakopoulos)
- Highlight on Page 23 | Loc. 350-55  | Added on Saturday, March 03, 2012, 09:24 AM

her new pastor, Revered Ty Willis of the New Promise Church, which has usurped my mother's Catholic faith, encouraged us to read the book of Job. I'm not sure if my mother read it—to her, church, in her post-Catholic phase, was a bit of a social club more than anything—but I did, and I was less than comforted. The horror of the Lord engaging in high-stakes bets with Satan, and the absolute lack of comfort that Job's so-called friends bring to his grief, did change my view of God. The book made me feel as though God, if he existed, was sort of capable of being a major, reckless dick. Christians in the Midwest are fond of saying, "Everything happens for a reason." The book of Job illustrates, I think, that that's not the case at all.
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My American Unhappiness (Dean Bakopoulos)
- Highlight on Page 42 | Loc. 646-49  | Added on Saturday, March 03, 2012, 10:07 AM

It is difficult to see so many people you know, so many busy and active people, if, frankly, you don't care how somebody's novel, thesis, art, job, marriage, life is going, not because you are heartless or cruel, but because you simply don't have the energy to hear about other people's struggles and triumphs. Your own joys and woes are exhausting enough, aren't they?
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My American Unhappiness (Dean Bakopoulos)
- Highlight on Page 45 | Loc. 692-705  | Added on Saturday, March 03, 2012, 10:14 AM

How quickly has such an American ideal faded! Now, we are all slaves to institutions. Educated in them from the age of five, or younger, and often imprisoned within them, accumulating piles of debt, until we are pushing thirty. At the end of our educational process, we know what? How to plant a garden? Build a home? Repair and maintain machines? Hunt? Fish? Camp? Hardly. Rather, we leave these institutions with only one small skill—trading commodities, analyzing prose, ceramics, welding widget A to widget B—and we immediately need to find another institution to take us in: General Motors, Yale, the Federal Reserve, the UAW, Target, any place that will allow us to put food on the table. Once food is on the table, we must find shelter, often for a growing family, and instead of having any idea of how to build a shelter, we must buy a shelter, and because the costs of shelter are so absurdly prohibitive in comparison with actual wages, we must move immediately into the debtor system Thoreau likened to slavery. We must move into a home that is owned by an institution—Bank of America, Countrywide, CitiFinancial—and we must make ourselves adhere to a payment schedule. We must then secure health care coverage from a large institution, finance transportation through a large institution, deficit-spend based on the leverage of a large institution, worship the Lord at an approved institution, and then, one morning, our children enter a federally mandated pre-K program or a twenty-five-thousand-dollar-a-year private preschool. And the cycle begins again. You can almost hear the tiny hearts of America's children breaking as they gather around the story circle or line up for a carton of milk. Slaves!
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My American Unhappiness (Dean Bakopoulos)
- Highlight on Page 48 | Loc. 735-37  | Added on Saturday, March 03, 2012, 10:17 AM

"There ought to be behind the door of every happy, contented man some one standing with a little hammer continually reminding him with a tap that there are unhappy people; that however happy he may be, life will show him her laws sooner or later, trouble will come for him—disease, poverty, losses, and no one will see or hear, just as now he neither sees nor hears others."
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My American Unhappiness (Dean Bakopoulos)
- Highlight on Page 48 | Loc. 733-37  | Added on Saturday, March 03, 2012, 10:17 AM

I suppose the idea for my project came to me shortly after college, when I was rather absent-mindedly thumbing through a copy of The Portable Chekhov, during a register shift at the bookshop where I once worked. Rereading the story "Gooseberries," I came across these lines: "There ought to be behind the door of every happy, contented man some one standing with a little hammer continually reminding him with a tap that there are unhappy people; that however happy he may be, life will show him her laws sooner or later, trouble will come for him—disease, poverty, losses, and no one will see or hear, just as now he neither sees nor hears others."
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My American Unhappiness (Dean Bakopoulos)
- Highlight on Page 151 | Loc. 2127-32  | Added on Saturday, March 03, 2012, 09:56 PM

In the blue light of the bus, on this, the first crisp and frosty evening of the autumn, all of the passengers look to me as if they are trapped in some giant, mobile freezer. They wear winter caps and thick coats for the first time in months, and their expressions are frozen and devoid of smiles, a motley crew of grimaces, pensive looks, and dour, soured expressions. Just a week ago they went coatless, bare-midriffed, sandaled. Now, this, the siege of winter already hinting at its arrival. It makes me feel as if we're awaiting somebody's death in that bus and I am thrilled to get off when my stop finally arrives.
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The Cambridge Companion to Carnap (sfn)
- Bookmark on Page 8 | Added on Sunday, March 04, 2012, 01:41 PM


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The Cambridge Companion to Carnap_k2opt 
- Bookmark on Page 123 | Added on Sunday, March 04, 2012, 04:29 PM


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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - All six volumes with an active table of contents (Annotated) (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 537-39  | Added on Sunday, March 25, 2012, 12:29 PM

That public virtue, which among the ancients was denominated patriotism, is derived from a strong sense of our own interest in the preservation and prosperity of the free government of which we are members.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - All six volumes with an active table of contents (Annotated) (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 551-53  | Added on Sunday, March 25, 2012, 12:31 PM

it was an inflexible maxim of Roman discipline, that a good soldier should dread his officers far more than the enemy. From such laudable arts did the valor of the Imperial troops receive a degree of firmness and docility unattainable by the impetuous and irregular passions of barbarians.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - All six volumes with an active table of contents (Annotated) (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 989-96  | Added on Tuesday, March 27, 2012, 07:24 PM

The opinions of the Academics and Epicureans were of a less religious cast; but whilst the modest science of the former induced them to doubt, the positive ignorance of the latter urged them to deny, the providence of a Supreme Ruler. The spirit of inquiry, prompted by emulation, and supported by freedom, had divided the public teachers of philosophy into a variety of contending sects; but the ingenious youth, who, from every part, resorted to Athens, and the other seats of learning in the Roman empire, were alike instructed in every school to reject and to despise the religion of the multitude. How, indeed, was it possible that a philosopher should accept, as divine truths, the idle tales of the poets, and the incoherent traditions of antiquity; or that he should adore, as gods, those imperfect beings whom he must have despised, as men? Against such unworthy adversaries, Cicero condescended to employ the arms of reason and eloquence; but the satire of Lucian was a much more adequate, as well as more efficacious, weapon.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - All six volumes with an active table of contents (Annotated) (Edward Gibbon)
- Bookmark Loc. 1077  | Added on Tuesday, March 27, 2012, 07:34 PM


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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 971-74  | Added on Wednesday, March 28, 2012, 03:22 PM

But the equitable Nerva, who then filled the throne, refused to accept any part of it, and commanded him to use, without scruple, the present of fortune. The cautious Athenian still insisted, that the treasure was too considerable for a subject, and that he knew not how to use it. Abuse it then, replied the monarch, with a good-natured peevishness; for it is your own.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 1061-64  | Added on Wednesday, March 28, 2012, 03:35 PM

The coasts of Italy are, in general, destitute of safe harbors; but human industry had corrected the deficiencies of nature; and the artificial port of Ostia, in particular, situate at the mouth of the Tyber, and formed by the emperor Claudius, was a useful monument of Roman greatness. From this port, which was only sixteen miles from the capital, a favorable breeze frequently carried vessels in seven days to the columns of Hercules, and in nine or ten, to Alexandria in Egypt.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 1098-1101  | Added on Thursday, March 29, 2012, 12:31 PM

But in the present imperfect condition of society, luxury, though it may proceed from vice or folly, seems to be the only means that can correct the unequal distribution of property. The diligent mechanic, and the skilful artist, who have obtained no share in the division of the earth, receive a voluntary tax from the possessors of land; and the latter are prompted, by a sense of interest, to improve those estates, with whose produce they may purchase additional pleasures.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 1156-57  | Added on Thursday, March 29, 2012, 05:35 PM

The name of Poet was almost forgotten; that of Orator was usurped by the sophists. A cloud of critics, of compilers, of commentators, darkened the face of learning, and the decline of genius was soon followed by the corruption of taste.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 1167-73  | Added on Thursday, March 29, 2012, 05:37 PM

The obvious definition of a monarchy seems to be that of a state, in which a single person, by whatsoever name he may be distinguished, is intrusted with the execution of the laws, the management of the revenue, and the command of the army. But, unless public liberty is protected by intrepid and vigilant guardians, the authority of so formidable a magistrate will soon degenerate into despotism. The influence of the clergy, in an age of superstition, might be usefully employed to assert the rights of mankind; but so intimate is the connection between the throne and the altar, that the banner of the church has very seldom been seen on the side of the people. * A martial nobility and stubborn commons, possessed of arms, tenacious of property, and collected into constitutional assemblies, form the only balance capable of preserving a free constitution against enterprises of an aspiring prince.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 1286-91  | Added on Thursday, March 29, 2012, 05:57 PM

By declaring themselves the protectors of the people, Marius and Cæsar had subverted the constitution of their country. But as soon as the senate had been humbled and disarmed, such an assembly, consisting of five or six hundred persons, was found a much more tractable and useful instrument of dominion. It was on the dignity of the senate that Augustus and his successors founded their new empire; and they affected, on every occasion, to adopt the language and principles of Patricians. In the administration of their own powers, they frequently consulted the great national council, and seemed to refer to its decision the most important concerns of peace and war.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 1338-40  | Added on Thursday, March 29, 2012, 06:07 PM

A distinction was, however, soon introduced. The sacred title of Augustus was always reserved for the monarch, whilst the name of Cæsar was more freely communicated to his relations; and, from the reign of Hadrian, at least, was appropriated to the second person in the state, who was considered as the presumptive heir of the empire. *
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 1348-57  | Added on Thursday, March 29, 2012, 06:10 PM

The death of Cæsar was ever before his eyes. He had lavished wealth and honors on his adherents; but the most favored friends of his uncle were in the number of the conspirators. The fidelity of the legions might defend his authority against open rebellion; but their vigilance could not secure his person from the dagger of a determined republican; and the Romans, who revered the memory of Brutus, would applaud the imitation of his virtue. Cæsar had provoked his fate, as much as by the ostentation of his power, as by his power itself. The consul or the tribune might have reigned in peace. The title of king had armed the Romans against his life. Augustus was sensible that mankind is governed by names; nor was he deceived in his expectation, that the senate and people would submit to slavery, provided they were respectfully assured that they still enjoyed their ancient freedom. A feeble senate and enervated people cheerfully acquiesced in the pleasing illusion, as long as it was supported by the virtue, or even by the prudence, of the successors of Augustus. It was a motive of self-preservation, not a principle of liberty, that animated the conspirators against Caligula, Nero, and Domitian. They attacked the person of the tyrant, without aiming their blow at the authority of the emperor.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 1358-63  | Added on Thursday, March 29, 2012, 06:12 PM

There appears, indeed, one memorable occasion, in which the senate, after seventy years of patience, made an ineffectual attempt to re-assume its long-forgotten rights. When the throne was vacant by the murder of Caligula, the consuls convoked that assembly in the Capitol, condemned the memory of the Cæsars, gave the watchword liberty to the few cohorts who faintly adhered to their standard, and during eight-and-forty hours acted as the independent chiefs of a free commonwealth. But while they deliberated, the prætorian guards had resolved. The stupid Claudius, brother of Germanicus, was already in their camp, invested with the Imperial purple, and prepared to support his election by arms. The dream of liberty was at an end; and the senate awoke to all the horrors of inevitable servitude.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 1374-79  | Added on Thursday, March 29, 2012, 06:14 PM

During a long period of two hundred and twenty years from the establishment of this artful system to the death of Commodus, the dangers inherent to a military government were, in a great measure, suspended. The soldiers were seldom roused to that fatal sense of their own strength, and of the weakness of the civil authority, which was, before and afterwards, productive of such dreadful calamities. Caligula and Domitian were assassinated in their palace by their own domestics: * the convulsions which agitated Rome on the death of the former, were confined to the walls of the city. But Nero involved the whole empire in his ruin. In the space of eighteen months, four princes perished by the sword; and the Roman world was shaken by the fury of the contending armies.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 1380-81  | Added on Thursday, March 29, 2012, 06:14 PM

The emperor was elected by the authority of the senate, and the consent of the soldiers.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 1457-59  | Added on Thursday, March 29, 2012, 06:28 PM

If a man were called to fix the period in the history of the world, during which the condition of the human race was most happy and prosperous, he would, without hesitation, name that which elapsed from the death of Domitian to the accession of Commodus.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 1474-79  | Added on Thursday, March 29, 2012, 06:31 PM

The golden age of Trajan and the Antonines had been preceded by an age of iron. It is almost superfluous to enumerate the unworthy successors of Augustus. Their unparalleled vices, and the splendid theatre on which they were acted, have saved them from oblivion. The dark, unrelenting Tiberius, the furious Caligula, the feeble Claudius, the profligate and cruel Nero, the beastly Vitellius, and the timid, inhuman Domitian, are condemned to everlasting infamy. During fourscore years (excepting only the short and doubtful respite of Vespasian's reign) Rome groaned beneath an unremitting tyranny, which exterminated the ancient families of the republic, and was fatal to almost every virtue and every talent that arose in that unhappy period.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 1512-20  | Added on Thursday, March 29, 2012, 06:38 PM

The object of his displeasure, escaping from the narrow limits of his dominions, would easily obtain, in a happier climate, a secure refuge, a new fortune adequate to his merit, the freedom of complaint, and perhaps the means of revenge. But the empire of the Romans filled the world, and when the empire fell into the hands of a single person, the world became a safe and dreary prison for his enemies. The slave of Imperial despotism, whether he was condemned to drags his gilded chain in Rome and the senate, or to were out a life of exile on the barren rock of Seriphus, or the frozen bank of the Danube, expected his fate in silent despair. To resist was fatal, and it was impossible to fly. On every side he was encompassed with a vast extent of sea and land, which he could never hope to traverse without being discovered, seized, and restored to his irritated master. Beyond the frontiers, his anxious view could discover nothing, except the ocean, inhospitable deserts, hostile tribes of barbarians, of fierce manners and unknown language, or dependent kings, who would gladly purchase the emperor's protection by the sacrifice of an obnoxious fugitive. "Wherever you are," said Cicero to the exiled Marcellus, "remember that you are equally within the power of the conqueror."
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 1523-24  | Added on Friday, March 30, 2012, 08:00 AM

His excellent understanding was often deceived by the unsuspecting goodness of his heart.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 1537-39  | Added on Friday, March 30, 2012, 08:06 AM

The monstrous vices of the son have cast a shade on the purity of the father's virtues. It has been objected to Marcus, that he sacrificed the happiness of millions to a fond partiality for a worthless boy; and that he chose a successor in his own family, rather than in the republic.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 1543-44  | Added on Friday, March 30, 2012, 08:06 AM

he lived long enough to repent a rash measure,
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 1547-48  | Added on Friday, March 30, 2012, 08:07 AM

Of all our passions and appetites, the love of power is of the most imperious and unsociable nature, since the pride of one man requires the submission of the multitude.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 1547-49  | Added on Friday, March 30, 2012, 08:15 AM

Of all our passions and appetites, the love of power is of the most imperious and unsociable nature, since the pride of one man requires the submission of the multitude. In the tumult of civil discord, the laws of society lose their force, and their place is seldom supplied by those of humanity.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 1550-51  | Added on Friday, March 30, 2012, 08:15 AM

From such motives almost every page of history has been stained with civil blood; but these motives will not account for the unprovoked cruelties of Commodus, who had nothing to wish and every thing to enjoy.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 1574-76  | Added on Friday, March 30, 2012, 08:20 AM

One evening, as the emperor was returning to the palace, through a dark and narrow portico in the amphitheatre, an assassin, who waited his passage, rushed upon him with a drawn sword, loudly exclaiming, "The senate sends you this." The menace prevented the deed; the assassin was seized by the guards, and immediately revealed the authors of the conspiracy. It had been formed, not in the state, but within the walls of the palace.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 1582-83  | Added on Friday, March 30, 2012, 08:22 AM

But the words of the assassin sunk deep into the mind of Commodus, and left an indelible impression of fear and hatred against the whole body of the senate.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Bookmark Loc. 1597  | Added on Friday, March 30, 2012, 11:13 AM


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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 1609-18  | Added on Friday, March 30, 2012, 12:03 PM

The negligence of the public administration was betrayed, soon afterwards, by a new disorder, which arose from the smallest beginnings. A spirit of desertion began to prevail among the troops: and the deserters, instead of seeking their safety in flight or concealment, infested the highways. Maternus, a private soldier, of a daring boldness above his station, collected these bands of robbers into a little army, set open the prisons, invited the slaves to assert their freedom, and plundered with impunity the rich and defenceless cities of Gaul and Spain. The governors of the provinces, who had long been the spectators, and perhaps the partners, of his depredations, were, at length, roused from their supine indolence by the threatening commands of the emperor. Maternus found that he was encompassed, and foresaw that he must be overpowered. A great effort of despair was his last resource. He ordered his followers to disperse, to pass the Alps in small parties and various disguises, and to assemble at Rome, during the licentious tumult of the festival of Cybele. To murder Commodus, and to ascend the vacant throne, was the ambition of no vulgar robber. His measures were so ably concerted that his concealed troops already filled the streets of Rome. The envy of an accomplice discovered and ruined this singular enterprise, in a moment when it was ripe for execution.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 1619-20  | Added on Friday, March 30, 2012, 12:04 PM

Suspicious princes often promote the last of mankind, from a vain persuasion, that those who have no dependence, except on their favor, will have no attachment, except to the person of their benefactor.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 1657-70  | Added on Friday, March 30, 2012, 12:12 PM

But every sentiment of virtue and humanity was extinct in the mind of Commodus. Whilst he thus abandoned the reins of empire to these unworthy favorites, he valued nothing in sovereign power, except the unbounded license of indulging his sensual appetites. His hours were spent in a seraglio of three hundred beautiful women, and as many boys, of every rank, and of every province; and, wherever the arts of seduction proved ineffectual, the brutal lover had recourse to violence. The ancient historians have expatiated on these abandoned scenes of prostitution, which scorned every restraint of nature or modesty; but it would not be easy to translate their too faithful descriptions into the decency of modern language. The intervals of lust were filled up with the basest amusements. The influence of a polite age, and the labor of an attentive education, had never been able to infuse into his rude and brutish mind the least tincture of learning; and he was the first of the Roman emperors totally devoid of taste for the pleasures of the understanding. Nero himself excelled, or affected to excel, in the elegant arts of music and poetry: nor should we despise his pursuits, had he not converted the pleasing relaxation of a leisure hour into the serious business and ambition of his life. But Commodus, from his earliest infancy, discovered an aversion to whatever was rational or liberal, and a fond attachment to the amusements of the populace; the sports of the circus and amphitheatre, the combats of gladiators, and the hunting of wild beasts. The masters in every branch of learning, whom Marcus provided for his son, were heard with inattention and disgust; whilst the Moors and Parthians, who taught him to dart the javelin and to shoot with the bow, found a disciple who delighted in his application, and soon equalled the most skilful of his instructors in the steadiness of the eye and the dexterity of the 
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 1671  | Added on Friday, March 30, 2012, 12:13 PM

The servile crowd, whose fortune depended on their master's vices, applauded these ignoble pursuits.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 1683-91  | Added on Friday, March 30, 2012, 12:16 PM

On the appointed day, the various motives of flattery, fear, and curiosity, attracted to the amphitheatre an innumerable multitude of spectators; and some degree of applause was deservedly bestowed on the uncommon skill of the Imperial performer. Whether he aimed at the head or heart of the animal, the wound was alike certain and mortal. With arrows whose point was shaped into the form of crescent, Commodus often intercepted the rapid career, and cut asunder the long, bony neck of the ostrich. A panther was let loose; and the archer waited till he had leaped upon a trembling malefactor. In the same instant the shaft flew, the beast dropped dead, and the man remained unhurt. The dens of the amphitheatre disgorged at once a hundred lions: a hundred darts from the unerring hand of Commodus laid them dead as they run raging round the Arena. Neither the huge bulk of the elephant, nor the scaly hide of the rhinoceros, could defend them from his stroke. Æthiopia and India yielded their most extraordinary productions; and several animals were slain in the amphitheatre, which had been seen only in the representations of art, or perhaps of fancy.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 1693-1701  | Added on Friday, March 30, 2012, 12:18 PM

But the meanest of the populace were affected with shame and indignation when they beheld their sovereign enter the lists as a gladiator, and glory in a profession which the laws and manners of the Romans had branded with the justest note of infamy. He chose the habit and arms of the Secutor, whose combat with the Retiarius formed one of the most lively scenes in the bloody sports of the amphitheatre. The Secutor was armed with a helmet, sword, and buckler; his naked antagonist had only a large net and a trident; with the one he endeavored to entangle, with the other to despatch his enemy. If he missed the first throw, he was obliged to fly from the pursuit of the Secutor, till he had prepared his net for a second cast. The emperor fought in this character seven hundred and thirty-five several times. These glorious achievements were carefully recorded in the public acts of the empire; and that he might omit no circumstance of infamy, he received from the common fund of gladiators a stipend so exorbitant that it became a new and most ignominious tax upon the Roman people.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 1752-54  | Added on Friday, March 30, 2012, 12:25 PM

it. These effusions of impotent rage against a dead emperor, whom the senate had flattered when alive with the most abject servility, betrayed a just but ungenerous spirit of revenge. The legality of these decrees was, however, supported by the principles of the Imperial constitution.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 1754-57  | Added on Friday, March 30, 2012, 12:25 PM

To censure, to depose, or to punish with death, the first magistrate of the republic, who had abused his delegated trust, was the ancient and undoubted prerogative of the Roman senate; but the feeble assembly was obliged to content itself with inflicting on a fallen tyrant that public justice, from which, during his life and reign, he had been shielded by the strong arm of military despotism. *
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 1796-1802  | Added on Friday, March 30, 2012, 12:30 PM

On the third day of his reign, the soldiers seized on a noble senator, with a design to carry him to the camp, and to invest him with the Imperial purple. Instead of being dazzled by the dangerous honor, the affrighted victim escaped from their violence, and took refuge at the feet of Pertinax. A short time afterwards, Sosius Falco, one of the consuls of the year, a rash youth, but of an ancient and opulent family, listened to the voice of ambition; and a conspiracy was formed during a short absence of Pertinax, which was crushed by his sudden return to Rome, and his resolute behavior. Falco was on the point of being justly condemned to death as a public enemy had he not been saved by the earnest and sincere entreaties of the injured emperor, who conjured the senate, that the purity of his reign might not be stained by the blood even of a guilty senator.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 1803-13  | Added on Friday, March 30, 2012, 12:34 PM

These disappointments served only to irritate the rage of the Prætorian guards. On the twenty-eighth of March, eighty-six days only after the death of Commodus, a general sedition broke out in the camp, which the officers wanted either power or inclination to suppress. Two or three hundred of the most desperate soldiers marched at noonday, with arms in their hands and fury in their looks, towards the Imperial palace. The gates were thrown open by their companions upon guard, and by the domestics of the old court, who had already formed a secret conspiracy against the life of the too virtuous emperor. On the news of their approach, Pertinax, disdaining either flight or concealment, advanced to meet his assassins; and recalled to their minds his own innocence, and the sanctity of their recent oath. For a few moments they stood in silent suspense, ashamed of their atrocious design, and awed by the venerable aspect and majestic firmness of their sovereign, till at length, the despair of pardon reviving their fury, a barbarian of the country of Tongress levelled the first blow against Pertinax, who was instantly despatched with a multitude of wounds. His head, separated from his body, and placed on a lance, was carried in triumph to the Prætorian camp, in the sight of a mournful and indignant people, who lamented the unworthy fate of that excellent prince, and the transient blessings of a reign, the memory of which could serve only to aggravate their approaching misfortunes.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 1856-59  | Added on Friday, March 30, 2012, 12:45 PM

He had already begun to use the only effectual argument, and to treat for the Imperial dignity; but the more prudent of the Prætorians, apprehensive that, in this private contract, they should not obtain a just price for so valuable a commodity, ran out upon the ramparts; and, with a loud voice, proclaimed that the Roman world was to be disposed of to the best bidder by public auction.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 1856-65  | Added on Friday, March 30, 2012, 12:46 PM

He had already begun to use the only effectual argument, and to treat for the Imperial dignity; but the more prudent of the Prætorians, apprehensive that, in this private contract, they should not obtain a just price for so valuable a commodity, ran out upon the ramparts; and, with a loud voice, proclaimed that the Roman world was to be disposed of to the best bidder by public auction. This infamous offer, the most insolent excess of military license, diffused a universal grief, shame, and indignation throughout the city. It reached at length the ears of Didius Julianus, a wealthy senator, who, regardless of the public calamities, was indulging himself in the luxury of the table. His wife and his daughter, his freedmen and his parasites, easily convinced him that he deserved the throne, and earnestly conjured him to embrace so fortunate an opportunity. The vain old man hastened to the Prætorian camp, where Sulpicianus was still in treaty with the guards, and began to bid against him from the foot of the rampart. The unworthy negotiation was transacted by faithful emissaries, who passed alternately from one candidate to the other, and acquainted each of them with the offers of his rival.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 1869-72  | Added on Friday, March 30, 2012, 12:47 PM

It was now incumbent on the Prætorians to fulfil the conditions of the sale. They placed their new sovereign, whom they served and despised, in the centre of their ranks, surrounded him on every side with their shields, and conducted him in close order of battle through the deserted streets of the city. The senate was commanded to assemble; and those who had been the distinguished friends of Pertinax, or the personal enemies of Julian, found it necessary to affect a more than common share of satisfaction at this happy revolution.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 1881-87  | Added on Friday, March 30, 2012, 12:49 PM

He had reason to tremble. On the throne of the world he found himself without a friend, and even without an adherent. The guards themselves were ashamed of the prince whom their avarice had persuaded them to accept; nor was there a citizen who did not consider his elevation with horror, as the last insult on the Roman name. The nobility, whose conspicuous station, and ample possessions, exacted the strictest caution, dissembled their sentiments, and met the affected civility of the emperor with smiles of complacency and professions of duty. But the people, secure in their numbers and obscurity, gave a free vent to their passions. The streets and public places of Rome resounded with clamors and imprecations. The enraged multitude affronted the person of Julian, rejected his liberality, and, conscious of the impotence of their own resentment, they called aloud on the legions of the frontiers to assert the violated majesty of the Roman empire.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 1891-95  | Added on Friday, March 30, 2012, 12:50 PM

Their immediate and unanimous revolt was fatal to Julian, but it was fatal at the same time to the public peace, as the generals of the respective armies, Clodius Albinus, Pescennius Niger, and Septimius Severus, were still more anxious to succeed than to revenge the murdered Pertinax. Their forces were exactly balanced. Each of them was at the head of three legions, with a numerous train of auxiliaries; and however different in their characters, they were all soldiers of experience and capacity.
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April

History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 1981-84  | Added on Thursday, April 05, 2012, 04:10 PM

That assembly, convoked by the consul, unanimously acknowledged Severus as lawful emperor, decreed divine honors to Pertinax, and pronounced a sentence of deposition and death against his unfortunate successor. Julian was conducted into a private apartment of the baths of the palace, and beheaded as a common criminal, after having purchased, with an immense treasure, an anxious and precarious reign of only sixty-six days.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 2042-44  | Added on Thursday, April 05, 2012, 07:14 PM

The fame and person of Severus appeared, during a few moments, irrecoverably lost, till that warlike prince rallied his fainting troops, and led them on to a decisive victory. The war was finished by that memorable day.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 2081-86  | Added on Friday, April 06, 2012, 04:13 AM

Thirty-five senators, however, accused of having favored the party of Albinus, he freely pardoned, and, by his subsequent behavior, endeavored to convince them, that he had forgotten, as well as forgiven, their supposed offences. But, at the same time, he condemned forty-one other senators, whose names history has recorded; their wives, children, and clients attended them in death, * and the noblest provincials of Spain and Gaul were involved in the same ruin. Such rigid justice—for so he termed it—was, in the opinion of Severus, the only conduct capable of insuring peace to the people or stability to the prince; and he condescended slightly to lament, that to be mild, it was necessary that he should first be cruel.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 2091-94  | Added on Friday, April 06, 2012, 04:14 AM

In the administration of justice, the judgments of the emperor were characterized by attention, discernment, and impartiality; and whenever he deviated from the strict line of equity, it was generally in favor of the poor and oppressed; not so much indeed from any sense of humanity, as from the natural propensity of a despot to humble the pride of greatness, and to sink all his subjects to the same common level of absolute dependence.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 2111-13  | Added on Friday, April 06, 2012, 04:20 AM

The Prætorians, who murdered their emperor and sold the empire, had received the just punishment of their treason; but the necessary, though dangerous, institution of guards was soon restored on a new model by Severus, and increased to four times the ancient number.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 2121-24  | Added on Friday, April 06, 2012, 05:12 AM

The command of these favored and formidable troops soon became the first office of the empire. As the government degenerated into military despotism, the Prætorian Præfect, who in his origin had been a simple captain of the guards, * was placed not only at the head of the army, but of the finances, and even of the law. In every department of administration, he represented the person, and exercised the authority, of the emperor.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 2145-47  | Added on Friday, April 06, 2012, 05:19 AM

The lawyers and historians concurred in teaching, that the Imperial authority was held, not by the delegated commission, but by the irrevocable resignation of the senate; that the emperor was freed from the restraint of civil laws, could command by his arbitrary will the lives and fortunes of his subjects, and might dispose of the empire as of his private patrimony.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 2207-11  | Added on Friday, April 06, 2012, 06:48 AM

The declining health and last illness of Severus inflamed the wild ambition and black passions of Caracalla's soul. Impatient of any delay or division of empire, he attempted, more than once, to shorten the small remainder of his father's days, and endeavored, but without success, to excite a mutiny among the troops. The old emperor had often censured the misguided lenity of Marcus, who, by a single act of justice, might have saved the Romans from the tyranny of his worthless son. Placed in the same situation, he experienced how easily the rigor of a judge dissolves away in the tenderness of a parent.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 2213-17  | Added on Friday, April 06, 2012, 06:49 AM

He expired at York in the sixty-fifth year of his life, and in the eighteenth of a glorious and successful reign. In his last moments he recommended concord to his sons, and his sons to the army. The salutary advice never reached the heart, or even the understanding, of the impetuous youths; but the more obedient troops, mindful of their oath of allegiance, and of the authority of their deceased master, resisted the solicitations of Caracalla, and proclaimed both brothers emperors of Rome.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 2220-28  | Added on Friday, April 06, 2012, 06:50 AM

Such a divided form of government would have proved a source of discord between the most affectionate brothers. It was impossible that it could long subsist between two implacable enemies, who neither desired nor could trust a reconciliation. It was visible that one only could reign, and that the other must fall; and each of them, judging of his rival's designs by his own, guarded his life with the most jealous vigilance from the repeated attacks of poison or the sword. Their rapid journey through Gaul and Italy, during which they never ate at the same table, or slept in the same house, displayed to the provinces the odious spectacle of fraternal discord. On their arrival at Rome, they immediately divided the vast extent of the imperial palace. No communication was allowed between their apartments; the doors and passages were diligently fortified, and guards posted and relieved with the same strictness as in a besieged place. The emperors met only in public, in the presence of their afflicted mother; and each surrounded by a numerous train of armed followers. Even on these occasions of ceremony, the dissimulation of courts could ill disguise the rancor of their hearts.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 2228-37  | Added on Friday, April 06, 2012, 06:51 AM

This latent civil war already distracted the whole government, when a scheme was suggested that seemed of mutual benefit to the hostile brothers. It was proposed, that since it was impossible to reconcile their minds, they should separate their interest, and divide the empire between them. The conditions of the treaty were already drawn with some accuracy. It was agreed that Caracalla, as the elder brother should remain in possession of Europe and the western Africa; and that he should relinquish the sovereignty of Asia and Egypt to Geta, who might fix his residence at Alexandria or Antioch, cities little inferior to Rome itself in wealth and greatness; that numerous armies should be constantly encamped on either side of the Thracian Bosphorus, to guard the frontiers of the rival monarchies; and that the senators of European extraction should acknowledge the sovereign of Rome, whilst the natives of Asia followed the emperor of the East. The tears of the empress Julia interrupted the negotiation, the first idea of which had filled every Roman breast with surprise and indignation. The mighty mass of conquest was so intimately united by the hand of time and policy, that it required the most forcible violence to rend it asunder.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 2239-49  | Added on Friday, April 06, 2012, 06:52 AM

Had the treaty been carried into execution, the sovereign of Europe might soon have been the conqueror of Asia; but Caracalla obtained an easier, though a more guilty, victory. He artfully listened to his mother's entreaties, and consented to meet his brother in her apartment, on terms of peace and reconciliation. In the midst of their conversation, some centurions, who had contrived to conceal themselves, rushed with drawn swords upon the unfortunate Geta. His distracted mother strove to protect him in her arms; but, in the unavailing struggle, she was wounded in the hand, and covered with the blood of her younger son, while she saw the elder animating and assisting the fury of the assassins. As soon as the deed was perpetrated, Caracalla, with hasty steps, and horror in his countenance, ran towards the Prætorian camp, as his only refuge, and threw himself on the ground before the statues of the tutelar deities. The soldiers attempted to raise and comfort him. In broken and disordered words he informed them of his imminent danger, and fortunate escape; insinuating that he had prevented the designs of his enemy, and declared his resolution to live and die with his faithful troops. Geta had been the favorite of the soldiers; but complaint was useless, revenge was dangerous, and they still reverenced the son of Severus. Their discontent died away in idle murmurs, and Caracalla soon convinced them of the justice of his cause, by distributing in one lavish donative the accumulated treasures of his father's reign.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 2255-57  | Added on Friday, April 06, 2012, 06:53 AM

The crime went not unpunished. Neither business, nor pleasure, nor flattery, could defend Caracalla from the stings of a guilty conscience; and he confessed, in the anguish of a tortured mind, that his disordered fancy often beheld the angry forms of his father and his brother rising into life, to threaten and upbraid him.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 2294-97  | Added on Friday, April 06, 2012, 07:05 AM

The wise instructions of Severus never made any lasting impression on the mind of his son, who, although not destitute of imagination and eloquence, was equally devoid of judgment and humanity. One dangerous maxim, worthy of a tyrant, was remembered and abused by Caracalla. "To secure the affections of the army, and to esteem the rest of his subjects as of little moment."
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 2300-2302  | Added on Friday, April 06, 2012, 07:12 AM

The demeanor of Caracalla was haughty and full of pride; but with the troops he forgot even the proper dignity of his rank, encouraged their insolent familiarity, and, neglecting the essential duties of a general, affected to imitate the dress and manners of a common soldier.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 2315-20  | Added on Friday, April 06, 2012, 11:56 AM

Macrinus read his fate, and resolved to prevent it. He inflamed the discontents of some inferior officers, and employed the hand of Martialis, a desperate soldier, who had been refused the rank of centurion. The devotion of Caracalla prompted him to make a pilgrimage from Edessa to the celebrated temple of the Moon at Carrhæ. * He was attended by a body of cavalry: but having stopped on the road for some necessary occasion, his guards preserved a respectful distance, and Martialis, approaching his person under a presence of duty, stabbed him with a dagger. The bold assassin was instantly killed by a Scythian archer of the Imperial guard. Such was the end of a monster whose life disgraced human nature, and whose reign accused the patience of the
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 2340-44  | Added on Friday, April 06, 2012, 11:59 AM

and to arraign the nasty choice of the army. It had hitherto been considered as a fundamental maxim of the constitution, that the emperor must be always chosen in the senate, and the sovereign power, no longer exercised by the whole body, was always delegated to one of its members. But Macrinus was not a senator. The sudden elevation of the Prætorian præfects betrayed the meanness of their origin; and the equestrian order was still in possession of that great office, which commanded with arbitrary sway the lives and fortunes of the senate.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 2351-56  | Added on Friday, April 06, 2012, 12:01 PM

a whisper that circulated in the camp, disclosed the fatal secret of the conspiracy against the late emperor, aggravated the guilt of murder by the baseness of hypocrisy, and heightened contempt by detestation. To alienate the soldiers, and to provoke inevitable ruin, the character of a reformer was only wanting; and such was the peculiar hardship of his fate, that Macrinus was compelled to exercise that invidious office. The prodigality of Caracalla had left behind it a long train of ruin and disorder; and if that worthless tyrant had been capable of reflecting on the sure consequences of his own conduct, he would perhaps have enjoyed the dark prospect of the distress and calamities which he bequeathed to his successors.
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The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes (Sir Arthur Conan Doyle)
- Highlight on Page 20 | Loc. 834-44  | Added on Saturday, April 07, 2012, 03:23 PM

I smiled and shook my head. “I can quite understand your thinking so.” I said. “Of course, in your position of unofficial adviser and helper to everybody who is absolutely puzzled, throughout three continents, you are brought in contact with all that is strange and bizarre. But here”—I picked up the morning paper from the ground—“let us put it to a practical test. Here is the first heading upon which I come. ‘A husband’s cruelty to his wife.’ There is half a column of print, but I know without reading it that it is all perfectly familiar to me. There is, of course, the other woman, the drink, the push, the blow, the bruise, the sympathetic sister or landlady. The crudest of writers could invent nothing more crude.” “Indeed, your example is an unfortunate one for your argument,” said Holmes, taking the paper and glancing his eye down it. “This is the Dundas separation case, and, as it happens, I was engaged in clearing up some small points in connection with it. The husband was a teetotaler, there was no other woman, and the conduct complained of was that he had drifted into the habit of winding up every meal by taking out his false teeth and hurling them at his wife, which, you will allow, is not an action likely to occur to the imagination of the average story-teller. Take a pinch of snuff, Doctor, and acknowledge that I have scored over you in your example.”
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The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes (Sir Arthur Conan Doyle)
- Highlight on Page 20 | Loc. 852-53  | Added on Saturday, April 07, 2012, 03:24 PM

Indeed, I have found that it is usually in unimportant matters that there is a field for the observation, and for the quick analysis of cause and effect which gives the charm to an investigation.
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The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes (Sir Arthur Conan Doyle)
- Highlight on Page 26 | Loc. 1148-49  | Added on Saturday, April 07, 2012, 04:08 PM

The more featureless and commonplace a crime is, the more difficult it is to bring it home. In this case, however, they have established a very serious case against the son of the murdered man.”
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The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes (Sir Arthur Conan Doyle)
- Highlight on Page 27 | Loc. 1183-85  | Added on Saturday, April 07, 2012, 04:12 PM

“Circumstantial evidence is a very tricky thing,” answered Holmes thoughtfully. “It may seem to point very straight to one thing, but if you shift your own point of view a little, you may find it pointing in an equally uncompromising manner to something entirely different. It must be confessed, however, that the case looks exceedingly grave against the young man, and it is very possible that he is indeed the culprit.
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The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes (Sir Arthur Conan Doyle)
- Bookmark on Page 29 | Loc. 1285  | Added on Saturday, April 07, 2012, 04:21 PM


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The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes (Sir Arthur Conan Doyle)
- Highlight on Page 29 | Loc. 1283-86  | Added on Saturday, April 07, 2012, 04:22 PM

He had hardly spoken before there rushed into the room one of the most lovely young women that I have ever seen in my life. Her violet eyes shining, her lips parted, a pink flush upon her cheeks, all thought of her natural reserve lost in her overpowering excitement and concern. “Oh, Mr. Sherlock Holmes!” she cried, glancing from one to the other of us, and finally, with a woman’s quick intuition, fastening upon my companion, “I am so glad that you have come.
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The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes (Sir Arthur Conan Doyle)
- Highlight on Page 30 | Loc. 1319-24  | Added on Saturday, April 07, 2012, 04:24 PM

Watson, I fear that you will find it very slow, but I shall only be away a couple of hours.” I walked down to the station with them, and then wandered through the streets of the little town, finally returning to the hotel, where I lay upon the sofa and tried to interest myself in a yellow-backed novel. The puny plot of the story was so thin, however, when compared to the deep mystery through which we were groping, and I found my attention wander so continually from the action to the fact, that I at last flung it across the room and gave myself up entirely to a consideration of the events of the day.
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The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes (Sir Arthur Conan Doyle)
- Highlight on Page 31 | Loc. 1384-89  | Added on Saturday, April 07, 2012, 04:29 PM

Sherlock Holmes was transformed when he was hot upon such a scent as this. Men who had only known the quiet thinker and logician of Baker Street would have failed to recognise him. His face flushed and darkened. His brows were drawn into two hard black lines, while his eyes shone out from beneath them with a steely glitter. His face was bent downward, his shoulders bowed, his lips compressed, and the veins stood out like whipcord in his long, sinewy neck. His nostrils seemed to dilate with a purely animal lust for the chase, and his mind was so absolutely concentrated upon the matter before him that a question or remark fell unheeded upon his ears, or, at the most, only provoked a quick, impatient snarl in reply.
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The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes (Sir Arthur Conan Doyle)
- Bookmark on Page 32 | Loc. 1421  | Added on Saturday, April 07, 2012, 04:33 PM


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The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes (Sir Arthur Conan Doyle)
- Bookmark on Page 32 | Loc. 1419  | Added on Saturday, April 07, 2012, 04:33 PM


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The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes (Sir Arthur Conan Doyle)
- Highlight on Page 32 | Loc. 1417-28  | Added on Saturday, April 07, 2012, 04:33 PM

It was about ten minutes before we regained our cab and drove back into Ross, Holmes still carrying with him the stone which he had picked up in the wood. “This may interest you, Lestrade,” he remarked, holding it out. “The murder was done with it.” “I see no marks.” “There are none.” “How do you know, then?” “The grass was growing under it. It had only lain there a few days. There was no sign of a place whence it had been taken. It corresponds with the injuries. There is no sign of any other weapon.” “And the murderer?” “Is a tall man, left-handed, limps with the right leg, wears thick-soled shooting-boots and a grey cloak, smokes Indian cigars, uses a cigar-holder, and carries a blunt pen-knife in his pocket. There are several other indications, but these may be enough to aid us in our search.” Lestrade laughed. “I am afraid that I am still a sceptic,” he said. “Theories are all very well, but we have to deal with a hard-headed British jury.” “Nous verrons,” answered Holmes calmly. “You work your own method, and I shall work mine. I shall be busy this afternoon, and shall probably return to London by the evening train.”
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The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes (Sir Arthur Conan Doyle)
- Highlight on Page 33 | Loc. 1468-70  | Added on Saturday, April 07, 2012, 04:36 PM

He had stood behind that tree during the interview between the father and son. He had even smoked there. I found the ash of a cigar, which my special knowledge of tobacco ashes enables me to pronounce as an Indian cigar. I have, as you know, devoted some attention to this, and written a little monograph on the ashes of 140 different varieties of pipe, cigar, and cigarette tobacco.
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The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes (Sir Arthur Conan Doyle)
- Highlight on Page 36 | Loc. 1591-96  | Added on Sunday, April 08, 2012, 05:44 AM

“I beg that you will draw your chair up to the fire and favour me with some details as to your case.” “It is no ordinary one.” “None of those which come to me are. I am the last court of appeal.” “And yet I question, sir, whether, in all your experience, you have ever listened to a more mysterious and inexplicable chain of events than those which have happened in my own family.” “You fill me with interest,” said Holmes. “Pray give us the essential facts from the commencement, and I can afterwards question you as to those details which seem to me to be most important.”
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The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes (Sir Arthur Conan Doyle)
- Highlight on Page 37 | Loc. 1632-35  | Added on Sunday, April 08, 2012, 05:47 AM

“ ‘I wish you, John,’ said my uncle, ‘to witness my will. I leave my estate, with all its advantages and all its disadvantages, to my brother, your father, whence it will, no doubt, descend to you. If you can enjoy it in peace, well and good! If you find you cannot, take my advice, my boy, and leave it to your deadliest enemy. I am sorry to give you such a two-edged thing, but I can’t say what turn things are going to take. Kindly sign the paper where Mr. Fordham shows you.’
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The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes (Sir Arthur Conan Doyle)
- Highlight on Page 37 | Loc. 1650-53  | Added on Sunday, April 08, 2012, 05:49 AM

“One moment,” Holmes interposed, “your statement is, I foresee, one of the most remarkable to which I have ever listened. Let me have the date of the reception by your uncle of the letter, and the date of his supposed suicide.” “The letter arrived on March 10, 1883. His death was seven weeks later, upon the night of May 2nd.” “Thank you. Pray proceed.”
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The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes (Sir Arthur Conan Doyle)
- Highlight on Page 38 | Loc. 1700-1704  | Added on Sunday, April 08, 2012, 08:43 AM

“I have seen the police.” “Ah!” “But they listened to my story with a smile. I am convinced that the inspector has formed the opinion that the letters are all practical jokes, and that the deaths of my relations were really accidents, as the jury stated, and were not to be connected with the warnings.” Holmes shook his clenched hands in the air. “Incredible imbecility!” he cried.
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The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes (Sir Arthur Conan Doyle)
- Highlight on Page 38 | Loc. 1700-1708  | Added on Sunday, April 08, 2012, 08:43 AM

“I have seen the police.” “Ah!” “But they listened to my story with a smile. I am convinced that the inspector has formed the opinion that the letters are all practical jokes, and that the deaths of my relations were really accidents, as the jury stated, and were not to be connected with the warnings.” Holmes shook his clenched hands in the air. “Incredible imbecility!” he cried. “They have, however, allowed me a policeman, who may remain in the house with me.” “Has he come with you to-night?” “No. His orders were to stay in the house.” Again Holmes raved in the air. “Why did you come to me,” he cried, “and, above all, why did you not come at once?” “I
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The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes (Sir Arthur Conan Doyle)
- Highlight on Page 39 | Loc. 1748-70  | Added on Sunday, April 08, 2012, 08:51 AM

Sherlock Holmes closed his eyes and placed his elbows upon the arms of his chair, with his finger-tips together. “The ideal reasoner,” he remarked, “would, when he had once been shown a single fact in all its bearings, deduce from it not only all the chain of events which led up to it but also all the results which would follow from it. As Cuvier could correctly describe a whole animal by the contemplation of a single bone, so the observer who has thoroughly understood one link in a series of incidents should be able to accurately state all the other ones, both before and after. We have not yet grasped the results which the reason alone can attain to. Problems may be solved in the study which have baffled all those who have sought a solution by the aid of their senses. To carry the art, however, to its highest pitch, it is necessary that the reasoner should be able to utilise all the facts which have come to his knowledge; and this in itself implies, as you will readily see, a possession of all knowledge, which, even in these days of free education and encyclopaedias, is a somewhat rare accomplishment. It is not so impossible, however, that a man should possess all knowledge which is likely to be useful to him in his work, and this I have endeavoured in my case to do. If I remember rightly, you on one occasion, in the early days of our friendship, defined my limits in a very precise fashion.” “Yes,” I answered, laughing. “It was a singular document. Philosophy, astronomy, and politics were marked at zero, I remember. Botany variable, geology profound as regards the mud-stains from any region within fifty miles of town, chemistry eccentric, anatomy unsystematic, sensational literature and crime records unique, violin-player, boxer, swordsman, lawyer, and self-poisoner by cocaine and tobacco. Those, I think, were the main points of my analysis.” Holmes grinned at the last item. “Well,” he said, “I say now, as I said then, that a man should keep his little brain-attic stocked with all the furniture that he is likely to use, and the rest he can put away in the lumber-room of his library, where he can get it if he wants it. Now, for such a case as the one which has been submitted to us to-night, we need certainly to muster all our resources. Kindly hand me down the letter K of the American Encyclopaedia which stands upon the shelf beside you. Thank you. Now let us consider the situation and see what may be deduced from it. In the first place, we may start with a strong presumption that Colonel Openshaw had some very strong reason for leaving America. Men at his time of life do not change all their habits and exchange willingly the charming climate of Florida for the lonely life of an English provincial town. His extreme love of solitude in England suggests the idea that he was in fear of someone or something, so we may assume as a working hypothesis that it was fear of someone or something which drove him from America. As to what it was he feared, we can only deduce that by considering the formidable letters which were received by himself and his successors.
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The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes (Sir Arthur Conan Doyle)
- Highlight on Page 41 | Loc. 1831-33  | Added on Sunday, April 08, 2012, 08:56 AM

We sat in silence for some minutes, Holmes more depressed and shaken than I had ever seen him. “That hurts my pride, Watson,” he said at last. “It is a petty feeling, no doubt, but it hurts my pride. It becomes a personal matter with me now, and, if God sends me health, I shall set my hand upon this gang.
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The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes (Sir Arthur Conan Doyle)
- Highlight on Page 41 | Loc. 1831-36  | Added on Sunday, April 08, 2012, 08:56 AM

We sat in silence for some minutes, Holmes more depressed and shaken than I had ever seen him. “That hurts my pride, Watson,” he said at last. “It is a petty feeling, no doubt, but it hurts my pride. It becomes a personal matter with me now, and, if God sends me health, I shall set my hand upon this gang. That he should come to me for help, and that I should send him away to his death—!” He sprang from his chair and paced about the room in uncontrollable agitation, with a flush upon his sallow cheeks and a nervous clasping and unclasping of his long thin hands. “They must be cunning devils,” he exclaimed at last.
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The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes (Sir Arthur Conan Doyle)
- Highlight on Page 41 | Loc. 1837-39  | Added on Sunday, April 08, 2012, 08:57 AM

Well, Watson, we shall see who will win in the long run. I am going out now!” “To the police?” “No; I shall be my own police. When I have spun the web they may take the flies, but not before.”
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The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes (Sir Arthur Conan Doyle)
- Highlight on Page 41 | Loc. 1837-51  | Added on Sunday, April 08, 2012, 08:57 AM

Well, Watson, we shall see who will win in the long run. I am going out now!” “To the police?” “No; I shall be my own police. When I have spun the web they may take the flies, but not before.” All day I was engaged in my professional work, and it was late in the evening before I returned to Baker Street. Sherlock Holmes had not come back yet. It was nearly ten o’clock before he entered, looking pale and worn. He walked up to the sideboard, and tearing a piece from the loaf he devoured it voraciously, washing it down with a long draught of water. “You are hungry,” I remarked. “Starving. It had escaped my memory. I have had nothing since breakfast.” “Nothing?” “Not a bite. I had no time to think of it.” “And how have you succeeded?” “Well.” “You have a clue?” “I have them in the hollow of my hand. Young Openshaw shall not long remain unavenged. Why, Watson, let us put their own devilish trade-mark upon them. It is well thought of!” “What do you mean?” He took an orange from the cupboard, and tearing it to pieces he squeezed out the pips upon the table. Of these he took five and thrust them into an envelope. On the inside of the flap he wrote “S. H. for J. O.” Then he sealed it and addressed it to “Captain James Calhoun, Barque Lone Star, Savannah, Georgia.” “That will await him when he enters port,” said he, chuckling. “It may give him a sleepless night. He will find it as sure a precursor of his fate as Openshaw did before him.”
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The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes (Sir Arthur Conan Doyle)
- Highlight on Page 42 | Loc. 1869-73  | Added on Sunday, April 08, 2012, 08:59 AM

There is ever a flaw, however, in the best laid of human plans, and the murderers of John Openshaw were never to receive the orange pips which would show them that another, as cunning and as resolute as themselves, was upon their track. Very long and very severe were the equinoctial gales that year. We waited long for news of the Lone Star of Savannah, but none ever reached us. We did at last hear that somewhere far out in the Atlantic a shattered stern-post of a boat was seen swinging in the trough of a wave, with the letters “L. S.” carved upon it, and that is all which we shall ever know of the fate of the Lone Star.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Note Loc. 2356  | Added on Sunday, April 08, 2012, 09:02 PM

circumlocuting wages pay cuts
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 2448-52  | Added on Monday, April 09, 2012, 08:35 AM

A long train of concubines, and a rapid succession of wives, among whom was a vestal virgin, ravished by force from her sacred asylum, were insufficient to satisfy the impotence of his passions. The master of the Roman world affected to copy the dress and manners of the female sex, preferred the distaff to the sceptre, and dishonored the principal dignities of the empire by distributing them among his numerous lovers; one of whom was publicly invested with the title and authority of the emperor's, or, as he more properly styled himself, of the empress's husband.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 2453-55  | Added on Monday, April 09, 2012, 08:41 AM

It may seem probable, the vices and follies of Elagabalus have been adorned by fancy, and blackened by prejudice. Yet, confining ourselves to the public scenes displayed before the Roman people, and attested by grave and contemporary historians, their inexpressible infamy surpasses that of any other age or country.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 2475-82  | Added on Monday, April 09, 2012, 08:44 AM

It was impossible that such a reconciliation should last, or that even the mean soul of Elagabalus could hold an empire on such humiliating terms of dependence. He soon attempted, by a dangerous experiment, to try the temper of the soldiers. The report of the death of Alexander, and the natural suspicion that he had been murdered, inflamed their passions into fury, and the tempest of the camp could only be appeased by the presence and authority of the popular youth. Provoked at this new instance of their affection for his cousin, and their contempt for his person, the emperor ventured to punish some of the leaders of the mutiny. His unseasonable severity proved instantly fatal to his minions, his mother, and himself. Elagabalus was massacred by the indignant Prætorians, his mutilated corpse dragged through the streets of the city, and thrown into the Tiber. His memory was branded with eternal infamy by the senate; the justice of whose decree has been ratified by posterity.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 2489-93  | Added on Monday, April 09, 2012, 08:45 AM

In every age and country, the wiser, or at least the stronger, of the two sexes, has usurped the powers of the state, and confined the other to the cares and pleasures of domestic life. In hereditary monarchies, however, and especially in those of modern Europe, the gallant spirit of chivalry, and the law of succession, have accustomed us to allow a singular exception; and a woman is often acknowledged the absolute sovereign of a great kingdom, in which she would be deemed incapable of exercising the smallest employment, civil or military.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 2536-39  | Added on Monday, April 09, 2012, 08:52 AM

Such a uniform tenor of life, which left not a moment for vice or folly, is a better proof of the wisdom and justice of Alexander's government, than all the trifling details preserved in the compilation of Lampridius. Since the accession of Commodus, the Roman world had experienced, during the term of forty years, the successive and various vices of four tyrants. From the death of Elagabalus, it enjoyed an auspicious calm of thirteen years.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 2563-72  | Added on Monday, April 09, 2012, 08:55 AM

The Prætorian guards were attached to the youth of Alexander. They loved him as a tender pupil, whom they had saved from a tyrant's fury, and placed on the Imperial throne. That amiable prince was sensible of the obligation; but as his gratitude was restrained within the limits of reason and justice, they soon were more dissatisfied with the virtues of Alexander, than they had ever been with the vices of Elagabalus. Their præfect, the wise Ulpian, was the friend of the laws and of the people; he was considered as the enemy of the soldiers, and to his pernicious counsels every scheme of reformation was imputed. Some trifling accident blew up their discontent into a furious mutiny; and the civil war raged, during three days, in Rome, whilst the life of that excellent minister was defended by the grateful people. Terrified, at length, by the sight of some houses in flames, and by the threats of a general conflagration, the people yielded with a sigh, and left the virtuous but unfortunate Ulpian to his fate. He was pursued into the Imperial palace, and massacred at the feet of his master, who vainly strove to cover him with the purple, and to obtain his pardon from the inexorable soldiers. * Such was the deplorable weakness of government, that the emperor was unable to revenge his murdered friend and his insulted dignity, without stooping to the arts of patience and dissimulation.
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The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes (Sir Arthur Conan Doyle)
- Bookmark on Page 68 | Loc. 3103  | Added on Monday, April 09, 2012, 10:46 AM


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The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes (Sir Arthur Conan Doyle)
- Highlight on Page 68 | Loc. 3094-3105  | Added on Monday, April 09, 2012, 10:47 AM

“I’ve got him here,” he whispered, jerking his thumb over his shoulder; “he’s all right.” “What is it, then?” I asked, for his manner suggested that it was some strange creature which he had caged up in my room. “It’s a new patient,” he whispered. “I thought I’d bring him round myself; then he couldn’t slip away. There he is, all safe and sound. I must go now, Doctor; I have my dooties, just the same as you.” And off he went, this trusty tout, without even giving me time to thank him. I entered my consulting-room and found a gentleman seated by the table. He was quietly dressed in a suit of heather tweed with a soft cloth cap which he had laid down upon my books. Round one of his hands he had a handkerchief wrapped, which was mottled all over with bloodstains. He was young, not more than five-and-twenty, I should say, with a strong, masculine face; but he was exceedingly pale and gave me the impression of a man who was suffering from some strong agitation, which it took all his strength of mind to control. “I am sorry to knock you up so early, Doctor,” said he, “but I have had a very serious accident during the night. I came in by train this morning, and on inquiring at Paddington as to where I might find a doctor, a worthy fellow very kindly escorted me here. I gave the maid a card, but I see that she has left it upon the side-table.” I took
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The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes (Sir Arthur Conan Doyle)
- Highlight on Page 68 | Loc. 3108-15  | Added on Monday, April 09, 2012, 10:48 AM

“Oh, my night could not be called monotonous,” said he, and laughed. He laughed very heartily, with a high, ringing note, leaning back in his chair and shaking his sides. All my medical instincts rose up against that laugh. “Stop it!” I cried; “pull yourself together!” and I poured out some water from a caraffe. It was useless, however. He was off in one of those hysterical outbursts which come upon a strong nature when some great crisis is over and gone. Presently he came to himself once more, very weary and pale-looking. “I have been making a fool of myself,” he gasped. “Not at all. Drink this.” I dashed some brandy into the water, and the colour began to come back to his bloodless cheeks. “That’s better!” said he. “And now, Doctor, perhaps you would kindly attend to my thumb, or rather to the place where my thumb used to be.”
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The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes (Sir Arthur Conan Doyle)
- Highlight on Page 68 | Loc. 3108-29  | Added on Monday, April 09, 2012, 10:49 AM

“Oh, my night could not be called monotonous,” said he, and laughed. He laughed very heartily, with a high, ringing note, leaning back in his chair and shaking his sides. All my medical instincts rose up against that laugh. “Stop it!” I cried; “pull yourself together!” and I poured out some water from a caraffe. It was useless, however. He was off in one of those hysterical outbursts which come upon a strong nature when some great crisis is over and gone. Presently he came to himself once more, very weary and pale-looking. “I have been making a fool of myself,” he gasped. “Not at all. Drink this.” I dashed some brandy into the water, and the colour began to come back to his bloodless cheeks. “That’s better!” said he. “And now, Doctor, perhaps you would kindly attend to my thumb, or rather to the place where my thumb used to be.” He unwound the handkerchief and held out his hand. It gave even my hardened nerves a shudder to look at it. There were four protruding fingers and a horrid red, spongy surface where the thumb should have been. It had been hacked or torn right out from the roots. “Good heavens!” I cried, “this is a terrible injury. It must have bled considerably.” “Yes, it did. I fainted when it was done, and I think that I must have been senseless for a long time. When I came to I found that it was still bleeding, so I tied one end of my handkerchief very tightly round the wrist and braced it up with a twig.” “Excellent! You should have been a surgeon.” “It is a question of hydraulics, you see, and came within my own province.” “This has been done,” said I, examining the wound, “by a very heavy and sharp instrument.” “A thing like a cleaver,” said he. “An accident, I presume?” “By no means.” “What! a murderous attack?” “Very murderous indeed.” “You horrify me.” I sponged the wound, cleaned it, dressed it, and finally covered it over with cotton wadding and carbolised bandages. He lay back without wincing, though he bit his lip from time to time. “How is that?” I asked when I had finished. “Capital! Between your brandy and your bandage, I feel a new man. I was very weak, but I have had a good deal to go through.”
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The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes (Sir Arthur Conan Doyle)
- Highlight on Page 68 | Loc. 3108-35  | Added on Monday, April 09, 2012, 10:50 AM

“Oh, my night could not be called monotonous,” said he, and laughed. He laughed very heartily, with a high, ringing note, leaning back in his chair and shaking his sides. All my medical instincts rose up against that laugh. “Stop it!” I cried; “pull yourself together!” and I poured out some water from a caraffe. It was useless, however. He was off in one of those hysterical outbursts which come upon a strong nature when some great crisis is over and gone. Presently he came to himself once more, very weary and pale-looking. “I have been making a fool of myself,” he gasped. “Not at all. Drink this.” I dashed some brandy into the water, and the colour began to come back to his bloodless cheeks. “That’s better!” said he. “And now, Doctor, perhaps you would kindly attend to my thumb, or rather to the place where my thumb used to be.” He unwound the handkerchief and held out his hand. It gave even my hardened nerves a shudder to look at it. There were four protruding fingers and a horrid red, spongy surface where the thumb should have been. It had been hacked or torn right out from the roots. “Good heavens!” I cried, “this is a terrible injury. It must have bled considerably.” “Yes, it did. I fainted when it was done, and I think that I must have been senseless for a long time. When I came to I found that it was still bleeding, so I tied one end of my handkerchief very tightly round the wrist and braced it up with a twig.” “Excellent! You should have been a surgeon.” “It is a question of hydraulics, you see, and came within my own province.” “This has been done,” said I, examining the wound, “by a very heavy and sharp instrument.” “A thing like a cleaver,” said he. “An accident, I presume?” “By no means.” “What! a murderous attack?” “Very murderous indeed.” “You horrify me.” I sponged the wound, cleaned it, dressed it, and finally covered it over with cotton wadding and carbolised bandages. He lay back without wincing, though he bit his lip from time to time. “How is that?” I asked when I had finished. “Capital! Between your brandy and your bandage, I feel a new man. I was very weak, but I have had a good deal to go through.” “Perhaps you had better not speak of the matter. It is evidently trying to your nerves.” “Oh, no, not now. I shall have to tell my tale to the police; but, between ourselves, if it were not for the convincing evidence of this wound of mine, I should be surprised if they believed my statement, for it is a very extraordinary one, and I have not much in the way of proof with which to back it up; and, even if they believe me, the clues which I can give them are so vague that it is a question whether justice will be done.” “Ha!” cried I, “if it is anything in the nature of a problem which you desire to see solved, I should strongly recommend you to come to my friend, Mr. Sherlock Holmes, before you go to the official police.”
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The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes (Sir Arthur Conan Doyle)
- Note on Page 69 | Loc. 3135  | Added on Monday, April 09, 2012, 10:50 AM

republican healthcare
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The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes (Sir Arthur Conan Doyle)
- Highlight on Page 69 | Loc. 3151-52  | Added on Monday, April 09, 2012, 10:53 AM

Holmes sat in his big armchair with the weary, heavy-lidded expression which veiled his keen and eager nature, while I sat opposite to him, and we listened in silence to the strange story which our visitor detailed to us.
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The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes (Sir Arthur Conan Doyle)
- Highlight on Page 69 | Loc. 3153-60  | Added on Monday, April 09, 2012, 10:55 AM

“You must know,” said he, “that I am an orphan and a bachelor, residing alone in lodgings in London. By profession I am a hydraulic engineer, and I have had considerable experience of my work during the seven years that I was apprenticed to Venner & Matheson, the well-known firm, of Greenwich. Two years ago, having served my time, and having also come into a fair sum of money through my poor father’s death, I determined to start in business for myself and took professional chambers in Victoria Street. “I suppose that everyone finds his first independent start in business a dreary experience. To me it has been exceptionally so. During two years I have had three consultations and one small job, and that is absolutely all that my profession has brought me. My gross takings amount to �27 10s. Every day, from nine in the morning until four in the afternoon, I waited in my little den, until at last my heart began to sink, and I came to believe that I should never have any practice at all.
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The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes (Sir Arthur Conan Doyle)
- Highlight on Page 70 | Loc. 3175-81  | Added on Monday, April 09, 2012, 10:58 AM

“ ‘If I promise to keep a secret,’ said I, ‘you may absolutely depend upon my doing so.’ “He looked very hard at me as I spoke, and it seemed to me that I had never seen so suspicious and questioning an eye. “ ‘Do you promise, then?’ said he at last. “ ‘Yes, I promise.’ “ ‘Absolute and complete silence before, during, and after? No reference to the matter at all, either in word or writing?’ “ ‘I have already given you my word.’ “ ‘Very good.’ He suddenly sprang up, and darting like lightning across the room he flung open the door. The passage outside was empty.
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The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes (Sir Arthur Conan Doyle)
- Highlight on Page 70 | Loc. 3205-7  | Added on Monday, April 09, 2012, 11:02 AM

I should like, however, to understand a little more clearly what it is that you wish me to do.’ “ ‘Quite so. It is very natural that the pledge of secrecy which we have exacted from you should have aroused your curiosity. I have no wish to commit you to anything without your having it all laid before you. I suppose that we are absolutely safe from eavesdroppers?’
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The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes (Sir Arthur Conan Doyle)
- Highlight on Page 70 | Loc. 3210-21  | Added on Monday, April 09, 2012, 11:03 AM

“ ‘Some little time ago I bought a small place—a very small place—within ten miles of Reading. I was fortunate enough to discover that there was a deposit of fuller’s-earth in one of my fields. On examining it, however, I found that this deposit was a comparatively small one, and that it formed a link between two very much larger ones upon the right and left—both of them, however, in the grounds of my neighbours. These good people were absolutely ignorant that their land contained that which was quite as valuable as a gold-mine. Naturally, it was to my interest to buy their land before they discovered its true value, but unfortunately I had no capital by which I could do this. I took a few of my friends into the secret, however, and they suggested that we should quietly and secretly work our own little deposit and that in this way we should earn the money which would enable us to buy the neighbouring fields. This we have now been doing for some time, and in order to help us in our operations we erected a hydraulic press. This press, as I have already explained, has got out of order, and we wish your advice upon the subject. We guard our secret very jealously, however, and if it once became known that we had hydraulic engineers coming to our little house, it would soon rouse inquiry, and then, if the facts came out, it would be good-bye to any chance of getting these fields and carrying out our plans. That is why I have made you promise me that you will not tell a human being that you are going to Eyford to-night. I hope that I make it all plain?’
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The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes (Sir Arthur Conan Doyle)
- Highlight on Page 70 | Loc. 3210-25  | Added on Monday, April 09, 2012, 11:05 AM

“ ‘Some little time ago I bought a small place—a very small place—within ten miles of Reading. I was fortunate enough to discover that there was a deposit of fuller’s-earth in one of my fields. On examining it, however, I found that this deposit was a comparatively small one, and that it formed a link between two very much larger ones upon the right and left—both of them, however, in the grounds of my neighbours. These good people were absolutely ignorant that their land contained that which was quite as valuable as a gold-mine. Naturally, it was to my interest to buy their land before they discovered its true value, but unfortunately I had no capital by which I could do this. I took a few of my friends into the secret, however, and they suggested that we should quietly and secretly work our own little deposit and that in this way we should earn the money which would enable us to buy the neighbouring fields. This we have now been doing for some time, and in order to help us in our operations we erected a hydraulic press. This press, as I have already explained, has got out of order, and we wish your advice upon the subject. We guard our secret very jealously, however, and if it once became known that we had hydraulic engineers coming to our little house, it would soon rouse inquiry, and then, if the facts came out, it would be good-bye to any chance of getting these fields and carrying out our plans. That is why I have made you promise me that you will not tell a human being that you are going to Eyford to-night. I hope that I make it all plain?’ “ ‘I quite follow you,’ said I. ‘The only point which I could not quite understand was what use you could make of a hydraulic press in excavating fuller’s-earth, which, as I understand, is dug out like gravel from a pit.’ “ ‘Ah!’ said he carelessly, ‘we have our own process. We compress the earth into bricks, so as to remove them without revealing what they are. But that is a mere detail. I have taken you fully into my confidence now, Mr. Hatherley, and I have shown you how I trust you.’
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The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes (Sir Arthur Conan Doyle)
- Highlight on Page 70 | Loc. 3210-28  | Added on Monday, April 09, 2012, 11:05 AM

“ ‘Some little time ago I bought a small place—a very small place—within ten miles of Reading. I was fortunate enough to discover that there was a deposit of fuller’s-earth in one of my fields. On examining it, however, I found that this deposit was a comparatively small one, and that it formed a link between two very much larger ones upon the right and left—both of them, however, in the grounds of my neighbours. These good people were absolutely ignorant that their land contained that which was quite as valuable as a gold-mine. Naturally, it was to my interest to buy their land before they discovered its true value, but unfortunately I had no capital by which I could do this. I took a few of my friends into the secret, however, and they suggested that we should quietly and secretly work our own little deposit and that in this way we should earn the money which would enable us to buy the neighbouring fields. This we have now been doing for some time, and in order to help us in our operations we erected a hydraulic press. This press, as I have already explained, has got out of order, and we wish your advice upon the subject. We guard our secret very jealously, however, and if it once became known that we had hydraulic engineers coming to our little house, it would soon rouse inquiry, and then, if the facts came out, it would be good-bye to any chance of getting these fields and carrying out our plans. That is why I have made you promise me that you will not tell a human being that you are going to Eyford to-night. I hope that I make it all plain?’ “ ‘I quite follow you,’ said I. ‘The only point which I could not quite understand was what use you could make of a hydraulic press in excavating fuller’s-earth, which, as I understand, is dug out like gravel from a pit.’ “ ‘Ah!’ said he carelessly, ‘we have our own process. We compress the earth into bricks, so as to remove them without revealing what they are. But that is a mere detail. I have taken you fully into my confidence now, Mr. Hatherley, and I have shown you how I trust you.’ He rose as he spoke. ‘I shall expect you, then, at Eyford at 11:15.’ “ ‘I shall certainly be there.’ “ ‘And not a word to a soul.’ He looked at me with a last long, questioning gaze, and then, pressing my hand in a cold, dank grasp, he hurried from the room.
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The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes (Sir Arthur Conan Doyle)
- Note on Page 71 | Loc. 3270  | Added on Monday, April 09, 2012, 11:14 AM

endof part one start of part two
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The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes (Sir Arthur Conan Doyle)
- Highlight on Page 72 | Loc. 3286-95  | Added on Monday, April 09, 2012, 11:17 AM

“The newcomers were Colonel Lysander Stark and a short thick man with a chinchilla beard growing out of the creases of his double chin, who was introduced to me as Mr. Ferguson. “ ‘This is my secretary and manager,’ said the colonel. ‘By the way, I was under the impression that I left this door shut just now. I fear that you have felt the draught.’ “ ‘On the contrary,’ said I, ‘I opened the door myself because I felt the room to be a little close.’ “He shot one of his suspicious looks at me. ‘Perhaps we had better proceed to business, then,’ said he. ‘Mr. Ferguson and I will take you up to see the machine.’ “ ‘I had better put my hat on, I suppose.’ “ ‘Oh, no, it is in the house.’ “ ‘What, you dig fuller’s-earth in the house?’ “ ‘No, no. This is only where we compress it. But never mind that. All we wish you to do is to examine the machine and to let us know what is wrong with it.’
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 2775-78  | Added on Tuesday, April 10, 2012, 09:51 AM

The daring hopes of ambition were set loose from the salutary restraints of law and prejudice; and the meanest of mankind might, without folly, entertain a hope of being raised by valor and fortune to a rank in the army, in which a single crime would enable him to wrest the sceptre of the world from his feeble and unpopular master. After the murder of Alexander Severus, and the elevation of Maximin, no emperor could think himself safe upon the throne, and every barbarian peasant of the frontier might aspire to that august, but dangerous station.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 2824-32  | Added on Tuesday, April 10, 2012, 05:16 PM

The former tyrants, Caligula and Nero, Commodus, and Caracalla, were all dissolute and unexperienced youths, educated in the purple, and corrupted by the pride of empire, the luxury of Rome, and the perfidious voice of flattery. The cruelty of Maximin was derived from a different source, the fear of contempt. Though he depended on the attachment of the soldiers, who loved him for virtues like their own, he was conscious that his mean and barbarian origin, his savage appearance, and his total ignorance of the arts and institutions of civil life, formed a very unfavorable contrast with the amiable manners of the unhappy Alexander. He remembered, that, in his humbler fortune, he had often waited before the door of the haughty nobles of Rome, and had been denied admittance by the insolence of their slaves. He recollected too the friendship of a few who had relieved his poverty, and assisted his rising hopes. But those who had spurned, and those who had protected, the Thracian, were guilty of the same crime, the knowledge of his original obscurity. For this crime many were put to death; and by the execution of several of his benefactors, Maximin published, in characters of blood, the indelible history of his baseness and ingratitude.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 2940-52  | Added on Tuesday, April 10, 2012, 05:39 PM

The fate of the Gordians filled Rome with just but unexpected terror. The senate, convoked in the temple of Concord, affected to transact the common business of the day; and seemed to decline, with trembling anxiety, the consideration of their own and the public danger. A silent consternation prevailed in the assembly, till a senator, of the name and family of Trajan, awakened his brethren from their fatal lethargy. He represented to them that the choice of cautious, dilatory measures had been long since out of their power; that Maximin, implacable by nature, and exasperated by injuries, was advancing towards Italy, at the head of the military force of the empire; and that their only remaining alternative was either to meet him bravely in the field, or tamely to expect the tortures and ignominious death reserved for unsuccessful rebellion. "We have lost," continued he, "two excellent princes; but unless we desert ourselves, the hopes of the republic have not perished with the Gordians. Many are the senators whose virtues have deserved, and whose abilities would sustain, the Imperial dignity. Let us elect two emperors, one of whom may conduct the war against the public enemy, whilst his colleague remains at Rome to direct the civil administration. I cheerfully expose myself to the danger and envy of the nomination, and give my vote in favor of Maximus and Balbinus. Ratify my choice, conscript fathers, or appoint in their place, others more worthy of the empire." The general apprehension silenced the whispers of jealousy; the merit of the candidates was universally acknowledged; and the house resounded with the sincere acclamations of "Long life and victory to the emperors Maximus and Balbinus. You are happy in the judgment of the senate; may the republic be happy under your administration!"
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 2955-58  | Added on Wednesday, April 11, 2012, 09:13 AM

Balbinus was an admired orator, a poet of distinguished fame, and a wise magistrate, who had exercised with innocence and applause the civil jurisdiction in almost all the interior provinces of the empire. His birth was noble, his fortune affluent, his manners liberal and affable. In him the love of pleasure was corrected by a sense of dignity, nor had the habits of ease deprived him of a capacity for business.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 3059-67  | Added on Wednesday, April 11, 2012, 09:31 AM

nothing could reconcile the haughty spirit of the Prætorians. They attended the emperors on the memorable day of their public entry into Rome; but amidst the general acclamations, the sullen, dejected countenance of the guards sufficiently declared that they considered themselves as the object, rather than the partners, of the triumph. When the whole body was united in their camp, those who had served under Maximin, and those who had remained at Rome, insensibly communicated to each other their complaints and apprehensions. The emperors chosen by the army had perished with ignominy; those elected by the senate were seated on the throne. The long discord between the civil and military powers was decided by a war, in which the former had obtained a complete victory. The soldiers must now learn a new doctrine of submission to the senate; and whatever clemency was affected by that politic assembly, they dreaded a slow revenge, colored by the name of discipline, and justified by fair pretences of the public good. But their fate was still in their own hands; and if they had courage to despise the vain terrors of an impotent republic, it was easy to convince the world, that those who were masters of the arms, were masters of the authority, of the state.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 3071-79  | Added on Wednesday, April 11, 2012, 09:33 AM

Their silent discord was understood rather than seen; but the mutual consciousness prevented them from uniting in any vigorous measures of defence against their common enemies of the Prætorian camp. The whole city was employed in the Capitoline games, and the emperors were left almost alone in the palace. On a sudden, they were alarmed by the approach of a troop of desperate assassins. Ignorant of each other's situation or designs, (for they already occupied very distant apartments,) afraid to give or to receive assistance, they wasted the important moments in idle debates and fruitless recriminations. The arrival of the guards put an end to the vain strife. They seized on these emperors of the senate, for such they called them with malicious contempt, stripped them of their garments, and dragged them in insolent triumph through the streets of Rome, with the design of inflicting a slow and cruel death on these unfortunate princes. The fear of a rescue from the faithful Germans of the Imperial guards, shortened their tortures; and their bodies, mangled with a thousand wounds, were left exposed to the insults or to the pity of the populace.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 3071-80  | Added on Wednesday, April 11, 2012, 09:33 AM

Their silent discord was understood rather than seen; but the mutual consciousness prevented them from uniting in any vigorous measures of defence against their common enemies of the Prætorian camp. The whole city was employed in the Capitoline games, and the emperors were left almost alone in the palace. On a sudden, they were alarmed by the approach of a troop of desperate assassins. Ignorant of each other's situation or designs, (for they already occupied very distant apartments,) afraid to give or to receive assistance, they wasted the important moments in idle debates and fruitless recriminations. The arrival of the guards put an end to the vain strife. They seized on these emperors of the senate, for such they called them with malicious contempt, stripped them of their garments, and dragged them in insolent triumph through the streets of Rome, with the design of inflicting a slow and cruel death on these unfortunate princes. The fear of a rescue from the faithful Germans of the Imperial guards, shortened their tortures; and their bodies, mangled with a thousand wounds, were left exposed to the insults or to the pity of the populace. In the space of a few months, six princes
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 3094-96  | Added on Wednesday, April 11, 2012, 09:36 AM

The minister, with the conscious dignity of virtue, congratulates Gordian that he is delivered from the tyranny of the eunuchs, and still more that he is sensible of his deliverance. The emperor acknowledges, with an amiable confusion, the errors of his past conduct; and laments, with singular propriety, the misfortune of a monarch, from whom a venal tribe of courtiers perpetually labor to conceal the truth.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 3278  | Added on Thursday, April 12, 2012, 09:53 AM

The sword of Aristotle (such was the name given by the Orientals to the polytheism and philosophy of the Greeks) was easily broken;
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 3525-28  | Added on Thursday, April 12, 2012, 05:36 PM

The sound that summoned the German to arms was grateful to his ear. It roused him from his uncomfortable lethargy, gave him an active pursuit, and, by strong exercise of the body, and violent emotions of the mind, restored him to a more lively sense of his existence. In the dull intervals of peace, these barbarians were immoderately addicted to deep gaming and excessive drinking; both of which, by different means, the one by inflaming their passions, the other by extinguishing their reason, alike relieved them from the pain of thinking.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 3533-35  | Added on Thursday, April 12, 2012, 05:37 PM

Strong beer, a liquor extracted with very little art from wheat or barley, and corrupted (as it is strongly expressed by Tacitus) into a certain semblance of wine, was sufficient for the gross purposes of German debauchery. But those who had tasted the rich wines of Italy, and afterwards of Gaul, sighed for that more delicious species of intoxication.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 3533-38  | Added on Friday, April 13, 2012, 04:23 PM

Strong beer, a liquor extracted with very little art from wheat or barley, and corrupted (as it is strongly expressed by Tacitus) into a certain semblance of wine, was sufficient for the gross purposes of German debauchery. But those who had tasted the rich wines of Italy, and afterwards of Gaul, sighed for that more delicious species of intoxication. They attempted not, however, (as has since been executed with so much success,) to naturalize the vine on the banks of the Rhine and Danube; nor did they endeavor to procure by industry the materials of an advantageous commerce. To solicit by labor what might be ravished by arms, was esteemed unworthy of the German spirit. The intemperate thirst of strong liquors often urged the barbarians to invade the provinces on which art or nature had bestowed those much envied presents.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 3557-61  | Added on Friday, April 13, 2012, 04:26 PM

Their poverty secured their freedom, since our desires and our possessions are the strongest fetters of despotism. "Among the Suiones (says Tacitus) riches are held in honor. They are therefore subject to an absolute monarch, who, instead of intrusting his people with the free use of arms, as is practised in the rest of Germany, commits them to the safe custody, not of a citizen, or even of a freedman, but of a slave. The neighbors of the Suiones, the Sitones, are sunk even below servitude; they obey a woman." In the mention of these exceptions, the great historian sufficiently acknowledges the general theory of government. We
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 3567-75  | Added on Friday, April 13, 2012, 04:27 PM

Civil governments, in their first institution, are voluntary associations for mutual defence. To obtain the desired end, it is absolutely necessary that each individual should conceive himself obliged to submit his private opinions and actions to the judgment of the greater number of his associates. The German tribes were contented with this rude but liberal outline of political society. As soon as a youth, born of free parents, had attained the age of manhood, he was introduced into the general council of his countrymen, solemnly invested with a shield and spear, and adopted as an equal and worthy member of the military commonwealth. The assembly of the warriors of the tribe was convened at stated seasons, or on sudden emergencies. The trial of public offences, the election of magistrates, and the great business of peace and war, were determined by its independent voice. Sometimes indeed, these important questions were previously considered and prepared in a more select council of the principal chieftains. The magistrates might deliberate and persuade, the people only could resolve and execute; and the resolutions of the Germans were for the most part hasty and violent.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 3576-83  | Added on Friday, April 13, 2012, 04:27 PM

and policy, and it was the practice to signify by a hollow murmur their dislike of such timid counsels. But whenever a more popular orator proposed to vindicate the meanest citizen from either foreign or domestic injury, whenever he called upon his fellow-countrymen to assert the national honor, or to pursue some enterprise full of danger and glory, a loud clashing of shields and spears expressed the eager applause of the assembly. For the Germans always met in arms, and it was constantly to be dreaded, lest an irregular multitude, inflamed with faction and strong liquors, should use those arms to enforce, as well as to declare, their furious resolves. We may recollect how often the diets of Poland have been polluted with blood, and the more numerous party has been compelled to yield to the more violent and seditious. A general of the tribe was elected on occasions of danger; and, if the danger was
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 3678-79  | Added on Friday, April 13, 2012, 11:24 PM

The view of arms and of danger heightened the effect of the military song; and the passions which it tended to excite, the desire of fame, and the contempt of death, were the habitual sentiments of a German mind. *
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 3761-64  | Added on Friday, April 13, 2012, 11:35 PM

Chapter X: Emperors Decius, Gallus, Æmilianus, Valerian And Gallienus.—Part I. From the great secular games celebrated by Philip, to the death of the emperor Gallienus, there elapsed twenty years of shame and misfortune. During that calamitous period, every instant of time was marked, every province of the Roman world was afflicted, by barbarous invaders, and military tyrants, and the ruined empire seemed to approach the last and fatal moment of its dissolution.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 3792-95  | Added on Saturday, April 14, 2012, 11:49 AM

This is the first considerable occasion in which history mentions that great people, who afterwards broke the Roman power, sacked the Capitol, and reigned in Gaul, Spain, and Italy. So memorable was the part which they acted in the subversion of the Western empire, that the name of Goths is frequently but improperly used as a general appellation of rude and warlike barbarism.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 3812-18  | Added on Saturday, April 14, 2012, 11:54 AM

Till the end of the eleventh century, a celebrated temple subsisted at Upsal, the most considerable town of the Swedes and Goths. It was enriched with the gold which the Scandinavians had acquired in their piratical adventures, and sanctified by the uncouth representations of the three principal deities, the god of war, the goddess of generation, and the god of thunder. In the general festival, that was solemnized every ninth year, nine animals of every species (without excepting the human) were sacrificed, and their bleeding bodies suspended in the sacred grove adjacent to the temple. The only traces that now subsist of this barbaric superstition are contained in the Edda, * a system of mythology, compiled in Iceland about the thirteenth century, and studied by the learned of Denmark and Sweden, as the most valuable remains of their ancient traditions.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 3812-24  | Added on Saturday, April 14, 2012, 11:54 AM

Till the end of the eleventh century, a celebrated temple subsisted at Upsal, the most considerable town of the Swedes and Goths. It was enriched with the gold which the Scandinavians had acquired in their piratical adventures, and sanctified by the uncouth representations of the three principal deities, the god of war, the goddess of generation, and the god of thunder. In the general festival, that was solemnized every ninth year, nine animals of every species (without excepting the human) were sacrificed, and their bleeding bodies suspended in the sacred grove adjacent to the temple. The only traces that now subsist of this barbaric superstition are contained in the Edda, * a system of mythology, compiled in Iceland about the thirteenth century, and studied by the learned of Denmark and Sweden, as the most valuable remains of their ancient traditions. Notwithstanding the mysterious obscurity of the Edda, we can easily distinguish two persons confounded under the name of Odin; the god of war, and the great legislator of Scandinavia. The latter, the Mahomet of the North, instituted a religion adapted to the climate and to the people. Numerous tribes on either side of the Baltic were subdued by the invincible valor of Odin, by his persuasive eloquence, and by the fame which he acquired of a most skilful magician. The faith that he had propagated, during a long and prosperous life, he confirmed by a voluntary death. Apprehensive of the ignominious approach of disease and infirmity, he resolved to expire as became a warrior. In a solemn assembly of the Swedes and Goths, he wounded himself in nine mortal places, hastening away (as he asserted with his dying voice) to prepare the feast of heroes in the palace of the God of war.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 3827-32  | Added on Saturday, April 14, 2012, 11:56 AM

It is supposed that Odin was the chief of a tribe of barbarians which dwelt on the banks of the Lake Mæotis, till the fall of Mithridates and the arms of Pompey menaced the North with servitude. That Odin, yielding with indignant fury to a power which he was unable to resist, conducted his tribe from the frontiers of the Asiatic Sarmatia into Sweden, with the great design of forming, in that inaccessible retreat of freedom, a religion and a people, which, in some remote age, might be subservient to his immortal revenge; when his invincible Goths, armed with martial fanaticism, should issue in numerous swarms from the neighborhood of the Polar circle, to chastise the oppressors of mankind.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 3834-42  | Added on Saturday, April 14, 2012, 11:57 AM

To cross the Baltic was an easy and natural attempt. The inhabitants of Sweden were masters of a sufficient number of large vessels, with oars, and the distance is little more than one hundred miles from Carlscroon to the nearest ports of Pomerania and Prussia. Here, at length, we land on firm and historic ground. At least as early as the Christian æra, and as late as the age of the Antonines, the Goths were established towards the mouth of the Vistula, and in that fertile province where the commercial cities of Thorn, Elbing, Koningsberg, and Dantzick, were long afterwards founded. Westward of the Goths, the numerous tribes of the Vandals were spread along the banks of the Oder, and the sea-coast of Pomerania and Mecklenburgh. A striking resemblance of manners, complexion, religion, and language, seemed to indicate that the Vandals and the Goths were originally one great people. The latter appear to have been subdivided into Ostrogoths, Visigoths, and Gepidæ. The distinction among the Vandals was more strongly marked by the independent names of Heruli, Burgundians, Lombards, and a variety of other petty states, many of which, in a future age, expanded themselves into powerful monarchies.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 3855-61  | Added on Saturday, April 14, 2012, 11:59 AM

The windings of that great stream through the plains of Poland and Russia gave a direction to their line of march, and a constant supply of fresh water and pasturage to their numerous herds of cattle. They followed the unknown course of the river, confident in their valor, and careless of whatever power might oppose their progress. The Bastarnæ and the Venedi were the first who presented themselves; and the flower of their youth, either from choice or compulsion, increased the Gothic army. The Bastarnæ dwelt on the northern side of the Carpathian Mountains: the immense tract of land that separated the Bastarnæ from the savages of Finland was possessed, or rather wasted, by the Venedi; we have some reason to believe that the first of these nations, which distinguished itself in the Macedonian war, and was afterwards divided into the formidable tribes of the Peucini, the Borani, the Carpi, &c., derived its origin from the Germans. *
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 3870-75  | Added on Saturday, April 14, 2012, 12:01 PM

The Goths were now in possession of the Ukraine, a country of considerable extent and uncommon fertility, intersected with navigable rivers, which, from either side, discharge themselves into the Borysthenes; and interspersed with large and leafy forests of oaks. The plenty of game and fish, the innumerable bee-hives deposited in the hollow of old trees, and in the cavities of rocks, and forming, even in that rude age, a valuable branch of commerce, the size of the cattle, the temperature of the air, the aptness of the soil for every species of gain, and the luxuriancy of the vegetation, all displayed the liberality of Nature, and tempted the industry of man. But the Goths withstood all these temptations, and still adhered to a life of idleness, of poverty, and of rapine.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Note Loc. 3875  | Added on Saturday, April 14, 2012, 12:01 PM

this is NOT kind to Germans...
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 3889-97  | Added on Saturday, April 14, 2012, 12:04 PM

Intelligence was soon transmitted to the emperor Decius, that Cniva, king of the Goths, had passed the Danube a second time, with more considerable forces; that his numerous detachments scattered devastation over the province of Mæsia, whilst the main body of the army, consisting of seventy thousand Germans and Sarmatians, a force equal to the most daring achievements, required the presence of the Roman monarch, and the exertion of his military power. Decius found the Goths engaged before Nicopolis, one of the many monuments of Trajan's victories. On his approach they raised the siege, but with a design only of marching away to a conquest of greater importance, the siege of Philippopolis, a city of Thrace, founded by the father of Alexander, near the foot of Mount Hæmus. Decius followed them through a difficult country, and by forced marches; but when he imagined himself at a considerable distance from the rear of the Goths, Cniva turned with rapid fury on his pursuers. The camp of the Romans was surprised and pillaged, and, for the first time, their emperor fled in disorder before a troop of half-armed barbarians.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 3889-3900  | Added on Saturday, April 14, 2012, 12:04 PM

Intelligence was soon transmitted to the emperor Decius, that Cniva, king of the Goths, had passed the Danube a second time, with more considerable forces; that his numerous detachments scattered devastation over the province of Mæsia, whilst the main body of the army, consisting of seventy thousand Germans and Sarmatians, a force equal to the most daring achievements, required the presence of the Roman monarch, and the exertion of his military power. Decius found the Goths engaged before Nicopolis, one of the many monuments of Trajan's victories. On his approach they raised the siege, but with a design only of marching away to a conquest of greater importance, the siege of Philippopolis, a city of Thrace, founded by the father of Alexander, near the foot of Mount Hæmus. Decius followed them through a difficult country, and by forced marches; but when he imagined himself at a considerable distance from the rear of the Goths, Cniva turned with rapid fury on his pursuers. The camp of the Romans was surprised and pillaged, and, for the first time, their emperor fled in disorder before a troop of half-armed barbarians. After a long resistance, Philoppopolis, destitute of succor, was taken by storm. A hundred thousand persons are reported to have been massacred in the sack of that great city. Many prisoners of consequence became a valuable accession to the spoil; and Priscus, a brother of the late emperor Philip, blushed not to assume the purple, under the protection of the barbarous enemies of Rome.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 3889-3904  | Added on Saturday, April 14, 2012, 12:04 PM

Intelligence was soon transmitted to the emperor Decius, that Cniva, king of the Goths, had passed the Danube a second time, with more considerable forces; that his numerous detachments scattered devastation over the province of Mæsia, whilst the main body of the army, consisting of seventy thousand Germans and Sarmatians, a force equal to the most daring achievements, required the presence of the Roman monarch, and the exertion of his military power. Decius found the Goths engaged before Nicopolis, one of the many monuments of Trajan's victories. On his approach they raised the siege, but with a design only of marching away to a conquest of greater importance, the siege of Philippopolis, a city of Thrace, founded by the father of Alexander, near the foot of Mount Hæmus. Decius followed them through a difficult country, and by forced marches; but when he imagined himself at a considerable distance from the rear of the Goths, Cniva turned with rapid fury on his pursuers. The camp of the Romans was surprised and pillaged, and, for the first time, their emperor fled in disorder before a troop of half-armed barbarians. After a long resistance, Philoppopolis, destitute of succor, was taken by storm. A hundred thousand persons are reported to have been massacred in the sack of that great city. Many prisoners of consequence became a valuable accession to the spoil; and Priscus, a brother of the late emperor Philip, blushed not to assume the purple, under the protection of the barbarous enemies of Rome. The time, however, consumed in that tedious siege, enabled Decius to revive the courage, restore the discipline, and recruit the numbers of his troops. He intercepted several parties of Carpi, and other Germans, who were hastening to share the victory of their countrymen, intrusted the passes of the mountains to officers of approved valor and fidelity, repaired and strengthened the fortifications of the Danube, and exerted his utmost vigilance to oppose either the progress or the retreat of the Goths. Encouraged by the return of fortune, he anxiously waited for an opportunity to retrieve, by a great and decisive blow, his own glory, and that of the Roman arms.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 3905-27  | Added on Saturday, April 14, 2012, 12:06 PM

At the same time when Decius was struggling with the violence of the tempest, his mind, calm and deliberate amidst the tumult of war, investigated the more general causes, that, since the age of the Antonines, had so impetuously urged the decline of the Roman greatness. He soon discovered that it was impossible to replace that greatness on a permanent basis, without restoring public virtue, ancient principles and manners, and the oppressed majesty of the laws. To execute this noble but arduous design, he first resolved to revive the obsolete office of censor; an office which, as long as it had subsisted in its pristine integrity, had so much contributed to the perpetuity of the state, till it was usurped and gradually neglected by the Cæsars. Conscious that the favor of the sovereign may confer power, but that the esteem of the people can alone bestow authority, he submitted the choice of the censor to the unbiased voice of the senate. By their unanimous votes, or rather acclamations, Valerian, who was afterwards emperor, and who then served with distinction in the army of Decius, was declared the most worthy of that exalted honor. As soon as the decree of the senate was transmitted to the emperor, he assembled a great council in his camp, and before the investiture of the censor elect, he apprised him of the difficulty and importance of his great office. "Happy Valerian," said the prince to his distinguished subject, "happy in the general approbation of the senate and of the Roman republic! Accept the censorship of mankind; and judge of our manners. You will select those who deserve to continue members of the senate; you will restore the equestrian order to its ancient splendor; you will improve the revenue, yet moderate the public burdens. You will distinguish into regular classes the various and infinite multitude of citizens, and accurately view the military strength, the wealth, the virtue, and the resources of Rome. Your decisions shall obtain the force of laws. The army, the palace, the ministers of justice, and the great officers of the empire, are all subject to your tribunal. None are exempted, excepting only the ordinary consuls, the præfect of the city, the king of the sacrifices, and (as long as she preserves her chastity inviolate) the eldest of the vestal virgins. Even these few, who may not dread the severity, will anxiously solicit the esteem, of the Roman censor." A magistrate, invested with such extensive powers, would have appeared not so much the minister, as the colleague of his sovereign. Valerian justly dreaded an elevation so full of envy and of suspicion. He modestly argued the alarming greatness of the trust, his own insufficiency, and the incurable corruption of the times. He artfully insinuated, that the office of censor was inseparable from the Imperial dignity, and that the feeble hands of a subject were unequal to the support of such an immense weight of cares and of power. The approaching event of war soon put an end to the prosecution of a project so specious, but so impracticable; and whilst it preserved Valerian from the danger, saved the emperor Decius from the disappointment, which would most probably have attended it. A censor may maintain, he can never restore, the morals of a state.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 3932-36  | Added on Saturday, April 14, 2012, 12:07 PM

The Goths were now, on every side, surrounded and pursued by the Roman arms. The flower of their troops had perished in the long siege of Philippopolis, and the exhausted country could no longer afford subsistence for the remaining multitude of licentious barbarians. Reduced to this extremity, the Goths would gladly have purchased, by the surrender of all their booty and prisoners, the permission of an undisturbed retreat. But the emperor, confident of victory, and resolving, by the chastisement of these invaders, to strike a salutary terror into the nations of the North, refused to listen to any terms of accommodation.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 3936-37  | Added on Saturday, April 14, 2012, 12:08 PM

The high-spirited barbarians preferred death to slavery.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 3938-48  | Added on Saturday, April 14, 2012, 12:09 PM

In the beginning of the action, the son of Decius, a youth of the fairest hopes, and already associated to the honors of the purple, was slain by an arrow, in the sight of his afflicted father; who, summoning all his fortitude, admonished the dismayed troops, that the loss of a single soldier was of little importance to the republic. The conflict was terrible; it was the combat of despair against grief and rage. The first line of the Goths at length gave way in disorder; the second, advancing to sustain it, shared its fate; and the third only remained entire, prepared to dispute the passage of the morass, which was imprudently attempted by the presumption of the enemy. "Here the fortune of the day turned, and all things became adverse to the Romans; the place deep with ooze, sinking under those who stood, slippery to such as advanced; their armor heavy, the waters deep; nor could they wield, in that uneasy situation, their weighty javelins. The barbarians, on the contrary, were inured to encounter in the bogs, their persons tall, their spears long, such as could wound at a distance." In this morass the Roman army, after an ineffectual struggle, was irrecoverably lost; nor could the body of the emperor ever be found. Such was the fate of Decius, in the fiftieth year of his age; an accomplished prince, active in war and affable in peace; who, together with his son, has deserved to be compared, both in life and death, with the brightest examples of ancient virtue.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 3957-66  | Added on Saturday, April 14, 2012, 12:11 PM

In the age of the Scipios, the most opulent kings of the earth, who courted the protection of the victorious commonwealth, were gratified with such trifling presents as could only derive a value from the hand that bestowed them; an ivory chair, a coarse garment of purple, an inconsiderable piece of plate, or a quantity of copper coin. After the wealth of nations had centred in Rome, the emperors displayed their greatness, and even their policy, by the regular exercise of a steady and moderate liberality towards the allies of the state. They relieved the poverty of the barbarians, honored their merit, and recompensed their fidelity. These voluntary marks of bounty were understood to flow, not from the fears, but merely from the generosity or the gratitude of the Romans; and whilst presents and subsidies were liberally distributed among friends and suppliants, they were sternly refused to such as claimed them as a debt. But this stipulation, of an annual payment to a victorious enemy, appeared without disguise in the light of an ignominious tribute; the minds of the Romans were not yet accustomed to accept such unequal laws from a tribe of barbarians; and the prince, who by a necessary concession had probably saved his country, became the object of the general contempt and aversion.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 3970-73  | Added on Saturday, April 14, 2012, 12:11 PM

But the Romans were irritated to a still higher degree, when they discovered that they had not even secured their repose, though at the expense of their honor. The dangerous secret of the wealth and weakness of the empire had been revealed to the world. New swarms of barbarians, encouraged by the success, and not conceiving themselves bound by the obligation of their brethren, spread devastation though the Illyrian provinces, and terror as far as the gates of Rome.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 3995-4006  | Added on Saturday, April 14, 2012, 12:13 PM

Valerian was about sixty years of age when he was invested with the purple, not by the caprice of the populace, or the clamors of the army, but by the unanimous voice of the Roman world. In his gradual ascent through the honors of the state, he had deserved the favor of virtuous princes, and had declared himself the enemy of tyrants. His noble birth, his mild but unblemished manners, his learning, prudence, and experience, were revered by the senate and people; and if mankind (according to the observation of an ancient writer) had been left at liberty to choose a master, their choice would most assuredly have fallen on Valerian. Perhaps the merit of this emperor was inadequate to his reputation; perhaps his abilities, or at least his spirit, were affected by the languor and coldness of old age. The consciousness of his decline engaged him to share the throne with a younger and more active associate; the emergency of the times demanded a general no less than a prince; and the experience of the Roman censor might have directed him where to bestow the Imperial purple, as the reward of military merit. But instead of making a judicious choice, which would have confirmed his reign and endeared his memory, Valerian, consulting only the dictates of affection or vanity, immediately invested with the supreme honors his son Gallienus, a youth whose effeminate vices had been hitherto concealed by the obscurity of a private station. The joint government of the father and the son subsisted about seven, and the sole administration of Gallien continued about eight, years. But the whole period was one uninterrupted series of confusion and calamity.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 4006-10  | Added on Saturday, April 14, 2012, 12:14 PM

As the Roman empire was at the same time, and on every side, attacked by the blind fury of foreign invaders, and the wild ambition of domestic usurpers, we shall consult order and perspicuity, by pursuing, not so much the doubtful arrangement of dates, as the more natural distribution of subjects. The most dangerous enemies of Rome, during the reigns of Valerian and Gallienus, were, 1. The Franks; 2. The Alemanni; 3. The Goths; and, 4. The Persians. Under these general appellations, we may comprehend the adventures of less considerable tribes, whose obscure and uncouth names would only serve to oppress the memory and perplex the attention of the reader.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 4049-53  | Added on Saturday, April 14, 2012, 12:18 PM

They were distinguished from the other Germans by their peculiar mode of dressing their long hair, which they gathered into a rude knot on the crown of the head; and they delighted in an ornament that showed their ranks more lofty and terrible in the eyes of the enemy. Jealous as the Germans were of military renown, they all confessed the superior valor of the Suevi; and the tribes of the Usipetes and Tencteri, who, with a vast army, encountered the dictator Cæsar, declared that they esteemed it not a disgrace to have fled before a people to whose arms the immortal gods themselves were unequal.
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Blood Meridian (Cormac McCarthy)
- Highlight Loc. 268-70  | Added on Saturday, April 14, 2012, 09:51 PM

The old man swung his head back and forth. The way of the transgressor is hard. God made this world, but he didnt make it to suit everbody, did he? I dont believe he much had me in mind. Aye, said the old man. But where does a man come by his notions. What world's he seen that he liked better?
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Blood Meridian (Cormac McCarthy)
- Highlight Loc. 274-76  | Added on Saturday, April 14, 2012, 09:52 PM

You can find meanness in the least of creatures, but when God made man the devil was at his elbow. A creature that can do anything. Make a machine. And a machine to make the machine. And evil that can run itself a thousand years, no need to tend it. You believe that? I dont know. Believe that.
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Blood Meridian (Cormac McCarthy)
- Highlight Loc. 304-8  | Added on Saturday, April 14, 2012, 09:56 PM

You see old Lonnie down there you tell him get a piece for me. Tell him old Oren. He'll buy ye a drink if he aint blowed all his money in. In the morning they ate flapjacks with molasses and the herders saddled up and moved on. When he found his mule there was a small fibre bag tied to the animal's rope and inside the bag there was a cupful of dried beans and some peppers and an old greenriver knife with a handle made of string. He saddled up the mule, the mule's back galled and balding, the hooves cracked. The ribs like fishbones. They hobbled on across the endless plain.
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Blood Meridian (Cormac McCarthy)
- Highlight Loc. 387-93  | Added on Sunday, April 15, 2012, 04:36 PM

through the sacristy into the church again and got his saddle. He drank the rest of the bottle and he put the saddle on his shoulder and went out. The facade of the building bore an array of saints in their niches and they had been shot up by American troops trying their rifles, the figures shorn of ears and noses and darkly mottled with leadmarks oxidized upon the stone. The huge carved and paneled doors hung awap on their hinges and a carved stone Virgin held in her arms a headless child. He stood blinking in the noon heat. Then he saw the mule's tracks. They were just the palest disturbance of the dust and they came out of the door of the church and crossed the lot to the gate in the east wall. He hiked the saddle higher onto his shoulder and set out after them.
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Blood Meridian (Cormac McCarthy)
- Highlight Loc. 402-5  | Added on Sunday, April 15, 2012, 04:37 PM

He found it about a hundred yards downriver. It was wet to its belly and it looked up at him and then lowered its head again into the lush river grass. He threw down the saddle and took up the trailing rope and tied the animal to a limb and kicked it halfheartedly. It shifted slightly to the side and continued to graze. He reached atop his head but he had lost the crazy hat somewhere. He made his way down through the trees and stood looking at the cold swirling waters. Then he waded out into the river like some wholly wretched baptismal candidate.
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Blood Meridian (Cormac McCarthy)
- Highlight Loc. 434-41  | Added on Sunday, April 15, 2012, 04:40 PM

I dont know nothin about soldierin. The man eyed him. He took the unlit cigar from his teeth and turned his head and spat and put it back again. Where ye from? he said. Tennessee. Tennessee. Well I dont misdoubt but what you can shoot a rifle. The kid squatted in the grass. He looked at the man's horse. The horse was fitted out in tooled leather with worked silver trim. It had a white blaze on its face and four white stockings and it was cropping up great teethfuls of the rich grass. Where you from, said the kid. I been in Texas since thirty-eight. If I'd not run up on Captain White I dont know where I'd be this day. I was a sorrier sight even than what you are and he come along and raised me up like Lazarus. Set my feet in the path of righteousness. I'd done took to drinkin and whorin till hell wouldnt have me. He seen somethin in me worth savin and I see it in you. What do ye say?
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Blood Meridian (Cormac McCarthy)
- Highlight Loc. 551-53  | Added on Sunday, April 15, 2012, 04:52 PM

human flesh seemed outrageous presences even in that fabled company. The recruits rode with their animals close reined and they turned up past the courthouse and along the high walls of the carcel with the broken glass imbedded in the topmost course. In the Main Plaza a band had assembled and were at tuning their instruments. The riders turned down Salinas Street past small
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Blood Meridian (Cormac McCarthy)
- Highlight Loc. 583-89  | Added on Tuesday, April 17, 2012, 08:24 PM

He looks at his comrades. He leans toward the Mennonite. What does that mean, old man? Do ye cross that river with yon filibuster armed yell not cross it back. Dont aim to cross it back. We goin to Sonora. What's it to you, old man? The Mennonite watches the enshadowed dark before them as it is reflected to him in the mirror over the bar. He turns to them. His eyes are wet, he speaks slowly. The wrath of God lies sleeping. It was hid a million years before men were and only men have power to wake it. Hell aint half full. Hear me. Ye carry war of a madman's making onto a foreign land. Ye'll wake more than the dogs. But they berated the old man and swore at him until he moved off down the bar muttering, and how else could it be?
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Blood Meridian (Cormac McCarthy)
- Highlight Loc. 639-43  | Added on Friday, April 20, 2012, 11:40 AM

They rode on and the sun in the east flushed pale streaks of light and then a deeper run of color like blood seeping up in sudden reaches flaring planewise and where the earth drained up into the sky at the edge of creation the top of the sun rose out of nothing like the head of a great red phallus until it cleared the unseen rim and sat squat and pulsing and malevolent behind them. The shadows of the smallest stones lay like pencil lines across the sand and the shapes of the men and their mounts advanced elongate before them like strands of the night from which they'd ridden, like tentacles to bind them to the darkness yet to come.
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Blood Meridian (Cormac McCarthy)
- Highlight Loc. 645-48  | Added on Friday, April 20, 2012, 11:41 AM

Now wolves had come to follow them, great pale lobos with yellow eyes that trotted neat of foot or squatted in the shimmering heat to watch them where they made their noon halt. Moving on again. Loping, sidling, ambling with their long noses to the ground. In the evening their eyes shifted and winked out there on the edge of the firelight and in the morning when the riders rode out in the cool dark they could hear the snarling and the pop of their mouths behind them as they sacked the camp for meatscraps.
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Blood Meridian (Cormac McCarthy)
- Highlight Loc. 665-70  | Added on Friday, April 20, 2012, 04:26 PM

They took to riding by night, silent jornadas save for the trundling of the wagons and the wheeze of the animals. Under the moonlight a strange party of elders with the white dust thick on their moustaches and their eyebrows. They moved on and the stars jostled and arced across the firmament and died beyond the inkblack mountains. They came to know the nightskies well. Western eyes that read more geometric constructions than those names given by the ancients. Tethered to the polestar they rode the Dipper round while Orion rose in the southwest like a great electric kite. The sand lay blue in the moonlight and the iron tires of the wagons rolled among the shapes of the riders in gleaming hoops that veered and wheeled woundedly and vaguely navigational like slender astrolabes and the
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Blood Meridian (Cormac McCarthy)
- Highlight Loc. 673-75  | Added on Friday, April 20, 2012, 04:26 PM

All night the wind blew and the fine dust set their teeth on edge. Sand in everything, grit in all they ate. In the morning a urinecolored sun rose blearily through panes of dust on a dim world and without feature. The animals were failing. They halted and made a dry camp without wood or water and the wretched ponies huddled and whimpered like dogs.
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Blood Meridian (Cormac McCarthy)
- Highlight Loc. 684-88  | Added on Friday, April 20, 2012, 04:27 PM

Pray it up, some called, and kneeling he cried out among the thunder and the wind: Lord we are dried to jerky down here. Just a few drops for some old boys out here on the prairie and a long ways from home. Amen, they said, and catching up their mounts they rode on. Within the hour the wind cooled and drops of rain the size of grapeshot fell upon them out of that wild darkness. They could smell wet stone and the sweet smell of the wet horses and wet leather. They rode on.
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Blood Meridian (Cormac McCarthy)
- Highlight Loc. 739-44  | Added on Friday, April 20, 2012, 04:30 PM

What do you make of that, Captain? I make it a parcel of heathen stockthieves is what I make it. What do you? Looks like it to me. The captain watched through the glass. I suppose they've seen us, he said. They've seen us. How many riders do you make it? A dozen maybe. The captain tapped the instrument in his gloved hand. They dont seem concerned, do they? No sir. They dont. The captain smiled grimly. We may see a little sport here before the day is out.
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The Iliad (Homer)
- Highlight Loc. 859-67  | Added on Sunday, April 22, 2012, 01:27 PM

Atrides saw, and thus, reproachful, spoke: "O son of Peteus, Heav'n-descended King! And thou too, master of all tricky arts, Why, ling'ring, stand ye thus aloof, and wait For others coming? ye should be the first The hot assault of battle to confront; For ye are first my summons to receive, Whene'er the honour'd banquet we prepare: And well ye like to eat the sav'ry meat, And, at your will, the luscious wine-cups drain: Now stand ye here, and unconcern'd would see Ten columns pass before you to the fight." To whom, with stern regard, Ulysses thus: "What words have pass'd the barrier of thy lips, Atrides? how with want of warlike zeal Canst thou reproach us? when the Greeks again The furious war shall waken, thou shalt see (If that thou care to see) amid the ranks Of Troy, the father of Telemachus In the fore-front: thy words are empty wind." Atrides saw him chafed, and smiling, thus Recalled his former words: "Ulysses sage, Laertes' high-born son, not over-much I give thee blame, or orders; for I know Thy mind to gentle counsels is inclin'd; Thy thoughts are one with mine; then come, henceforth Shall all be well; and if a hasty word Have pass'd, may Heaven regard it as unsaid." Thus saying, them he left, and onward mov'd.
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The Iliad (Homer)
- Highlight Loc. 893-914  | Added on Sunday, April 22, 2012, 01:30 PM

When to the midst they came, together rush'd Bucklers and lances, and the furious might Of mail-clad warriors; bossy shield on shield Clatter'd in conflict; loud the clamour rose. Then rose too mingled shouts and groans of men Slaying and slain; the earth ran red with blood. As when, descending from the mountain's brow, Two wintry torrents, from their copious source Pour downward to the narrow pass, where meet Their mingled waters in some deep ravine, Their weight of flood; on the far mountain's side The shepherd hears the roar; so loud arose The shouts and yells of those commingling hosts. First 'mid the foremost ranks Antilochus A Trojan warrior, Echepolus, slew, A crested chief, Thalesius' noble son. Beneath his horsehair-plumed helmet's peak The sharp spear struck; deep in his forehead fix'd It pierc'd the bone; then darkness veil'd his eyes, And, like a tow'r, amid the press he fell. Him Elephenor, brave Abantian chief, Son of Chalcodon, seizing by the feet, Dragg'd from beneath the darts, in haste to strip His armour off; but short-liv'd was th' attempt; For bold Agenor mark'd him as he drew The corpse aside, and with his brass-tipp'd spear Thrust through his flank, unguarded, as he stoop'd, Beside his shield; and slack'd his limbs in death. The spirit was fled; but hotly o'er him rag'd The war of Greeks and Trojans; fierce as wolves They fought, man struggling hand to hand with man. Then Ajax Telamon a stalwart youth, Son of Anthemion, Simoisius, slew; Whose mother gave him birth on Simois' banks, When with her parents down from Ida's heights She drove her flock; thence Simoisius nam'd: Not destined he his parents to repay Their early care; for short his term of life, By godlike Ajax' mighty spear subdued. Him, to the front advancing, in the breast, By the right nipple, Ajax struck; right through, From front to back, the brass-tipp'd spear was driv'n, Out through the shoulder; prone in dust he fell; As some tall poplar, grown in marshy mead, Smooth-stemm'd, with branches tapering tow'rd the head; Which with the biting axe the wheelwright fells, To bend the felloes of his well-built car; Sapless, beside the river, lies the tree; So lay the youthful Simoisius, felled By godlike Ajax' hand. At him, in turn, The son of Priam, Antiphus, encas'd In radiant armour, from amid the crowd His jav'lin threw; his mark, indeed, he miss'd; But through the groin Ulysses' faithful friend, Leucus, he struck, in act to bear away The youthful dead; down on the corpse he fell, And, dying, of the dead relax'd his grasp. Fierce anger, at his comrade's slaughter, filled Ulysses' breast; in burnished armour clad Forward he rush'd; and standing near, around He look'd, and pois'd on high his glitt'ring lance: Beneath his aim the Trojans back recoil'd; Nor vainly flew the spear; Democoon, A bastard son of Priam, met the blow: He from Abydos came, his high-bred mares There left to pasture; him Ulysses, fill'd With fury at his lov'd companion's death, Smote on the head; through either temple pass'd The pointed spear, and darkness veil'd his eyes.
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The Iliad (Homer)
- Highlight Loc. 959-63  | Added on Sunday, April 22, 2012, 05:48 PM

Him, Phyleus' warrior son, approaching near, Thrust through the junction of the head and neck; Crash'd through his teeth the spear beneath the tongue; Prone in the dust he gnash'd the brazen point. Eurypylus, Euaemon's noble son, Hypsenor slew, the worthy progeny Of Dolopion brave; Scamander's priest, And by the people as a God rever'd: Him, as he fled before him, from behind Eurypylus, Euaemon's noble son, Smote with the sword; and from the shoulder-point The brawny arm he sever'd; to the ground Down fell the gory hand; the darkling shades Of death, and rig'rous doom, his eyelids clos'd.
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The Iliad (Homer)
- Highlight Loc. 1002-7  | Added on Sunday, April 22, 2012, 05:51 PM

Nor horse have I, nor car on which to mount; But in my sire Lycaon's wealthy house Elev'n fair chariots stand, all newly built, Each with its cover; by the side of each Two steeds on rye and barley white are fed; And in his well-built house, when here I came, Lycaon, aged warrior, urg'd me oft With horses and with chariots high upborne, To lead the Trojans in the stubborn fight; I hearken'd not--'twere better if I had-- Yet fear'd I lest my horses, wont to feed In plenty unstinted, by the soldiers' wants Might of their custom'd forage be depriv'd; I left them there, and hither came on foot, And trusting to my bow: vain trust, it seems; Two chiefs already have I struck, the sons Of Tydeus and of Atreus; with true aim Drawn blood from both, yet but increas'd their rage. Sad was the hour when down from where it hung I
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The Iliad (Homer)
- Highlight Loc. 1028-44  | Added on Sunday, April 22, 2012, 05:56 PM

began, To Diomed, Lycaon's noble son: "Great son of Tydeus, warrior brave and skill'd, My shaft, it seems, has fail'd to reach thy life; Try we then now what hap attends my spear." He said; and, poising, hurl'd his pond'rous spear, And struck Tydides' shield; right through the shield Drove the keen weapon, and the breastplate reach'd. Then shouted loud Lycaon's noble son: "Thou hast it through the flank, nor canst thou long Survive the blow; great glory now is mine." To whom, unmov'd, the valiant Diomed: "Thine aim hath failed, I am not touch'd; and now I deem we part not hence till one of ye Glut with his blood th' insatiate Lord of War." He said: the spear, by Pallas guided, struck Beside the nostril, underneath the eye; Crash'd thro' the teeth, and cutting thro' the tongue Beneath the angle of the jaw came forth: Down from the car he fell; and loudly rang His glitt'ring arms: aside the startled steeds Sprang devious: from his limbs the spirit fled. Down leap'd AEneas, spear and shield in hand, Against the Greeks to guard the valiant dead; And like a lion, fearless in his strength, Around the corpse he stalk'd, this way and that, His spear and buckler round before him held, To all who dar'd approach him threat'ning death, With fearful shouts; a rocky fragment then Tydides lifted up, a mighty mass, Which scarce two men could raise, as men are now: But he, unaided, lifted it with ease. With this he smote AEneas near the groin, Where the thigh-bone, inserted in the hip, Turns in the socket-joint; the rugged mass The socket crush'd, and both the tendons broke, And tore away the flesh: down on his knees, Yet resting on his hand, the hero fell; And o'er his eyes the shades of darkness spread. Then had AEneas, King of men, been slain, Had not his mother, Venus, child of Jove, Who to Anchises, where he fed his flocks, The hero bore, his peril quickly seen: Around her son she threw her snowy arms, And with a veil, thick-folded, wrapt him round, From hostile spears to guard him, lest some Greek Should pierce his breast, and rob him of his life. She from the battle thus her son removed; Nor did the son of Capaneus neglect The strict injunction by Tydides giv'n; His reins attaching to the chariot-rail, Far from the battle-din he check'd, and left, His own fleet steeds; then rushing forward, seiz'd, And from the Trojans tow'rd the camp drove off, The sleek-skinn'd horses of AEneas' car.
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The Iliad (Homer)
- Highlight Loc. 1070-72  | Added on Sunday, April 22, 2012, 05:59 PM

The blue-ey'd Pallas, well I know, has urg'd Tydides to assail thee; fool and blind! Unknowing he how short his term of life Who fights against the Gods! for him no child Upon his knees shall lisp a father's name, Safe from the war and battle-field return'd.
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The Iliad (Homer)
- Note Loc. 1072  | Added on Sunday, April 22, 2012, 05:59 PM

macbeth
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The Iliad (Homer)
- Highlight Loc. 1102-5  | Added on Sunday, April 22, 2012, 06:03 PM

As when the wind from off a threshing-floor, Where men are winnowing, blows the chaff away; When yellow Ceres with the breeze divides The corn and chaff, which lies in whit'ning heaps; So thick the Greeks were whiten'd o'er with dust, Which to the brazen vault of Heav'n arose Beneath the horses' feet, that with the crowd Were mingled, by their drivers turn'd to flight.
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The Iliad (Homer)
- Highlight Loc. 1231-37  | Added on Sunday, April 22, 2012, 06:19 PM

Whom answer'd thus the Cloud-compeller, Jove, With look indignant: "Come no more to me, Thou wav'ring turncoat, with thy whining pray'rs: Of all the Gods who on Olympus dwell I hate thee most; for thou delight'st in nought But strife and war; thou hast inherited Thy mother, Juno's, proud, unbending mood, Whom I can scarce control; and thou, methinks, To her suggestions ow'st thy present plight. Yet since thou art my offspring, and to me Thy mother bore thee, I must not permit That thou should'st long be doom'd to suffer pain; But had thy birth been other than it is, For thy misdoings thou hadst long ere now Been banish'd from the Gods' companionship." He said: and straight to Paeon gave command To heal the wound; with soothing anodynes He heal'd it quickly; soon as liquid milk Is curdled by the fig-tree's juice, and turns In whirling flakes, so soon was heal'd the wound.
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The Iliad (Homer)
- Bookmark Loc. 1243  | Added on Sunday, April 22, 2012, 06:20 PM


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Blood Meridian (Cormac McCarthy)
- Highlight Loc. 1417-33  | Added on Sunday, April 22, 2012, 08:02 PM

Glanton crossed in front of his horse, passing the reins behind his back. Watch her, Cap. She bites. She had raised her eyes to the level of his knees. Glanton pushed the horse back and took one of the heavy saddle pistols from its scabbard and cocked it. Watch yourself there. Several of the men stepped back. The woman looked up. Neither courage nor heartsink in those old eyes. He pointed with his left hand and she turned to follow his hand with her gaze and he put the pistol to her head and fired. The explosion filled all that sad little park. Some of the horses shied and stepped. A fistsized hole erupted out of the far side of the woman's head in a great vomit of gore and she pitched over and lay slain in her blood without remedy. Glanton had already put the pistol at halfcock and he flicked away the spent primer with his thumb and was preparing to recharge the cylinder. McGill, he said. A Mexican, solitary of his race in that company, came forward. Get that receipt for us. He took a skinning knife from his belt and stepped to where the old woman lay and took up her hair and twisted it about his wrist and passed the blade of the knife about her skull and ripped away the scalp. Glanton looked at the men. They were stood some looking down at the old woman, some already seeing to their mounts or their equipage. Only the recruits were watching Glanton. He seated a pistolball in the mouth of the chamber and then he raised his eyes and looked across the square. The juggler and his family stood aligned like witnesses and beyond them in the long mud facade faces that had been watching from the doors and the naked windows dropped away like puppets in a gallery before the slow sweep of his eyes. He levered the ball home and capped the piece and spun the heavy pistol in his hand and returned it to the scabbard at the horse's shoulder and took the dripping trophy from McGill and turned it in the sun the way a man might qualify the pelt of an animal and then handed it back and took up the trailing reins and led his horse out through the square toward the water at the ford.
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The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes (Sir Arthur Conan Doyle)
- Highlight on Page 92 | Loc. 4248-50  | Added on Sunday, April 29, 2012, 05:18 PM

mood—“you have erred perhaps in attempting to put colour and life into each of your statements instead of confining yourself to the task of placing upon record that severe reasoning from cause to effect which is really the only notable feature about the thing.”
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The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes (Sir Arthur Conan Doyle)
- Highlight on Page 92 | Loc. 4248-55  | Added on Sunday, April 29, 2012, 05:19 PM

mood—“you have erred perhaps in attempting to put colour and life into each of your statements instead of confining yourself to the task of placing upon record that severe reasoning from cause to effect which is really the only notable feature about the thing.” “It seems to me that I have done you full justice in the matter,” I remarked with some coldness, for I was repelled by the egotism which I had more than once observed to be a strong factor in my friend’s singular character. “No, it is not selfishness or conceit,” said he, answering, as was his wont, my thoughts rather than my words. “If I claim full justice for my art, it is because it is an impersonal thing—a thing beyond myself. Crime is common. Logic is rare. Therefore it is upon the logic rather than upon the crime that you should dwell. You have degraded what should have been a course of lectures into a series of tales.”
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 4126-35  | Added on Sunday, April 29, 2012, 09:41 PM

enclosure of walls seemed to defy the fury of the Goths, and the usual garrison had been strengthened by a reenforcement of ten thousand men. But there are not any advantages capable of supplying the absence of discipline and vigilance. The numerous garrison of Trebizond, dissolved in riot and luxury, disdained to guard their impregnable fortifications. The Goths soon discovered the supine negligence of the besieged, erected a lofty pile of fascines, ascended the walls in the silence of the night, and entered the defenceless city sword in hand. A general massacre of the people ensued, whilst the affrighted soldiers escaped through the opposite gates of the town. The most holy temples, and the most splendid edifices, were involved in a common destruction. The booty that fell into the hands of the Goths was immense: the wealth of the adjacent countries had been deposited in Trebizond, as in a secure place of refuge. The number of captives was incredible, as the victorious barbarians ranged without opposition through the extensive province of Pontus. The rich spoils of Trebizond filled a great fleet of ships that had been found in the port. The robust youth of the sea-coast were chained to the oar; and the Goths, satisfied with the success of their first naval expedition, returned in triumph to their new establishment in the kingdom of Bosphorus.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 4241-48  | Added on Sunday, April 29, 2012, 09:52 PM

Valerian was reduced to the necessity of intrusting his life and dignity to the faith of an enemy. The interview ended as it was natural to expect. The emperor was made a prisoner, and his astonished troops laid down their arms. In such a moment of triumph, the pride and policy of Sapor prompted him to fill the vacant throne with a successor entirely dependent on his pleasure. Cyriades, an obscure fugitive of Antioch, stained with every vice, was chosen to dishonor the Roman purple; and the will of the Persian victor could not fail of being ratified by the acclamations, however reluctant, of the captive army. The Imperial slave was eager to secure the favor of his master by an act of treason to his native country. He conducted Sapor over the Euphrates, and, by the way of Chalcis, to the metropolis of the East. So rapid were the motions of the Persian cavalry, that, if we may credit a very judicious historian, the city of Antioch was surprised when the idle multitude was fondly gazing on the amusements of the theatre. The splendid
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May

History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 4328-34  | Added on Friday, May 04, 2012, 02:52 PM

The lieutenants of Valerian were grateful to the father, whom they esteemed. They disdained to serve the luxurious indolence of his unworthy son. The throne of the Roman world was unsupported by any principle of loyalty; and treason against such a prince might easily be considered as patriotism to the state. Yet if we examine with candor the conduct of these usurpers, it will appear, that they were much oftener driven into rebellion by their fears, than urged to it by their ambition. They dreaded the cruel suspicions of Gallienus; they equally dreaded the capricious violence of their troops. If the dangerous favor of the army had imprudently declared them deserving of the purple, they were marked for sure destruction; and even prudence would counsel them to secure a short enjoyment of empire, and rather to try the fortune of war than to expect the hand of an executioner.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 4337-40  | Added on Friday, May 04, 2012, 02:53 PM

The apprehensions of Saturninus were justified by the repeated experience of revolutions. Of the nineteen tyrants who started up under the reign of Gallienus, there was not one who enjoyed a life of peace, or a natural death. As soon as they were invested with the bloody purple, they inspired their adherents with the same fears and ambition which had occasioned their own revolt.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 4534-41  | Added on Friday, May 04, 2012, 09:47 PM

The pestilence which swept away such numbers of the barbarians, at length proved fatal to their conqueror. After a short but glorious reign of two years, Claudius expired at Sirmium, amidst the tears and acclamations of his subjects. In his last illness, he convened the principal officers of the state and army, and in their presence recommended Aurelian, one of his generals, as the most deserving of the throne, and the best qualified to execute the great design which he himself had been permitted only to undertake. The virtues of Claudius, his valor, affability, justice, and temperance, his love of fame and of his country, place him in that short list of emperors who added lustre to the Roman purple. Those virtues, however, were celebrated with peculiar zeal and complacency by the courtly writers of the age of Constantine, who was the great grandson of Crispus, the elder brother of Claudius. The voice of flattery was soon taught to repeat, that gods, who so hastily had snatched Claudius from the earth, rewarded his merit and piety by the perpetual establishment of the empire in his family.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 4558-62  | Added on Friday, May 04, 2012, 09:50 PM

The reign of Aurelian lasted only four years and about nine months; but every instant of that short period was filled by some memorable achievement. He put an end to the Gothic war, chastised the Germans who invaded Italy, recovered Gaul, Spain, and Britain out of the hands of Tetricus, and destroyed the proud monarchy which Zenobia had erected in the East on the ruins of the afflicted empire. It was the rigid attention of Aurelian, even to the minutest articles of discipline, which bestowed such uninterrupted success on his arms.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight Loc. 4575-82  | Added on Friday, May 04, 2012, 09:52 PM

the Gothic and Vandalic tribes embraced the favorable opportunity, abandoned their settlements of the Ukraine, traversed the rivers, and swelled with new multitudes the destroying host of their countrymen. Their united numbers were at length encountered by Aurelian, and the bloody and doubtful conflict ended only with the approach of night. Exhausted by so many calamities, which they had mutually endured and inflicted during a twenty years' war, the Goths and the Romans consented to a lasting and beneficial treaty. It was earnestly solicited by the barbarians, and cheerfully ratified by the legions, to whose suffrage the prudence of Aurelian referred the decision of that important question. The Gothic nation engaged to supply the armies of Rome with a body of two thousand auxiliaries, consisting entirely of cavalry, and stipulated in return an undisturbed retreat, with a regular market as far as the Danube, provided by the emperor's care, but at their own expense. The treaty was observed with such
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SEAL Team Six (Howard E. Wasdin and Stephen Templin)
- Highlight Loc. 143-47  | Added on Saturday, May 05, 2012, 09:53 AM

Chaos erupted inside and outside of the garage. People ran everywhere. Little Birds and Black Hawks filled the skies with deafening rotor blasts. I was in my own little world, though. Nothing existed outside my scope and my mission. Let the Unit guys handle their business in the garage. My business was reaching out and touching the enemy. This wasn’t the first time I’d killed for my country. It wouldn’t be the last.
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SEAL Team Six (Howard E. Wasdin and Stephen Templin)
- Highlight Loc. 152-72  | Added on Saturday, May 05, 2012, 09:56 AM

A year earlier I’d been stationed at SEAL Team Six in Virginia Beach, Virginia. While on standby, I wore my hair longer than standard navy regulations, so I could travel anywhere in the world at a moment’s notice without being marked as military. Usually I stayed clean-shaven. When I deployed with SEAL Team Two to Norway, I wore a beard, but normally I didn’t like wearing facial hair. Waiting for a callout, I practiced my skills in a building called the “kill house,” used for urban counterterrorist training, and on the shooting range. After standby would come three months in individual training phase, when we could go off to school: Bill Rogers’s shooting academy, driving school, free climbing, or whatever we put in for. The great thing about being at SEAL Team Six was that I got to go to almost any of the best schools anywhere I wanted. Training phase was also a good opportunity to take leave, maybe a vacation with the family, especially for those returning from an overseas deployment. Then came three months of getting together for Team training: diving, parachuting, and shooting school—each part of training followed by a simulated operation using the skill recently trained in. *   *   * One night I was sitting in a pizza place called the Ready Room (the same place Charlie Sheen and Michael Biehn stood outside of arguing in the movie Navy SEALs) talking about golf with my seven-year-old son, Blake, and a playful grizzly bear of a guy nicknamed Smudge. In the background, a Def Leppard tune was playing on the jukebox. We inhaled a pepperoni, sausage, and onion pizza—my favorite. When on standby, I wasn’t allowed to drink more than two beers. In SEAL Team Six, we took the limit seriously. Our drink was Coors Light. Whenever traveling in groups, my Teammates and I used the cover story that we were members of the Coors Light skydiving team—our explanation for why thirty buff guys, most of us good-looking, would walk into a bar wearing Teva flip-flops, shorts, tank tops, and a Spyderco CLIPIT knife in our front pocket. Every time we walked into a bar, the men started changing their drinks to Coors Light. Then the women would begin drinking Coors Light. Coors should’ve sponsored us. The cover worked well because if people asked us about skydiving, we could answer any question. Besides, our story was too preposterous not to be real.
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SEAL Team Six (Howard E. Wasdin and Stephen Templin)
- Highlight Loc. 193-97  | Added on Saturday, May 05, 2012, 10:02 AM

Three SEAL snipers joined me: Casanova, Little Big Man, and Sourpuss. In the Teams, many of the guys went by nicknames. Some guys called me Waz-man. Others had tried to call me Howie, but that didn’t stick because I wouldn’t answer to it. Sometimes a guy gets his nickname for doing something really stupid—there’s a reason a guy gets named “Drippy.” Other times a difficult name like Bryzinski becomes “Alphabet.” A Team Two friend of mine was called “Tripod.”
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The Collected Stories Of Philip K. Dick Vol. 3 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 6511-30  | Added on Friday, May 11, 2012, 04:10 PM

"Wait a minute," Dawes said. "I have something for him to try." Fergesson waited wearily, as Dawes groped inside his coarse gray shirt. He fumbled and brought out something wrapped in old newspaper. It was a cup, a wooden drinking cup, crude and ill-shaped. There was a strange wry smile on his face as he squatted down and placed the cup in front of the Biltong. Charlotte watched, vaguely puzzled. "What's the use? Suppose he does make a print of it." She poked listlessly at the rough wooden object with the toe of her slipper. "It's so simple you could duplicate it yourself." Fergesson started. Dawes caught his eye -- for an instant the two men gazed at each other, Dawes smiling faintly, Fergesson rigid with burgeoning understanding. "That's right," Dawes said. "I made it." Fergesson grabbed the cup. Trembling, he turned it over and over. "You made it with what? I don't see how! What did you make it out of?" "We knocked down some trees." From his belt, Dawes slid something that gleamed metallically, dully, in the weak sunlight. "Here -- be careful you don't cut yourself." The knife was as crude as the cup -- hammered, bent, tied together with wire. "You made this knife?" Fergesson asked, dazed. "I can't believe it. Where do you start? You have to have tools to make this. It's a paradox!" His voice rose with hysteria. "It isn't possible!" Charlotte turned despondently away. "It's no good -- you couldn't cut anything with that." Wistfully, pathetically, she added, "In my kitchen I had that whole set of stainless steel carving knives -- the best Swedish steel. And now they're nothing but black ash." There were a million questions bursting in Fergesson's mind. "This cup, this knife -- there's a group of you? And that material you're wearing -- you wove that?"
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The Collected Stories Of Philip K. Dick Vol. 3 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 6612-18  | Added on Friday, May 11, 2012, 04:14 PM

Dawes arranged three objects on the ash. The exquisite Steuben glassware, his own crude wooden drinking cup and the blob, the botched print the dying Biltong had attempted. "This is the way is was," he said, indicating the Steuben cup. "Someday it'll be that way again. . . but we're going up the right way -- the hard way -- step by step, until we get back there." He carefully replaced the glassware back in its metal box. "We'll keep it -- not to copy, but as a model, as a goal. You can't grasp the difference now, but you will." He indicated the crude wooden cup. "That's where we are right now. Don't laugh at it. Don't say it's not civilization. It is -- it's simple and crude, but it's the real thing. We'll go up from here."
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The Collected Stories Of Philip K. Dick Vol. 3 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 6674-78  | Added on Friday, May 11, 2012, 05:54 PM

He sat on the park bench, eye half shut, wasted lips twisted in a snarl of bitterness and defeat. Nobody was interested in a decrepit half-blind old man. Nobody wanted to hear his garbled, rambling tales of the battles he had fought and strategies he had witnessed. Nobody seemed to remember the war that still burned like a twisting, corroding fire in the decaying old man's brain. A war he longed to speak of, if he could only find listeners.
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The Collected Stories Of Philip K. Dick Vol. 3 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 7909-27  | Added on Tuesday, May 15, 2012, 02:05 AM

"They didn't call it politics, back in those days. The industrialists hammered away at the people to buy and consume. It centered around this hair-sweat-teeth purity; the city people got it and developed an ideology around it." Betty set the table and brought in the dishes of food. "You mean the Purist political movement was deliberately started?" "They didn't realize what a hold it was getting on them. They didn't know their children were growing up to take such things as underarm perspiration and white teeth and nice-looking hair as the most important things in the world. Things worth fighting and dying for. Things important enough to kill those who didn't agree." "The Naturalists were country people?" "People who lived outside the cities and weren't conditioned by the stimuli." Walsh shook his head irritably. "Incredible, that one man will kill another over trivialities. All through history men murdering each other over verbal nonsense, meaningless slogans instilled in them by somebody else -- who sits back and benefits." "It isn't meaningless if they believe in it." "It's meaningless to kill another man because he has halitosis! It's meaningless to beat up somebody because he hasn't had his sweat glands removed and artificial waste-excretion tubes installed. There's going to be senseless warfare; the Naturalists have weapons stored up at party headquarters. Men'll be just as dead as if they died for something real." "Time to eat, dear," Betty said, indicating the table. "I'm not hungry." "Stop sulking and eat. Or you'll have indigestion, and you know what that means."
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The Collected Stories Of Philip K. Dick Vol. 3 (Philip K Dick)
- Note Loc. 8053  | Added on Tuesday, May 15, 2012, 02:12 AM

consumerism taken to absurdextreme
takeover of companies
surrealism
robots
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.5 (Philip K. Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 2732-36  | Added on Tuesday, May 15, 2012, 10:11 PM

"Sad!" Lehrer bristled. "Good riddance." There: that had been the foremost eccentric and idiot of the world. All Lehrer needed was the opportunity to rub shoulders with a follower of the newly parasitic Anarch. He shivered, recalling from his professional eclectic books -- examining at the library the accounts of mid-twentieth century race violence; out of the riots, lootings and killings of those days had come Sebastian Peak, originally a lawyer, then a master spellbinder, at last a religious fanatic with his own devout following. . . a following which extended over the planet, although operating primarily in the F.N.M. environs.
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.5 (Philip K. Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 2754-59  | Added on Tuesday, May 15, 2012, 10:13 PM

"You must recall. But that's so. You're under Phase, here. I'm oriented in the opposite, normal time-direction; therefore what for you will soon happen is for me an experience of the immediate past. My immediate past. May I take a few minutes of your time? I could well be of great use to you, sir." The man chuckled. " 'Your time.' Well-put, if I do say so. Yes, decidedly your time, not mine. Just consider that this visit by myself took place yesterday." Again he smiled his mechanical smile -- and mechanical it was; Niehls now perceived the small but brilliant
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.5 (Philip K. Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 2887-94  | Added on Tuesday, May 15, 2012, 11:48 PM

On a tree branch a butterfly had begun the intricate, mysterious process of squeezing itself into a dull brown cocoon, and Eng paused to inspect its slow, labored efforts. It had its task, too, but that task, unlike his, was not hopeless. However the butterfly did not know that; it continued mindlessly, a reflex machine obeying the urgings programmed into it from the remote future. The sight of the insect at work gave Eng something to ponder; he perceived the moral in it, and, turning, walked back to confront the child who squatted on the grass with his circle of gaily-colored luminous marbles. "Look at it this way," he said to the Anarch Peak; this was probably his last try, and he meant to bring in everything available. "Even if you can't remember what a swabble is or what the Hobart Phase does, all you need to do is sign; I have the document here."
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.5 (Philip K. Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 3003-16  | Added on Tuesday, May 15, 2012, 11:59 PM

"This is extremely difficult," the Bard said, with agitation. "Eng will probably throw together his first swabble at any moment. And once more we will be cycled in a retrograde direction." What worried him now was one terrible, swift insight. This would occur again and again, and each time the interval would be shortened further. Until, he ruminated, it becomes a stall within a single microsecond; no time-progression in either direction will be able to take place. A morbid prospect indeed. But one redemptive factor existed. Eng undoubtedly would perceive the problem, too. And he would seek a way out. Logically, it could be solved by him in at least one way: he could voluntarily abstain from inventing the swabble. The Hobart Phase, then, would never assert itself, at least not effectively But such a decision lay with Ludwig Eng alone. Would he cooperate, if the idea were presented to him? Probably not. Eng had always been a violent and autistic man; no one could influence him. This, of course, had helped him become an original personality; without this Eng would not have amounted to anything as an inventor, and the swabble, with its enormous effect on contemporary society, would never have come into existence. Which would have been a good thing, the Bard thought morosely. But until now we could not appreciate this. He appreciated it now.
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.5 (Philip K. Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 3059-65  | Added on Wednesday, May 16, 2012, 12:02 AM

"Tell him I died in office," Lehrer said harshly. "But you can't die, sir. You're under the Hobart Phase. And Mr. Arbuthnot knows that, because he mentioned it. He's been sitting out here doing a Hobart type horoscope on you, and he predicts that great things have happened to you during the previous year. Frankly he makes me nervous; some of his predictions sound so accurate." "Fortune-telling about the past doesn't interest me," Lehrer said. "In fact, as far as I'm concerned, it's a hoax. Only the future is knowable." The man is a crank, all right, Lehrer realized.
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.5 (Philip K. Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 3072-81  | Added on Wednesday, May 16, 2012, 12:03 AM

Undoubtedly, Ludwig Eng did not intend to show up. The time, Lehrer said to himself, must be two o'clock by now. He glanced at his wristwatch. And blinked. The watch hands semaphored two-forty. "Miss Tomsen," Lehrer said into the intercom, "What time do you have?" "Leaping J. Lizards," Miss Tomsen said. "It's earlier than I thought. I distinctly recall it being two-twenty just a moment ago. My watch must have stopped." "You mean it's later than you thought. Two-forty is later than two-thirty." "No sir, if you don't resent my disagreeing with you. I mean, it's not my place to tell you what's what, but I am right. You can ask anybody. I'll ask this gentleman out here. Mr. Arbuthnot, isn't two-forty earlier than two-twenty?" Over
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.5 (Philip K. Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 3148-57  | Added on Wednesday, May 16, 2012, 12:19 AM

The wind, rushing about, gathered up a quantity of leaves, swirled them onto the branches of the trees, adhered them in a neat arrangement which decidedly added to the beauty of the trees. Already, some of the brown leaves had turned green. In a short while autumn would give way to summer, and summer to spring. He watched appreciatively. As he waited for the Erad sent out by the syndicate. Due to the crank's deranged thesis, time had once more returned to normal. Except -- Lehrer rubbed his chin. Bristles. He frowned. "Miss Tomsen," he said into the intercom, "will you step in here and tell me whether or not I need a shave?" He had a feeling that he did. And soon. Probably within the previous half hour.
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.5 (Philip K. Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 3247-62  | Added on Friday, May 18, 2012, 04:26 PM

"Without feedback the computer does not possess any method of determining that there has been no counterattack by its military arm. In the abeyance it will have to assume that the counterattack has taken place, but that the enemy strike was at least partially successful." Stafford said, "But there is no enemy. Who's attacking us?" Silence. Sweat made Stafford's forehead slick with moisture. "Do you know what would cause a Genux-B to conclude that we're under attack? A million separate factors, all possible known data weighed, compared, analyzed -- and then the absolute gestalt. In this case, the gestalt of an imminent attacking enemy. No one thing would have raised the threshold; it was quantitative. A shelter-building program in Asiatic Russia, unusual movements of cargo ships around Cuba, concentrations of rocket freight unloadings in Red Canada. . ." "No one," the man at the controls of the flapple said placidly, "no nation or group of persons either on Terra or Luna or Domed Mars is attacking anybody. You can see why we've got to get you over there fast. You have to make it absolutely certain that no orders emanate from Genux-B to SAC. We want Genux-B sealed off so it can't talk to anybody in a position of authority and it can't hear anybody besides us. What we do after that we'll worry about then. 'But the evil of the day --' " "You assert that in spite of everything available to it, Genux-B can't distinguish an attack on us?" Stafford demanded. "With its manifold data-collecting sweepers?" He thought of something then, that terrified him in a kind of hopeless, retrospective way. "What about our attack on France in '82 and then on little Israel in '89?"
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.5 (Philip K. Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 3288-91  | Added on Friday, May 18, 2012, 04:29 PM

"And you're certain," Stafford said, "that we're not under attack?" Even if Genux-B had been wrong both times before, it at least theoretically could be right this time. "If we are about to be attacked," the nearest FBI man said, "we can't make out any indication of it -- by human data processing, anyhow.
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.5 (Philip K. Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 3338-40  | Added on Friday, May 18, 2012, 04:32 PM

genuine threat faces us --" "I wonder," Stafford said slowly, pondering, "what's meant by 'artificial' color."
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.5 (Philip K. Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 3404-20  | Added on Friday, May 18, 2012, 04:41 PM

"What you're doing," the engineer said, "is implicitly maintaining that Genux-B is functioning properly. That it's somehow right; there is a hostile warlike menace to us. One so great it justifies pacification of Northern California by hard first-line weapons. As I see it, isn't it easier simply to operate from the fact that the computer is malfunctioning?" Stafford, as they walked down the familiar corridors of the vast government building, said, "Genux-B was built to sift a greater amount of data simultaneously than any man or group of men could. It handles more data than we, and it handles them faster. Its response comes in microseconds. If Genux-B, after analyzing all the current data, feels that war is indicated, and we don't agree, then it may merely show that the computer is functioning as it was intended to function. And the more we disagree with it, the better this is proved. If we could perceive, as it does, the need for immediate, aggressive war on the basis of the data available, then we wouldn't require Genux-B. It's precisely in a case like this, where the computer has given out a Red Alert and we see no menace, that the real use of a computer of this class comes into play." After a pause, one of the FBI men said, as if speaking to himself, "He's right, you know. Absolutely right. The real question is, Do we trust Genux-B more than ourselves? Okay, we built it to analyze faster and more accurately and on a wider scale than we can. If it had been a success, this situation we face now is precisely what could have been predicted. We see no cause for launching an attack; it does." He grinned harshly. "So what do we do? Start Genux-B up again, have it go ahead and program SAC into a war? Or do we neutralize it -- in other words, unmake it?" His eyes were cold and alert on Stafford. "A decision one way or the other has to be made by someone. Now. At once. Someone who can make a good educated guess as to which it is, functioning or malfunctioning."
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.5 (Philip K. Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 3421-28  | Added on Friday, May 18, 2012, 04:42 PM

"An ultimate decision like this has to be his. He bears the moral responsibility." "But the decision," the engineer spoke up, "is not a moral question, Stafford. It only looks like it is. Actually the question is only a technical one. Is Genux-B working properly or has it broken down?" And that's why you rousted me from bed, Stafford realized with a thrill of icy dismal grief. You didn't bring me here to implement your jerry-built jamming of the computer. Genux-B could be neutralized by one shell from one rocket launcher towed up and parked outside the building. In fact, he realized, in all probability it's effectively neutralized now. You can keep that Phillips screwdriver wedged in there forever. And you helped design and build the thing. No, he realized, that's not it. I'm not here to repair or destroy; I'm here to decide.
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.5 (Philip K. Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 3431-37  | Added on Friday, May 18, 2012, 04:43 PM

A diagnosis, he realized. That's all you want. This is a consultation of computer doctors -- and one repairman. The decision evidently lay with the repairman, because the others had given up. He wondered how much time he had. Probably very little. Because if the computer were correct -- Sidewalk gum machines, he pondered. Penny-operated. For kids. And for that it's willing to pacify all Northern California. What could it possibly have extrapolated? What, looking ahead, did Genux-B see?
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.5 (Philip K. Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 3464-76  | Added on Friday, May 18, 2012, 04:45 PM

"I have one more spurious datum I want to feed it," Stafford said. Again he put a card in the typewriter and began to punch. IT APPEARS NOW THAT THERE NEVER WAS AN INDIVIDUAL NAMED HERBERT SOUSA; NOR DID THIS MYTHOLOGICAL PERSON EVER GO INTO THE PENNY GUM MACHINE BUSINESS. As he rose to his feet, Stafford said, "That should cancel out everything Genux-B knows or ever did know about Sousa and his penny-ante operation." As far as the computer was concerned, the man had been retroactively expunged. In which case, how could the computer initiate war against a man who had never existed, who operated a marginal concession which also never existed? A few moments later the engineer, tensely monitoring the output signal of Genux-B, said, "Now there's been a change." He studied his oscilloscope, then accepted the reel of tape being voided by the computer and began a close inspection of that, too. For a time he remained silent, intent on the job of reading the tape; then all at once he glanced up and grinned humorously at the rest of them. He said, "It says that the datum is a lie."
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.5 (Philip K. Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 3478-82  | Added on Friday, May 18, 2012, 04:45 PM

"A lie!" Stafford said unbelievingly. The engineer said, "It's discarded the last datum on the grounds that it can't be true. It contradicts what it knows to be valid. In other words, it still knows that Herb Sousa exists. Don't ask me how it knows this; probably it's an evaluation from wide-spectrum data over an extensive period of time." He hesitated, then said, "Obviously, it knows more about Herb Sousa then we do."
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.5 (Philip K. Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 3487-89  | Added on Friday, May 18, 2012, 04:46 PM

"What it must be doing," he said to the engineer, "is to go on the assumption if if X is true, that Sousa never existed, then Y must be true -- whatever 'Y' is. But Y remains untrue. I wish we knew which of all its millions of data units Y is."
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.5 (Philip K. Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 3493-3509  | Added on Friday, May 18, 2012, 04:47 PM

"Instruct it to produce its stored data inventory on Herb Sousa. All of it." The engineer kept his voice deliberately patient. "God knows what it's sitting on. And once we get it, let's look it over and see if we can spot what it spotted." Typing the proper requisition, Stafford fed the card to Genux-B. "It reminds me," one of the FBI men said reflectively, "of a philosophy course I took at U.C.L.A. There used to be an ontological argument to prove the existence of God. You imagine what He would be like, if He existed: omnipotent, omnipresent, omniscient, immortal, plus being capable of infinite justice and mercy." "So?" the engineer said irritably. "Then, when you've imagined Him possessing all those ultimate qualities, you notice that He lacks one quality. A minor one - a quality which every germ and stone and piece of trash by the freeway possesses. Existence. So you say: If He has all those others, He must possess the attribute of being real. If a stone can do it, obviously He can." He added, "It's a discarded theory; they knocked it down back in the Middle Ages. But" -- he shrugged -- "it's interesting." "What made you think of that at this particular time?" the engineer demanded. "Maybe," the FBI man said, "there's no one fact or even cluster of facts about Sousa that prove to Genux-B he exists. Maybe it's all the facts. There may be just plain too many. The computer had found, on the basis of past experience, that when so much data exists on a given person, that person must be genuine. After all, a computer of the magnitude of Genux-B is capable of learning; that's why we make use of it."
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.5 (Philip K. Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 3617-25  | Added on Friday, May 18, 2012, 04:52 PM

The engineer, paying attention to his headphones, interrupted all at once. "An answer's coming." He began rapidly to scribble; the others collected around him to see. HERBERT SOUSA OF SACRAMENTO, CALIFORNIA, IS THE DEVIL. SINCE HE IS THE INCARNATION OF SATAN ON EARTH, PROVIDENCE DEMANDS HIS DESTRUCTION. I AM ONLY AN AGENCY, A SO TO SPEAK CREATURE, OF THE DIVINE MAJESTY, AS ARE ALL OF YOU. There was a pause as the engineer waited, clenching the ballpoint metal government-issue pen, and then he spasmodically added: UNLESS YOU ARE ALREADY IN HIS PAY AND THEREFORE WORKING FOR HIM. Convulsively, the engineer tossed the pen against the far wall. It bounced, rolled off, disappeared. No one spoke.
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.5 (Philip K. Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 3627-37  | Added on Friday, May 18, 2012, 04:52 PM

The engineer said finally, "We have here a sick, deranged piece of electronic junk. We were right. Thank God we caught it in time. It's psychotic. Cosmic, schizophrenic delusions of the reality of archetypes. Good grief, the machine regards itself as an instrument of God! It has one more of those 'God talked to me, yes, He truly did' complexes." "Medieval," one of the FBI men said, with a twitch of enormous nervousness. He and his group had become rigid with tension. "We've uncovered a rat's nest with that last question. How'll we clear this up? We can't let this leak out to the newspapers; no one'll ever trust a GB-class system again. I don't. I wouldn't." He eyed the computer with nauseated aversion. Stafford wondered, What do you say to a machine when it acquires a belief in witchcraft? This isn't New England in the seventeenth century. Are we supposed to make Sousa walk over hot coals without being burned? Or get dunked without drowning? Are we supposed to prove to Genux-B that Sousa is not Satan? And if so, how? What would it regard as proof? And where did it get the idea in the first place?
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.5 (Philip K. Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 3692-3719  | Added on Friday, May 18, 2012, 05:06 PM

A machine, he thought. Believing in the Evil Spirit entrenched solidly on Earth. A mass of solid-state circuitry diving deep into age-old theology, with divine creation and miracles on one side and the diabolic on the other. Plunged back into the Dark Ages, and by a man-made electronic construct, not by one of us humans. And they say humans are prone to error. When he returned home that night -- after participating in the dismantling of every Genux-B-style computer on Earth -- seven colored spheres of candy-coated gum lay in a group of the vanity table, waiting for him. It would create quite a gum empire, he decided as he scrutinized the seven bright balls, all the same color. Not much overhead, to say the least. And no dispenser would ever become empty -- not at this rate. Going to the vidphone, he picked up the receiver and began to dial the emergency number which the FBI men had given him. And then reluctantly hung up. It was beginning to look as if the computer had been right, hard as that was to admit. And it had been his decision to go ahead and dismantle it. But the other part was worse. How could he report to the FBI that he had in his possession seven candy-coated balls of gum? Even if they did divide. That in itself would be even harder to report. Even if he could establish that they consisted of illegal -- and rare -- nonterrestrial primitive life forms smuggled to Terra from God knew what bleak planet. Better to live and let live. Perhaps their reproduction cycle would settle down; perhaps after a period of swift binary fission they would adapt to a terran environment and stabilize. After that he could forget about it. And he could flush them down the incinerator chute of his conapt. He did so. But evidently he missed one. Probably, being round, it had rolled off the vanity table. He found it two days later, under the bed, with fifteen like it. So once more he tried to get rid of them all -- and again he missed one; again he found a new nest the following day, and this time he counted forty of them. Naturally, he began to chew up as many as possible -- and as fast. And he tried boiling them -- at least the ones he could find -- in hot water. He even tried spraying them with an indoor insect bomb. At the end of a week, he had 15,832 of them filling the bedroom of his conapt. By this time chewing them out of existence, spraying them out of existence, boiling them out of existence -- all had become impractical. At the end of the month, despite having a scavenger truck haul away as much as it could take, he computed that he owned two million. Ten days later -- from a pay phone down at the corner -- he fatalistically called the FBI. But by then they were no longer able to answer the vidphone.
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.5 (Philip K. Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 8223-32  | Added on Friday, May 18, 2012, 09:11 PM

Half to himself, Fred Doubledome said, "It's psychotic, all right. I asked it if it knew where it was and it said it was floating on a raft in the Mississippi. Now get a confirm for me; ask it who it is." Dr. Pacemaker touched command-request buttons on the console of the vast computer, asking it: WHO ARE YOU? The answer appeared on the vidscreen at once. TOM SAWYER "You see?" Doubledome said. "It is totally out of touch with the reality situation. Has reactivation of Ms. Simpson begun?" "That's affirmative, Doubledome," Pacemaker said. And, as if proving him correct, doors slid aside to reveal the lead-lined container in which Ms. Simpson slept, listening to her favorite daytime soap opera, Ma Perkins.
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.5 (Philip K. Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 8416-21  | Added on Friday, May 18, 2012, 10:20 PM

Once he had experienced vague dreams. They had to do with giving to the poor. In high school he had read Charles Dickens and a vivid idea of the oppressed had fixed itself in his mind to the point where he could see them: all those who did not have a one-room apartment and a job and a high school education. Certain vague place names had floated through his head, gleaned from TV, places like India, where heavy-duty machinery swept up the dying. Once a teaching machine had told him, You have a good heart. That amazed him -- not that a machine would say so, but that it would say it to him. A girl had told him the same thing. He marveled at this. Vast forces colluding to tell him that he was not a bad person! It was a mystery and a delight.
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.5 (Philip K. Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 9247-51  | Added on Friday, May 18, 2012, 10:57 PM

McVane turned on the dome's vacuum circuit and it sucked up the spilled tea. He said nothing. He felt amorphous anger all through him, directed at nothing, fury without object, and he sensed that this was the quality of her own hate: it was a passion which went both nowhere and everywhere. Hate, he thought, like a flock of flies. God, he thought, how I want out of here. How I hate to hate like this, hating spilled tea with the same venom as I hate terminal illness. A one-dimensional universe. It has dwindled to that.
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.5 (Philip K. Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 9672-83  | Added on Saturday, May 19, 2012, 04:34 PM

After a pause, Martine said, "Call Ray." "The cat --" he said. "What cat?" "There." He pointed. "In the poster. On Fat Freddy's lap. That's Dorky. Dorky killed Ray." Silence. "The presence told me," Kemmings said. "It was God. I didn't realize it at the time, but God saw me commit the crime. The murder. And he will never forgive me." His wife stared at him numbly. "God sees everything you do," Kemmings said. "He sees even the falling sparrow. Only in this case it didn't fall; it was grabbed. Grabbed out of the air and torn down. God is tearing this house down which is my body, to pay me back for what I've done. We should have had a building contractor look this house over before we bought it. It's just falling goddam to pieces. In a year there won't be anything left of it. Don't you believe me?"
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.5 (Philip K. Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 9696-9705  | Added on Saturday, May 19, 2012, 04:35 PM

"Just a moment," the ship said. "I'm not equipped to do psychiatric reconstruction of you; I am a simple mechanism, that's all. What is it you want? Where do you want to be and what do you want to be doing?" "I want to arrive at our destinalion," Kemmings said. "I want this trip to be over." Ah, the ship thought. That is the solution. One by one the cryonic systems shut down. One by one the people returned to life, among them Victor Kemmings. What amazed him was the lack of a sense of the passage of time. He had entered the chamber, lain down, had felt the membrane cover him and the temperature begin to drop -- And now he stood on the ship's external plaiform, the unloading plalform, gazing down at a verdant planetary landscape. This, he realized, is LR4-6, the colony world to which I have come in order to begin a new life.
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.5 (Philip K. Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 9762-72  | Added on Saturday, May 19, 2012, 04:37 PM

"You could hardly have a memory of completing the trip." "Wish fulfillment, then. It's the same thing. I'll prove it to you. Do you have a screwdriver?" "Why?" Kemmings said, "I'll remove the back of the TV set and you'll see; there's nothing inside it; no components, no parts, no chassis -- nothing." "I don't have a screwdriver." "A small knife, then. I can see one in your surgical supply bag." Bending, Kemmings lifted up a small scalpel. "This will do. If I show you, will you believe me?" "If there's nothing inside the TV cabinet --" Squatting down, Kemmings removed the screws holding the back panel of the TV set in place. The panel came loose and he set it down on the floor.
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.5 (Philip K. Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 10059-64  | Added on Saturday, May 19, 2012, 05:10 PM

"Both propositions are true," I said. "It is a genuine window on the next world and it is a presentation of Rautavaara's own cultural racial propensities." What we had, in essence, was a model into which we could introduce carefully selected variables. We could introduce into Rautavaara's brain our own conception of the Guide of the Soul, and thereby see how our rendition differed practically from the puerile one of the Earth persons'. This was a novel opportunity to test our own theology. In our opinion, the Earth persons' had been tested sufficiently and been found wanting.
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.5 (Philip K. Dick)
- Note Loc. 10065  | Added on Saturday, May 19, 2012, 05:11 PM

emerging theme of these stories ss
eems to be mentality and subjectivity. internalness.

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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.5 (Philip K. Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 10137-43  | Added on Saturday, May 19, 2012, 05:15 PM

It is striking, the gulf which separates races developing in different star systems. We have tried to understand the Earth persons and we have failed. We are aware, too, that they do not understand us and are appalled in turn by some of our customs. This was demonstrated in the Rautavaara Case. But were we not serving the purposes of detached scientific study? I myself was amazed at Rautavaara's reaction when the Savior ate Mr. Travis. I would have wished to see this most holy of the sacraments fulfilled with the others, with Rautavaara and Elms as well. But we were deprived of this. And the experiment, from our standpoint, failed. And we live now, too, under the ban of unnecessary moral blame.
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.2 (Philip K. Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 79-82  | Added on Saturday, May 19, 2012, 05:19 PM

The Earth reduced to a nuclear ash heap. Robot weapons systems evolving towards baleful anti-empathetic pseudo-life. Human freedom ground down in the name of military security, economic prosperity, or even order for its own sake. Interpenetrating realities. Ironic time-loops and paradoxes. Ordinary people holding ordinary jobs as the heroes and heroines trying to muddle through.
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.2 (Philip K. Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 112-20  | Added on Saturday, May 19, 2012, 05:21 PM

Paranoia, in some respects, I think, is a modern-day development of an ancient, archaic sense that animals still have -- quarry-type animals -- that they're being watched. . . I say paranoia is an atavistic sense. It's a lingering sense, that we had long ago, when we were -- our ancestors were -- very vulnerable to predators, and this sense tells them they're being watched. And they're being watched probably by something that's going to get them. . . And often my characters have this feeling. But what really I've done is, I have atavized their society. That although it's set in the future, in many ways they're living -- there is a retrogressive quality in their lives, you know? They're living like our ancestors did. I mean, the hardware is in the future, the scenery's in the future, but the situations are really from the past. -- Philip K. Dick in an interview, 1974
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.1 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 94-99  | Added on Saturday, May 19, 2012, 05:27 PM

Think of Tung Chien in Faith of Our Fathers, and Ragel Gumm in Time Out of Joint. Their prosaic drudgery proves central to the fate of their worlds. Recall Herb Ellis in Prominent Author, an ordinary guy rewrites the Old Testament for inch-tall goatherds. Reflect on the significance of Herb Sousa's gumballs in Holy Quarrel; on the moral influence of wub-fur, in NotBy Its Cover, and the battle with the sentient pinball machine in Return Match. Small is written large. Large is written small. Shop clerks and storekeepers are just as likely as warlords and messiahs to be at Dick's ontological foci. Old Mrs. Berthelsen, in Captive Market, possesses the ultimate secret of time and space, and uses it to sell vegetables out of a wagon.
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.1 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 105-11  | Added on Saturday, May 19, 2012, 05:29 PM

Perhaps Dick, who began his writing career in Berkeley, California, absorbed the sensibilities of a town that had a carefully nurtured liberal commitment. Perhaps Joe McCarthy and the Korean War sensitized a beginning writer's imagination. We know little of his juvenile years during the Second World War. But we can identify, early and consistently, a mistrust of the military mentality, a fear of what he had seen of the total war machine on either side. He had a great disinclination to accept the slogans of the period that supported the ends over the means. Victory at all cost for Democracy, for Freedom, for the Flag are hollow aphorisms when the price of victory is totalitarian submission to a heartless military bureaucracy: Phil feared this particular future for all of us.
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.1 (Philip K Dick)
- Note Loc. 203  | Added on Saturday, May 19, 2012, 05:31 PM

wings time machine stability
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.1 (Philip K Dick)
- Note Loc. 599  | Added on Saturday, May 19, 2012, 05:31 PM

toy soldiers movement
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.1 (Philip K Dick)
- Note Loc. 1028  | Added on Saturday, May 19, 2012, 05:32 PM

self repairing gun as sole artifact of a civilization
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.1 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 1437-49  | Added on Saturday, May 19, 2012, 05:37 PM

"The First Church has an interesting past," he said. "I suppose you are familiar with it, but I'd like to speak of a few points that are of relevancy to us. "It was in the twentieth century that the Movement began -- during one of the periodic wars. The Movement developed rapidly, feeding on the general sense of futility, the realization that each war was breeding greater war, with no end in sight. The Movement posed a simple answer to the problem: Without military preparations -- weapons -- there could be no war. And without machinery and complex scientific technocracy there could be no weapons. "The Movement preached that you couldn't stop war by planning for it. They preached that man was losing to his machinery and science, that it was getting away from him, pushing him into greater and greater wars. Down with society, they shouted. Down with factories and science! A few more wars and there wouldn't be much left of the world. "The Founder was an obscure person from a small town in the American Middle West. We don't even know his name. All we know is that one day he appeared, preaching a doctrine of non-violence, non-resistance; no fighting, no paying taxes for guns, no research except for medicine. Live out your life quietly, tending your garden, staying out of public affairs; mind your own business. Be obscure, unknown, poor. Give away most of your possessions, leave the city. At least that was what developed from what he told the people."
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.1 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 1457-62  | Added on Saturday, May 19, 2012, 05:38 PM

"But the wars," Conger said. "About them?" "The wars? Well, there were no more wars. It must be acknowledged that the elimination of war was the direct result of non-violence practiced on a general scale. But we can take a more objective view of war today. What was so terrible about it? War had a profound selective value, perfectly in accord with the teachings of Darwin and Mendel and others. Without war the mass of useless, incompetent mankind, without training or intelligence, is permitted to grow and expand unchecked. War acted to reduce their numbers; like storms and earthquakes and droughts, it was nature's way of eliminating the unfit.
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.1 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 1467-75  | Added on Saturday, May 19, 2012, 05:38 PM

They crossed the dark roof. "Doubtless you now know whom those bones belonged to, who it is that we are after. He has been dead just two centuries, now, this ignorant man from the Middle West, this Founder. The tragedy is that the authorities of the time acted too slowly. They allowed him to speak, to get his message across. He was allowed to preach, to start his cult. And once such a thing is under way, there's no stopping it. "But what if he had died before he preached? What if none of his doctrines had ever been spoken? It took only a moment for him to utter them, that we know. They say he spoke just once, just one time. Then the authorities came, taking him away. He offered no resistance; the incident was small." The Speaker turned to Conger. "Small, but we're reaping the consequences of it today."
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.1 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 1486-90  | Added on Saturday, May 19, 2012, 05:39 PM

The Speaker nodded. "You will be instructed on the use of the gun and the operation of the cage. You will be given all data we have on the time and location. The exact spot was a place called Hudson's field. About 1960 in a small community outside Denver, Colorado. And don't forget -- the only means of identification you will have will be the skull. There are visible characteristics of the front teeth, especially the left incisor --"
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.1 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 1567-80  | Added on Saturday, May 19, 2012, 05:42 PM

He walked back through the main section of town, past the library, past the grocery store. It would not be hard; the hard part was over. He would go there; rent a room, prepare to wait until the man appeared. He turned the corner. A woman was coming out of a doorway loaded down with packages. Conger stepped aside to let her pass. The woman glanced at him. Suddenly her face turned white. She stared, her mouth open. Conger hurried on. He looked back. What was wrong with her? The woman was still staring; she had dropped the packages to the ground. He increased his speed. He turned a second corner and went up a side street. When he looked back again the woman had come to the entrance of the street and was starting after him. A man joined her, and the two of them began to run toward him. He lost them and left town, striding quickly, easily, up into the hills at the edge of town. When he reached the cage he stopped. What had happened? Was it something about his clothing? His dress? He pondered. Then, as the sun set, he stepped into the cage. Conger sat before the wheel. For a moment he waited, his hands resting lightly on the control. Then he turned the wheel, just a little, following the control readings carefully. The grayness settled down around him.
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.1 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 1789-98  | Added on Saturday, May 19, 2012, 05:50 PM

Conger looked toward the shelf. There was the neat package. He took it down and unwrapped it. He held the skull in his hands, turning it over. In spite of himself, a cold feeling rushed through him. This was the man's skull, the skull of the Founder, who was still alive, who would come here, this day, who would stand on the field not fifty yards away. What if he could see this, his own skull, yellow and corroded? Two centuries old. Would he still speak? Would he speak, if he could see it, the grinning, aged skull? What would there be for him to say, to tell the people? What message could he bring? What action would not be futile, when a man could look upon his own aged, yellowed skull? Better they should enjoy their temporary lives, while they still had them to enjoy. A man who could hold his own skull in his hands would believe in few causes, few movements. Rather, he would preach the opposite --
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.1 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 1887-99  | Added on Saturday, May 19, 2012, 05:53 PM

"Throw a bomb! You with the beard! Throw a bomb!" "Let 'em have it!" "Toss a few A Bombs!" They began to laugh. He smiled. He put his hands to his hips. They suddenly turned silent, seeing that he was going to speak. "I'm sorry," he said simply. "I don't have any bombs. You're mistaken." There was a flurry of murmuring. "I have a gun," he went on. "A very good one. Made by science even more advanced than your own. But I'm not going to use that, either." They were puzzled. "Why not?" someone called. At the edge of the group an older woman was watching. He felt a sudden shock. He had seen her before. Where? He remembered. The day at the library. As he had turned the corner he had seen her. She had noticed him and been astounded. At the time, he did not understand why.
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.1 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 1887-1902  | Added on Saturday, May 19, 2012, 05:54 PM

"Throw a bomb! You with the beard! Throw a bomb!" "Let 'em have it!" "Toss a few A Bombs!" They began to laugh. He smiled. He put his hands to his hips. They suddenly turned silent, seeing that he was going to speak. "I'm sorry," he said simply. "I don't have any bombs. You're mistaken." There was a flurry of murmuring. "I have a gun," he went on. "A very good one. Made by science even more advanced than your own. But I'm not going to use that, either." They were puzzled. "Why not?" someone called. At the edge of the group an older woman was watching. He felt a sudden shock. He had seen her before. Where? He remembered. The day at the library. As he had turned the corner he had seen her. She had noticed him and been astounded. At the time, he did not understand why. Conger grinned. So he would escape death, the man who right now was voluntarily accepting it. They were laughing, laughing at a man who had a gun but didn't use it. But by a strange twist of science he would appear again, a few months later, after his bones had been buried under the floor of a jail.
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.1 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 1908-15  | Added on Saturday, May 19, 2012, 05:54 PM

A police car came on the edge of the field and stopped. The people retreated a little. Conger raised his hands. "I have an odd paradox for you," he said. "Those who take lives will lose their own. Those who kill, will die. But he who gives his own life away will live again!" They laughed, faintly, nervously. The police were coming out, walking toward him. He smiled. He had said everything he intended to say. It was a good little paradox he had coined. They would puzzle over it, remember it. Smiling, Conger awaited a death foreordained.
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.1 (Philip K Dick)
- Note Loc. 1357  | Added on Saturday, May 19, 2012, 05:57 PM

back n time to kill The Founder. skull. reds. denver. sixties.
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The Collected Stories Of Philip K. Dick Vol. 3 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 230-72  | Added on Saturday, May 19, 2012, 06:03 PM

"What is it?" Bill demanded. "What's the matter, Doug?" Laura caught his arm. "What's wrong? Are you sick? Say something! Doug!" Professor Douglas jerked free and pulled open the front door. He stepped out onto the porch. There was a faint moon. A soft light hovered over everything. "Professor Douglas!" The voice again, sweet and fresh -- a girl's voice. Outlined by the moonlight, at the foot of the porch steps, stood a girl. Blonde-haired, perhaps twenty years old. In a checkered skirt, pale Angora sweater, a silk kerchief around her neck. She was waving at him anxiously, her small face pleading. "Professor, do you have a minute? Something terrible has gone wrong with. . ." Her voice trailed off as she moved nervously away from the house, into the darkness. "What's the matter?" he shouted. He could hear her voice faintly. She was moving off. Douglas was torn with indecision. He hesitated, then hurried impatiently down the stairs after her. The girl retreated from him, wringing her hands together, her full lips twisting wildly with despair. Under her sweater, her breasts rose and fell in an agony of terror, each quiver sharply etched by the moonlight. "What is it?" Douglas cried. "What's wrong?" He hurried angrily after her. "For God's sake, stand still!" The girl was still moving away, drawing him farther and farther away from the house, toward the great green expanse of lawn, the beginning of the campus. Douglas was overcome with annoyance. Damn the girl! Why couldn't she wait for him? "Hold on a minute!" he said, hurrying after her. He started out onto the dark lawn, puffing with exertion. "Who are you? What the hell do you --" There was a flash. A bolt of blinding light crashed past him and seared a smoking pit in the lawn a few feet away. Douglas halted, dumfounded. A second bolt came, this one just ahead of him. The wave of heat threw him back. He stumbled and half fell. The girl had abruptly stopped. She stood silent and unmoving, her face expressionless. There was a peculiar waxy quality to her. She had become, all at once, utterly inanimate. But he had no time to think about that. Douglas turned and lumbered back toward the house. A third bolt came, striking just ahead of him. He veered to the right and threw himself into the shrubs growing near the wall. Rolling and gasping, he pressed against the concrete side of the house, squeezing next to it as hard as he could. There was a sudden shimmer in the star-studded sky above him. A faint motion. Then nothing. He was alone. The bolts ceased. And -- The girl was gone, also. A decoy. A clever imitation to lure him away from the house, so he'd move out into the open where they could take a shot at him. He got shakily to his feet and edged around the side of the house. Bill Henderson and Laura and Berg were on the porch, talking nervously and looking around for him. There was his car, parked in the driveway. Maybe, if he could reach it -- He peered up at the sky. Only stars. No hint of them. If he could get in his car and drive off, down the highway, away from the mountains, toward Denver, where it was lower, maybe he'd be safe. He took a deep, shuddering breath. Only ten yards to the car. Thirty feet. If he could once get in it -- He ran. Fast. Down the path and along the driveway. He grabbed open the car door and leaped inside. With one quick motion he threw the switch and released the brake. The car glided forward. The motor came on with a sputter. Douglas bore down desperately on the gas. The car leaped forward. On the porch, Laura shrieked and started down the stairs. Her cry and Bill's startled shout were lost in the roar of the engine. A moment later he was on the highway, racing away from town, down the long, curving road toward Denver.
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The Collected Stories Of Philip K. Dick Vol. 3 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 326-32  | Added on Saturday, May 19, 2012, 06:04 PM

Douglas peered up. He couldn't see them, but they were there, waiting for him to get out of his car. His knowledge, his ability, would be utilized by an alien culture. He would become an instrument in their hands. All his learning would be theirs. He would be a slave and nothing more. Yet, in a way, it was a complement. From a whole society, he alone had been selected. His skill and knowledge, over everything else. A faint glow rose in his cheeks. Probably they had been studying him for some time. The great eye had no doubt often peered down through its telescope, or microscope, or whatever it was, peered down and seen him. Seen his ability and realized what that would be worth to its own culture.
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The Collected Stories Of Philip K. Dick Vol. 3 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 345-57  | Added on Saturday, May 19, 2012, 06:05 PM

Shapes. Two enormous shapes squatting down. Two incredibly huge figures bending over. One was drawing in the net. The other watched, holding something in its hand. A landscape. Dim forms too vast for Douglas to comprehend. At last, a thought came. What a struggle. It was worth it, thought the other creature. Their thoughts roared through him. Powerful thoughts, from immense minds. I was right. The biggest yet. What a catch! Must weigh all of twenty-four ragets! At last! Suddenly Douglas's composure left him. A chill of horror flashed through his mind. What were they talking about? What did they mean? But then he was being dumped from the net. He was falling. Something was coming up at him. A flat, shiny surface. What was it? Oddly, it looked almost like a frying pan.
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The Collected Stories Of Philip K. Dick Vol. 3 (Philip K Dick)
- Note Loc. 28  | Added on Saturday, May 19, 2012, 06:06 PM

nuclear physics professor eaten by aother race
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The Collected Stories Of Philip K. Dick Vol. 3 (Philip K Dick)
- Note Loc. 28  | Added on Saturday, May 19, 2012, 10:26 PM

fair game ... nuclear physics professor eaten by aother race
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The Collected Stories Of Philip K. Dick Vol. 3 (Philip K Dick)
- Note Loc. 360  | Added on Saturday, May 19, 2012, 10:30 PM

hanging stranger ... strangerhaging from lamppost to id non insect non fake humans
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The Collected Stories Of Philip K. Dick Vol. 3 (Philip K Dick)
- Note Loc. 711  | Added on Saturday, May 19, 2012, 10:31 PM

the eyes have it ... various uses of eyes that lead one to think of them as aliens
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The Collected Stories Of Philip K. Dick Vol. 3 (Philip K Dick)
- Note Loc. 3739  | Added on Saturday, May 19, 2012, 10:33 PM

to serve the master ... abandoned computer relic wit fake story to trick imtorebuilding
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The Collected Stories Of Philip K. Dick Vol. 3 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 4028-33  | Added on Saturday, May 19, 2012, 10:34 PM

"Try to understand, Fleming. By accustoming myself to everyday objects of my research period I transform my relation from mere intellectual curiosity to genuine empathy. You have frequently noticed I pronounce certain words oddly. The accent is that of an American businessman of the Eisenhower administration. Dig me?" "Eh?" Fleming muttered. "Dig me was a twentieth-century expression." Miller laid out his study spools on his desk. "Was there anything you wanted? If
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The Collected Stories Of Philip K. Dick Vol. 3 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 4033-38  | Added on Saturday, May 19, 2012, 10:35 PM

I've uncovered fascinating evidence to indicate that although twentieth-century Americans laid their own floor tiles, they did not weave their own clothing. I wish to alter my exhibits on this matter." "There's no fanatic like an academician," Fleming grated. "You're two hundred years behind times. Immersed in your relics and artifacts. Your damn authentic replicas of discarded trivia." "I love my work," Miller answered mildly.
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The Collected Stories Of Philip K. Dick Vol. 3 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 4179-98  | Added on Saturday, May 19, 2012, 10:43 PM

Miller rubbed his forehead vaguely. "I don't know. It's all confused. I don't remember looking for any newspaper. I remember coming back in the house. Then it gets clear. But before that it's all tied up with the History Agency and my quarrel with Fleming." "What was that again about your briefcase? Go over that." "Fleming said it looked like a squashed Jurassic lizard. And I said --" "No. I mean, about looking for it in the closet and not finding it." "I looked in the closet and it wasn't there, of course. It's sitting beside my desk at the History Agency. On the Twentieth Century level. By my exhibits." A strange expression crossed Miller's face. "Good God, Grunberg. You realize this may be nothing but an exhibit? You and everybody else -- maybe you're not real. Just pieces of this exhibit." "That wouldn't be very pleasant for us, would it?" Grunberg said, with a faint smile. "People in dreams are always secure until the dreamer wakes up," Miller retorted. "So you're dreaming me," Grunberg laughed tolerantly. "I suppose I should thank you." "I'm not here because I especially like you. I'm here because I can't stand Fleming and the whole History Agency." Grunberg protested. "This Fleming. Are you aware of thinking about him before you went out looking for the newspaper?" Miller got to his feet and paced around the luxurious office, between the leather-covered chairs and the huge mahogany desk. "I want to face this thing. I'm an exhibit. An artificial replica of the past. Fleming said something like this would happen to me."
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The Collected Stories Of Philip K. Dick Vol. 3 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 4281-93  | Added on Saturday, May 19, 2012, 10:47 PM

Fleming grunted sourly. "In other words, you're going to stay in there." "It's a pleasant place," Miller said easily. "Of course, my position is better than average. Let me describe it for you. I have an attractive wife: marriage is permitted, even sanctioned in this era. I have two fine kids -- both boys -- who are going up to the Russian River this weekend. They live with me and my wife -- we have complete custody of them. The State has no power of that, yet. I have a brand new Buick --" "Illusions," Fleming spat. "Psychotic delusions." "Are you sure?" "You damn fool! I always knew you were too ego-recessive to face reality. You and your anachronistic retreats. Sometimes I'm ashamed I'm a theoretician. I wish I had gone into engineering." Fleming's lips twitched. "You're insane, you know. You're standing in the middle of an artificial exhibit, which is owned by the History Agency, a bundle of plastic and wire and struts. A replica of a past age. An imitation. And you'd rather be there than in the real world." "Strange," Miller said thoughtfully. "Seems to me I've heard the same thing very recently. You don't know a Doctor Grunberg, do you? A psychiatrist."
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The Collected Stories Of Philip K. Dick Vol. 3 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 4319-29  | Added on Saturday, May 19, 2012, 10:48 PM

"Of course. The exhibit is only a bridge, a link with the past. I passed through the exhibit, but I'm not there now. I'm beyond the exhibit." He grinned tightly. "Your demolition can't reach me. But seal me off, if you want. I don't think I'll be wanting to come back. I wish you could see this side, Carnap. It's a nice place here. Freedom, opportunity. Limited government, responsible to the people. If you don't like a job here you quit. There's no euthanasia, here. Come on over. I'll introduce you to my wife." "We'll get you," Carnap said. "And all your psychotic figments along with you." "I doubt if any of my 'psychotic figments' are worried. Grunberg wasn't. I don't think Marjorie is --" "We've already begun demolition preparations," Carnap said calmly. "We'll do it piece by piece, not all at once. So you may have the opportunity to appreciate the scientific and -- artistic way we take your imaginary world apart." "You're wasting your time,"
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The Collected Stories Of Philip K. Dick Vol. 3 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 4331-38  | Added on Saturday, May 19, 2012, 10:49 PM

In the living room he threw himself down in the easy chair and snapped on the television set. Then he went to the kitchen and got a can of ice cold beer. He carried it happily back into the safe, comfortable living room. As he was seating himself in front of the television set he noticed something rolled up on the low coffee table. He grinned wryly. It was the morning newspaper, which he had looked so hard for. Marjorie had brought it in with the milk, as usual. And of course forgotten to tell him. He yawned contentedly and reached over to pick it up. Confidently, he unfolded it -- and read the big black headlines. RUSSIA REVEALS COBALT BOMB TOTAL WORLD DESTRUCTION AHEAD
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The Collected Stories Of Philip K. Dick Vol. 3 (Philip K Dick)
- Note Loc. 4015  | Added on Saturday, May 19, 2012, 10:49 PM

exhibit piece ... twentieth century exhibt time gate cobalt bmb world destruction
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The Collected Stories Of Philip K. Dick Vol. 3 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 4447-48  | Added on Sunday, May 20, 2012, 08:36 AM

The old woman's eyes flashed. "You people and your machines. See what you've done!" She jabbed a bony finger at him excitedly. "Now you have to fix it. You have to do something."
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The Collected Stories Of Philip K. Dick Vol. 3 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 4515-24  | Added on Sunday, May 20, 2012, 08:40 AM

He built, and the more he built the more he enjoyed building. By now the city was over eighty miles deep and five miles in diameter. The whole island had been converted into a single vast city that honeycombed and interlaced farther each day. Eventually it would reach the land beyond the ocean; then the work would begin in earnest. To his right, a thousand methodically moving companions toiled silently on the structural support that was to reinforce the main breeding chamber. As soon as it was in place everyone would feel better; the mothers were just now beginning to bring forth their young. That was what worried him. It took some of the joy out ot building. He had seen one of the first born -- before it was quickly hidden and the thing hushed up. A brief glimpse of a bulbous head, foreshortened body, incredibly rigid extensions. It shrieked and wailed and turned red in the face. Gurgled and plucked aimlessly and kicked its feet. In horror, somebody had finally mashed the throwback with a rock. And hoped there wouldn't be any more.
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The Collected Stories Of Philip K. Dick Vol. 3 (Philip K Dick)
- Note Loc. 4341  | Added on Sunday, May 20, 2012, 08:41 AM

the crawlers ... subterranean human species branch. caused by radiation lab.
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.5 (Philip K. Dick)
- Note Loc. 3160  | Added on Sunday, May 20, 2012, 11:36 AM

holy qarrel ... supercomputer n control of military sets off red alert over gumball machines
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.5 (Philip K. Dick)
- Note Loc. 8172  | Added on Sunday, May 20, 2012, 11:42 AM

the day mr computer fell out of its tree ... computer crazy because joe contemptible is crazy
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.5 (Philip K. Dick)
- Note Loc. 8352  | Added on Sunday, May 20, 2012, 11:45 AM

the exit door leadsin ... bob bibleman gets selected to attend military college remote place. trns out to be a test re classified information about engine.
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.5 (Philip K. Dick)
- Note Loc. 8352  | Added on Sunday, May 20, 2012, 11:45 AM

the exit door leads in ... bob bibleman gets selected to attend military college remote place. trns out to be a test re classified information about engine.
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.5 (Philip K. Dick)
- Note Loc. 9374  | Added on Sunday, May 20, 2012, 11:46 AM

strange memoriesof death ... apartment. lysol lady. paranoia. money separaing sane and insane. buying apartment.
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.5 (Philip K. Dick)
- Note Loc. 8833  | Added on Sunday, May 20, 2012, 11:48 AM

chains of air web of aether ... technicians on remote stations. one gets sick. death spreading organism. 
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.5 (Philip K. Dick)
- Note Loc. 9492  | Added on Sunday, May 20, 2012, 11:49 AM

i hopei shall arrive soon ... ship suspended consciousness feeding memories depression last time real
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.5 (Philip K. Dick)
- Note Loc. 9919  | Added on Sunday, May 20, 2012, 11:51 AM

rautavaaras case ... plasma beings rescue human. brain still alive. afterlife experiment. our version of god
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.5 (Philip K. Dick)
- Note Loc. 10145  | Added on Sunday, May 20, 2012, 12:03 PM

the alien mind ... ship is redirected off course. kills cat. lands. takes off.
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.4 (Philip K. Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 228-34  | Added on Sunday, May 20, 2012, 02:14 PM

"Isn't there some limiting injunction?" Ferine asked nervously. "Were they set up to expand indefinitely?" "Each factory is limited to its own operational area," O'Neill said, "but the network itself is unbounded. It can go on scooping up our resources forever. The Institute decided it gets top priority; we mere people come second." "Will there be anything left for us?" Morrison wanted to know. "Not unless we can stop the network's operations. It's already used up half a dozen basic minerals.
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.4 (Philip K. Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 282-87  | Added on Sunday, May 20, 2012, 02:17 PM

The factory representative moved toward the door. "Until such time as your community finds other sources of milk supply, the network will continue to supply you. Analytical and evaluating apparatus will remain in this area, conducting the customary random sampling." Ferine shouted futilely, "How can we find other sources? You have the whole setup! You're running the whole show!" Following after it, he bellowed, "You say we're not ready to run things -- you claim we're not capable. How do you know? You don't give us a chance! We'll never have a chance!"
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.4 (Philip K. Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 330-38  | Added on Sunday, May 20, 2012, 02:19 PM

"Ruins-squatters," O'Neill said gloomily. "Too far from the network -- not tangent to any of the factories." "It's their own fault," Morrison told him angrily. "They could come into one of the settlements." "That was their town. They're trying to do what we 're trying to do -- build up things again on their own. But they're starting now, without tools or machines, with their bare hands, nailing together bits of rubble. And it won't work. We need machines. We can't repair ruins; we've got to start industrial production." Ahead lay a series of broken hills, chipped remains that had once been a ridge. Beyond stretched out the titanic ugly sore of an H-bomb crater, half filled with stagnant water and slime, a disease-ridden inland sea.
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.4 (Philip K. Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 375-79  | Added on Sunday, May 20, 2012, 02:21 PM

"What happens when we've identified the missing element?" Morrison asked O'Neill. "What happens when we've got two tangent factories short on the same material?" "Then," O'Neill said grimly, "we start collecting the material ourselves -- even if we have to melt down every object in the settlements."
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.4 (Philip K. Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 529-45  | Added on Sunday, May 20, 2012, 04:59 PM

A single battered ore-gathering cart was creeping clumsily toward the factory. One last damaged mobile unit trying to complete its task. The cart was virtually empty; a few meager scraps of metal lay strewn in its hold. A scavenger. . . the metal was sections ripped from destroyed equipment encountered on the way. Feebly, like a blind metallic insect, the cart approached the factory. Its progress was incredibly jerky. Every now and then, it halted, bucked and quivered, and wandered aimlessly off the path. "Control is bad," Judith said, with a touch of horror in her voice. "The factory's having trouble guiding it back." Yes, he had seen that. Around New York, the factory had lost its high-frequency transmitter completely. Its mobile units had floundered in crazy gyrations, racing in random circles, crashing against rocks and trees, sliding into gullies, overturning, finally unwinding and becoming reluctantly inanimate. The ore cart reached the edge of the ruined plain and halted briefly. Above it, the dot of black still circled the sky. For a time, the cart remained frozen. "The factory's trying to decide," Ferine said. "It needs the material, but it's afraid of that hawk up there." The factory debated and nothing stirred. Then the ore cart again resumed its unsteady crawl. It left the tangle of vines and started out across the blasted open plain. Painfully, with infinite caution, it headed toward the slab of dark concrete and metal at the base of the mountains. The hawk stopped circling. "Get down!" O'Neill said sharply. "They've got those rigged with the new bombs."
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.4 (Philip K. Dick)
- Note Loc. 109  | Added on Sunday, May 20, 2012, 05:17 PM

autofac .. automatic factory that wont stop producing. war started. multilevel plant. bottom is generating miniature factories.
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.4 (Philip K. Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 995-1001  | Added on Sunday, May 20, 2012, 08:11 PM

"And your job," Pesbroke muttered, "is to keep the swibbles working?" "They do get out of adjustment, left to themselves." "Isn't it a kind of paradox?" Pesbroke pursued. "The swibbles keep us in adjustment, and we keep them in adjustment. . . it's a closed circle." The repairman was intrigued. "Yes, that's an interesting way of putting it. But we must keep control over the swibbles, of course. So they don't die." He shivered. "Or worse."
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.4 (Philip K. Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 1009-19  | Added on Sunday, May 20, 2012, 08:13 PM

"The swibble has direct access to human minds?" Anderson asked, fascinated. "Naturally. It's an artificially evolved telepathic metazoan. And with it, Wright solved the basic problem of modern times: the existence of diverse, warring ideological factions, the presence of disloyalty and dissent. In the words of General Steiner's famous aphorism: War is an extension of the disagreement from the voting booth to the battlefield. And the preamble of the World Service Charter: war, if it is to be eliminated, must be eliminated from the minds of men, for it is in the minds of men that disagreement begins. Up until 1963, we had no way to get into the minds of men. Up until 1963, the problem was unsolvable." "Thank God," Fay said clearly. The repairman failed to hear her; he was carried away by his own enthusiasm. "By means of the swibble, we've managed to transform the basic sociological problem of loyalty into a routine technical matter: to the mere matter of maintenance and repair. Our only concern is keep the swibbles functioning correctly; the rest is up to them."
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.4 (Philip K. Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 1405-18  | Added on Monday, May 21, 2012, 07:05 PM

Masterson and Crowley looked uneasily at each other. "She sure is mad," Masterson said apprehensively. Tellman hurried up, glanced at the old woman getting into her truck, and then bent down to root around in one of the cartons of groceries. Childish greed flushed across his thin face. "Look," he gasped. "Coffee -- fifteen pounds of it. Can we open some? Can we get one tin open, to celebrate?" "Sure," Crowley said tonelessly, his eyes on the truck. With a muffled roar, the truck turned in a wide arc and rumbled off down the crude platform, toward the ash. It rolled off into the ash, slithered for a short distance, and then faded out. Only the bleak, sun-swept plain of darkness remained. "Coffee!" Tellman shouted gleefully. He tossed the bright metal can high in the air and clumsily caught it again. "A celebration! Our last night -- last meal on Earth!" It was true. As the red pickup truck jogged metallically along the road, Mrs Berthelson scanned "ahead" and saw that the men were telling the truth. Her thin lips writhed; in her mouth an acid taste of bile rose. She had taken it for granted that they would continue to buy -- there was no competition, no other source of supply. But they were leaving. And when they left, there would be no more market.
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.4 (Philip K. Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 1467-76  | Added on Monday, May 21, 2012, 07:08 PM

On Masterson's shattered face glittered the first stirrings of hysteria. "Do you think--" "No, Crowley muttered. "It isn't possible." Masterson began to giggle. Tears streaked the grime of his cheeks; drops of thick moisture dripped down his neck into his charred collar. "She did it. She fixed us. She wants us to stay here." "No," Crowley repeated. He shut out the thought. It couldn't be. It just couldn't, "We'll get away," he said. "We'll assemble the remains -- start over." "She'll be back," Masterson quavered. "She knows we'll be here waiting for her. Customers!" "No," Crowley said. He didn't believe it; he made himself not believe it. "We'll get away. We've got to get away!"
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.4 (Philip K. Dick)
- Note Loc. 672  | Added on Monday, May 21, 2012, 07:09 PM

service call ... service for unknown device by service man from future. 
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.4 (Philip K. Dick)
- Note Loc. 1096  | Added on Monday, May 21, 2012, 07:10 PM

captive market ... woman travels through time to find a captive market
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.1 (Philip K Dick)
- Bookmark Loc. 831  | Added on Tuesday, May 22, 2012, 07:54 PM


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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.1 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 826-35  | Added on Tuesday, May 22, 2012, 07:55 PM

The Optus went off, wordless. Franco joined the first mate at the bottom of the gangplank. "How's it coming?" he asked. He looked at his watch. "We got a good bargain here." The mate glanced at him sourly. "How do you explain that?" "What's the matter with you? We need it more than they do." "I'll see you later, Captain." The mate threaded his way up the plank, between the long-legged Martian go-birds, into the ship. Franco watched him disappear. He was just starting up after him, up the plank toward the port, when he saw it. "My God!" He stood staring, his hands on his hips. Peterson was walking along the path, his face red, leading it by a string.
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.1 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 864-77  | Added on Tuesday, May 22, 2012, 07:56 PM

"Let's have a look at it." He advanced, squinting critically. "You got this for fifty cents?" "Yes, sir," Peterson said. "It eats almost anything. I fed it on grain and it liked that. And then potatoes, and mash, and scraps from the table, and milk. It seems to enjoy eating. After it eats it lies down and goes to sleep." "I see," Captain Franco said. "Now, as to its taste. That's the real question. I doubt if there's much point in fattening it up any more. It seems fat enough to me already. Where's the cook? I want him here. I want to find out --" The wub stopped lapping and looked up at the Captain. "Really, Captain," the wub said. "I suggest we talk of other matters." The room was silent. "What was that?" Franco said. "Just now." "The wub, sir," Peterson said. "It spoke." They all looked at the wub. "What did it say? What did it say?" "It suggested we talk about other things."
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.1 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 880-90  | Added on Tuesday, May 22, 2012, 07:57 PM

"Oh, goodness!" the wub cried. "Is that all you people can think of, killing and cutting?" Franco clenched his fists. "Come out of there! Whoever you are, come out!" Nothing stirred. The men stood together, their faces blank, staring at the wub. The wub swished its tail. It belched suddenly. "I beg your pardon," the wub said. "I don't think there's anyone in there," Jones said in a low voice. They all looked at each other. The cook came in. "You wanted me, Captain?" he said. "What's this thing?" "This is a wub," Franco said. "It's to be eaten. Will you measure it and figure out --" "I think we should have a talk," the wub said. "I'd like to discuss this with you, Captain, if I might. I can see that you and I do not agree on some basic issues."
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.1 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 903-13  | Added on Tuesday, May 22, 2012, 07:57 PM

"And you speak English? You've been in contact with Earthmen before?" "No." "Then how do you do it?" "Speak English? Am I speaking English? I'm not conscious of speaking anything in particular. I examined your mind --" "My mind?" "I studied the contents, especially the semantic warehouse, as I refer to it --" "I see," the Captain said. "Telepathy. Of course." "We are a very old race," the wub said. "Very old and very ponderous. It is difficult for us to move around. You can appreciate anything so slow and heavy would be at the mercy of more agile forms of life. There was no use in our relying on physical defenses. How could we win? Too heavy to run, too soft to fight, too good-natured to hunt for game --"
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.1 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 924-32  | Added on Tuesday, May 22, 2012, 07:58 PM

"Indeed." The Captain nodded. "But to get back to the problem. . ." "Quite so. You spoke of dining on me. The taste, I am told, is good. A little fatty, but tender. But how can any lasting contact be established between your people and mine if you resort to such barbaric attitudes? Eat me? Rather you should discuss questions with me, philosophy, the arts --" The Captain stood up. "Philosophy. It might interest you to know that we will be hard put to find something to eat for the next month. An unfortunate spoilage --" "I know." The wub nodded. "But wouldn't it be more in accord with your principles of democracy if we all drew straws, or something along that line? After all, democracy is to protect the minority from just such infringements. Now, if each of us casts one vote
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.1 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 937-44  | Added on Tuesday, May 22, 2012, 07:59 PM

The room was quiet. "So you see," the wub said, "we have a common myth. Your mind contains many familiar myth symbols. Ishtar, Odysseus --" Peterson sat silently, staring at the floor. He shifted in his chair. "Go on," he said. "Please go on." "I find in your Odysseus a figure common to the mythology of most self-conscious races. As I interpret it, Odysseus wanders as an individual aware of himself as such. This is the idea of separation, of separation from family and country. The process of individuation."
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.1 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 973-78  | Added on Tuesday, May 22, 2012, 08:00 PM

"You are quite afraid, aren't you?" the wub said. "Have I done anything to you? I am against the idea of hurting. All I have done is try to protect myself. Can you expect me to rush eagerly to my death? I am a sensible being like yourselves. I was curious to see your ship, learn about you. I suggested to the native --" The gun jerked. "See," Franco said. "I thought so."
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.1 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 973-87  | Added on Tuesday, May 22, 2012, 08:00 PM

"You are quite afraid, aren't you?" the wub said. "Have I done anything to you? I am against the idea of hurting. All I have done is try to protect myself. Can you expect me to rush eagerly to my death? I am a sensible being like yourselves. I was curious to see your ship, learn about you. I suggested to the native --" The gun jerked. "See," Franco said. "I thought so." The wub settled down, panting. It put its paws out, pulling its tail around it. "It is very warm," the wub said. "I understand that we are close to the jets. Atomic power. You have done many wonderful things with it -- technically. Apparently your scientific hierarchy is not equipped to solve moral, ethical --" Franco turned to the men, crowding behind him, wide-eyed, silent. "I'll do it. You can watch." French nodded. "Try to hit the brain. It's no good for eating. Don't hit the chest. If the rib cage shatters, we'll have to pick bones out." "Listen," Peterson said, licking his lips. "Has it done anything? What harm has it done? I'm asking you. And anyhow, it's still mine. You have no right to shoot it. It doesn't belong to you."
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.1 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 1013-26  | Added on Tuesday, May 22, 2012, 08:02 PM

"It is only organic matter, now," he said. "The life essence is gone." He ate, spooning up the gravy with some bread. "I, myself, love to eat. It is one of the greatest things that a living creature can enjoy. Eating, resting, meditation, discussing things." Peterson nodded. Two more men got up and went out. The Captain drank some water and sighed. "Well," he said. "I must say that this was a very enjoyable meal. All the reports I had heard were quite true -- the taste of wub. Very fine. But I was prevented from enjoying this in times past." He dabbed at his lips with his napkin and leaned back in his chair. Peterson stared dejectedly at the table. The Captain watched him intently. He leaned over. "Come, come," he said. "Cheer up! Let's discuss things." He smiled. "As I was saying before I was interrupted, the role of Odysseus in the myths --" Peterson jerked up, staring. "To go on," the Captain said. "Odysseus, as I understand him --"
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June

The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.1 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 2912-24  | Added on Friday, June 01, 2012, 09:09 AM

One day he and the Professor had been sitting together in the school chapel, talking leisurely. "Well, you'll be out of school, soon," the Professor had said. "What are you going to do?" "Do? Work at one of the Government Research Projects, I suppose." "And eventually? What's your ultimate goal?" Kramer had smiled. "The question is unscientific. It presupposes such things as ultimate ends." "Suppose instead along these lines, then: What if there were no war and no Government Research Projects? What would you do, then?" "I don't know. But how can I imagine a hypothetical situation like that? There's been war as long as I can remember. We're geared for war. I don't know what I'd do. I suppose I'd adjust, get used to it." The Professor had stared at him. "Oh, you do think you'd get accustomed to it, eh? Well, I'm glad of that. And you think you could find something to do?"
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.1 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 3137-40  | Added on Friday, June 01, 2012, 09:55 AM

"I don't doubt that. My conception, my plan, came to me as soon as you began to describe your project, that day at my house. I saw at once that you were wrong; you people have no understanding of the mind at all. I realized that the transfer of a human brain from an organic body to a complex artificial spaceship would not involve the loss of the intellectualization faculty of the mind. When a man thinks, he is.
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.1 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 3145-53  | Added on Friday, June 01, 2012, 09:56 AM

The human society has evolved war as a cultural institution, like the science of astronomy, or mathematics. War is a part of our lives, a career, a respected vocation. Bright, alert young men and women move into it, putting their shoulders to the wheel as they did in the time of Nebuchadnezzar. It has always been so. "But is it innate in mankind? I don't think so. No social custom is innate. There were many human groups that did not go to war; the Eskimos never grasped the idea at all, and the American Indians never took to it well. "But these dissenters were wiped out, and a cultural pattern was established that became the standard for the whole planet. Now it has become ingrained in us. "But if someplace along the line some other way of settling problems had arisen and taken hold, something different than the massing of men and to
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.1 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 3145-53  | Added on Friday, June 01, 2012, 09:56 AM

The human society has evolved war as a cultural institution, like the science of astronomy, or mathematics. War is a part of our lives, a career, a respected vocation. Bright, alert young men and women move into it, putting their shoulders to the wheel as they did in the time of Nebuchadnezzar. It has always been so. "But is it innate in mankind? I don't think so. No social custom is innate. There were many human groups that did not go to war; the Eskimos never grasped the idea at all, and the American Indians never took to it well. "But these dissenters were wiped out, and a cultural pattern was established that became the standard for the whole planet. Now it has become ingrained in us. "But if someplace along the line some other way of settling problems had arisen and taken hold, something different than the massing of men and to --"
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.1 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 3163-67  | Added on Friday, June 01, 2012, 10:46 AM

That would be time enough, sufficient to see the direction of the new colony. After that -- Well, after that it would be up to the colony itself. "Which is just as well, of course. Man must take control eventually, on his own. One hundred years, and after that they will have control of their destiny. Perhaps I am wrong, perhaps war is more than a habit. Perhaps it is a law of the universe, that things can only survive as groups by group violence.
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.1 (Philip K Dick)
- Bookmark Loc. 16  | Added on Friday, June 01, 2012, 10:50 AM


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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.1 (Philip K Dick)
- Note Loc. 2475  | Added on Friday, June 01, 2012, 10:50 AM

mr spaceship ... old man brain in ship new eden
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.1 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 2044-55  | Added on Friday, June 01, 2012, 11:05 AM

The door beyond the wall opened. Taylor peered through his view slot. He saw something advancing slowly, a slender metallic figure moving on a tread, its arm grips at rest by its sides. The figure halted and scanned the lead wall. It stood, waiting. "We are interested in learning something," Franks said. "Before I question you, do you have anything to report on surface conditions?" "No. The war continues." The leady's voice was automatic and toneless. "We are a little short of fast pursuit craft, the single-seat type. We could use also some --" "That has all been noted. What I want to ask you is this. Our contact with you has been through vidscreen only. We must rely on indirect evidence, since none of us goes above. We can only infer what is going on. We never see anything ourselves. We have to take it all secondhand. Some top leaders are beginning to think there's too much room for error." "Error?" the leady asked. "In what way? Our reports are checked carefully before they're sent down. We maintain constant contact with you; everything of value is reported. Any new weapons which the enemy is seen to employ --"
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.1 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 2073-87  | Added on Friday, June 01, 2012, 02:12 PM

He put his shoulder against the wall and a section slid aside. Taylor gasped -- Franks and Moss were hurrying up to the leady! "Good God!" Taylor said. "But it's radioactive!" The leady stood unmoving, still holding the metal. Soldiers appeared in the chamber. They surrounded the leady and ran a counter across it carefully. "OK, sir," one of them said to Franks. "It's as cold as a long winter evening." "Good. I was sure, but I didn't want to take any chances." "You see," Moss said to Taylor, "this leady isn't hot at all. Yet it came directly from the surface, without even being bathed." "But what does it mean?" Taylor asked blankly. "It may be an accident," Franks said. "There's always the possibility that a given object might escape being exposed above. But this is the second time it's happened that we know of. There may be others." "The second time?" "The previous interview was when we noticed it. The leady was not hot. It was cold, too, like this one."
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.1 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 2116-21  | Added on Friday, June 01, 2012, 02:13 PM

He stood for a long time, staring ahead. Slowly, he reached for the newspaper and held it up to the light. "It looks real," he murmured. "Ruins, deadness, slag. It's convincing. All the reports, photographs, films, even air samples. Yet we haven't seen it for ourselves, not after the first months. . . ." "What are you talking about?" "Nothing." He put the paper down. "I'm leaving early after the next Sleep Period. Let's turn in."
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.1 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 2186-2211  | Added on Friday, June 01, 2012, 02:27 PM

"This is Security," Franks said. "Have an A-class sent to me at once." The leady hesitated. Other B-class guards were coming, scooting across the floor, alert and alarmed. Moss peered around. "Obey!" Franks said in a loud, commanding voice. "You've been ordered!" The leady moved uncertainly away from them. At the end of the building, a door slid back. Two Class-A leadies appeared, coming slowly toward them. Each had a green stripe across its front. "From the Surface Council," Franks whispered tensely. "This is above ground, all right. Get set." The two leadies approached warily. Without speaking, they stopped close by the men, looking them up and down. "I'm Franks of Security. We came from undersurface in order to --" "This is incredible," one leady interrupted him coldly. "You know you can't live up here. The whole surface is lethal to you. You can't possibly remain on the surface." "These suits will protect us," Franks said. "In any case, it's not your responsibility. What I want is an immediate Council meeting so I can acquaint myself with conditions, with the situation here. Can that be arranged?" "You human beings can't survive up here. And the new Soviet attack is directed at this area. It is in considerable danger." "We know that. Please assemble the Council." Franks looked around him at the vast room, lit by recessed lamps in the ceiling. An uncertain quality came into his voice. "Is it night or day right now?" "Night," one of the A-class leadies said, after a pause. "Dawn is coming in about two hours." Franks nodded. "We'll remain at least two hours, then. As a concession to our sentimentality, would you please show us some place where we can observe the sun as it comes up? We would appreciate it." A stir went through the leadies. "It is an unpleasant sight," one of the leadies said. "You've seen the photographs; you know what you'll witness. Clouds of drifting particles blot out the light, slag heaps are everywhere, the whole land is destroyed. For you it will be a staggering sight, much worse than pictures and film can convey."
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.1 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 2223-27  | Added on Friday, June 01, 2012, 02:29 PM

"This astonishes and perplexes us," it said. "Of course we must do what you tell us, but allow me to point out that if you remain here --" "We know," Franks said impatiently. "However, we intend to remain, at least until sunrise." "If you insist."
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.1 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 2223-36  | Added on Friday, June 01, 2012, 02:29 PM

"This astonishes and perplexes us," it said. "Of course we must do what you tell us, but allow me to point out that if you remain here --" "We know," Franks said impatiently. "However, we intend to remain, at least until sunrise." "If you insist." There was silence. The leadies seemed to be conferring with each other, although the three men heard no sound. "For your own good," the leader said at last, "you must go back down. We have discussed this, and it seems to us that you are doing the wrong thing for your own good." "We are human beings," Franks said sharply. "Don't you understand? We're men, not machines." "That is precisely why you must go back. This room is radioactive; all surface areas are. We calculate that your suits will not protect you for over fifty more minutes. Therefore --" The leadies moved abruptly toward the men, wheeling in a circle, forming a solid row. The men stood up, Taylor reaching awkwardly for his weapon, his fingers numb and stupid. The men stood facing the silent metal figures.
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.1 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 2237-2306  | Added on Friday, June 01, 2012, 02:33 PM

"We must insist," the leader said, its voice without emotion. "We must take you back to the Tube and send you down on the next car. I am sorry, but it is necessary." "What'll we do?" Moss said nervously to Franks. He touched his gun. "Shall we blast them?" Franks shook his head. "All right," he said to the leader. "We'll go back." He moved toward the door, motioning Taylor and Moss to follow him. They looked at him in surprise, but they came with him. The leadies followed them out into the great warehouse. Slowly they moved toward the Tube entrance, none of them speaking. At the lip, Franks turned. "We are going back because we have no choice. There are three of us and about a dozen of you. However, if --" "Here comes the car," Taylor said. There was a grating sound from the Tube. D-class leadies moved toward the edge to receive it. "I am sorry," the leader said, "but it is for your protection. We are watching over you, literally. You must stay below and let us conduct the war. In a sense, it has come to be our war. We must fight it as we see fit." The car rose to the surface. Twelve soldiers, armed with Bender pistols, stepped from it and surrounded the three men. Moss breathed a sigh of relief. "Well, this does change things. It came off just right." The leader moved back, away from the soldiers. It studied them intently, glancing from one to the next, apparently trying to make up its mind. At last it made a sign to the other leadies. They coasted aside and a corridor was opened up toward the warehouse. "Even now," the leader said, "we could send you back by force. But it is evident that this is not really an observation party at all. These soldiers show that you have much more in mind; this was all carefully prepared." "Very carefully," Franks said. They closed in. "How much more, we can only guess. I must admit that we were taken unprepared. We failed utterly to meet the situation. Now force would be absurd, because neither side can afford to injure the other; we, because of the restrictions placed on us regarding human life, you because the war demands --" The soldiers fired, quick and in fright. Moss dropped to one knee, firing up. The leader dissolved in a cloud of particles. On all sides D- and B-class leadies were rushing up, some with weapons, some with metal slats. The room was in confusion. Off in the distance a siren was screaming. Franks and Taylor were cut off from the others, separated from the soldiers by a wall of metal bodies. "They can't fire back," Franks said calmly. "This is another bluff. They've tried to bluff us all the way." He fired into the face of a leady. The leady dissolved. "They can only try to frighten us. Remember that." They went on firing and leady after leady vanished. The room reeked with the smell of burning metal, the stink of fused plastic and steel. Taylor had been knocked down. He was struggling to find his gun, reaching wildly among metal legs, groping frantically to find it. His fingers strained, a handle swam in front of him. Suddenly something came down on his arm, a metal foot. He cried out. Then it was over. The leadies were moving away, gathering together off to one side. Only four of the Surface Council remained. The others were radioactive particles in the air. D-class leadies were already restoring order, gathering up partly destroyed metal figures and bits and removing them. Franks breathed a shuddering sigh. "All right," he said. "You can take us back to the windows. It won't be long now." The leadies separated, and the human group, Moss and Franks.and Taylor and the soldiers, walked slowly across the room, toward the door. They entered the Council Chamber. Already a faint touch of gray mitigated the blackness of the windows. "Take us outside," Franks said impatiently. "We'll see it directly, not in here." A door slid open. A chill blast of cold morning air rushed in, chilling them even through their lead suits. The men glanced at each other uneasily. "Come on," Franks said. "Outside." He walked out through the door, the others following him. They were on a hill, overlooking the vast bowl of a valley. Dimly, against the graying sky, the outline of mountains were forming, becoming tangible. "It'll be bright enough to see in a few minutes," Moss said. He shuddered as a chilling wind caught him and moved around him. "It's worth it, really worth it, to see this again after eight years. Even if it's the last thing we see --" "Watch," Franks snapped. They obeyed, silent and subdued. The sky was clearing, brightening each moment. Some place far off, echoing across the valley, a rooster crowed. "A chicken!" Taylor murmured. "Did you hear?" Behind them, the leadies had come out and were standing silently, watching, too. The gray sky turned to white and the hills appeared more clearly. Light spread across the valley floor, moving toward them. "God in heaven!" Franks exclaimed. Trees, trees and forests. A valley of plants and trees, with a few roads winding among them. Farmhouses. A windmill. A barn, far down below them. "Look!" Moss whispered. Color came into the sky. The sun was approaching. Birds began to sing. Not far from where they stood, the leaves of a tree danced in the wind. Franks turned to the row of leadies behind them. "Eight years. We were tricked. There was no war. As soon as we left the surface --" "Yes," an A-class leady admitted. "As soon as you left, the war ceased. You're right, it was a hoax. You worked hard undersurface, sending up guns and weapons, and we destroyed them as fast as they came up." "But why?" Taylor asked, dazed. He stared down at the vast valley below, "Why?" "You created us," the leady said, "to pursue the
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.1 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 2237-2308  | Added on Friday, June 01, 2012, 02:33 PM

"We must insist," the leader said, its voice without emotion. "We must take you back to the Tube and send you down on the next car. I am sorry, but it is necessary." "What'll we do?" Moss said nervously to Franks. He touched his gun. "Shall we blast them?" Franks shook his head. "All right," he said to the leader. "We'll go back." He moved toward the door, motioning Taylor and Moss to follow him. They looked at him in surprise, but they came with him. The leadies followed them out into the great warehouse. Slowly they moved toward the Tube entrance, none of them speaking. At the lip, Franks turned. "We are going back because we have no choice. There are three of us and about a dozen of you. However, if --" "Here comes the car," Taylor said. There was a grating sound from the Tube. D-class leadies moved toward the edge to receive it. "I am sorry," the leader said, "but it is for your protection. We are watching over you, literally. You must stay below and let us conduct the war. In a sense, it has come to be our war. We must fight it as we see fit." The car rose to the surface. Twelve soldiers, armed with Bender pistols, stepped from it and surrounded the three men. Moss breathed a sigh of relief. "Well, this does change things. It came off just right." The leader moved back, away from the soldiers. It studied them intently, glancing from one to the next, apparently trying to make up its mind. At last it made a sign to the other leadies. They coasted aside and a corridor was opened up toward the warehouse. "Even now," the leader said, "we could send you back by force. But it is evident that this is not really an observation party at all. These soldiers show that you have much more in mind; this was all carefully prepared." "Very carefully," Franks said. They closed in. "How much more, we can only guess. I must admit that we were taken unprepared. We failed utterly to meet the situation. Now force would be absurd, because neither side can afford to injure the other; we, because of the restrictions placed on us regarding human life, you because the war demands --" The soldiers fired, quick and in fright. Moss dropped to one knee, firing up. The leader dissolved in a cloud of particles. On all sides D- and B-class leadies were rushing up, some with weapons, some with metal slats. The room was in confusion. Off in the distance a siren was screaming. Franks and Taylor were cut off from the others, separated from the soldiers by a wall of metal bodies. "They can't fire back," Franks said calmly. "This is another bluff. They've tried to bluff us all the way." He fired into the face of a leady. The leady dissolved. "They can only try to frighten us. Remember that." They went on firing and leady after leady vanished. The room reeked with the smell of burning metal, the stink of fused plastic and steel. Taylor had been knocked down. He was struggling to find his gun, reaching wildly among metal legs, groping frantically to find it. His fingers strained, a handle swam in front of him. Suddenly something came down on his arm, a metal foot. He cried out. Then it was over. The leadies were moving away, gathering together off to one side. Only four of the Surface Council remained. The others were radioactive particles in the air. D-class leadies were already restoring order, gathering up partly destroyed metal figures and bits and removing them. Franks breathed a shuddering sigh. "All right," he said. "You can take us back to the windows. It won't be long now." The leadies separated, and the human group, Moss and Franks.and Taylor and the soldiers, walked slowly across the room, toward the door. They entered the Council Chamber. Already a faint touch of gray mitigated the blackness of the windows. "Take us outside," Franks said impatiently. "We'll see it directly, not in here." A door slid open. A chill blast of cold morning air rushed in, chilling them even through their lead suits. The men glanced at each other uneasily. "Come on," Franks said. "Outside." He walked out through the door, the others following him. They were on a hill, overlooking the vast bowl of a valley. Dimly, against the graying sky, the outline of mountains were forming, becoming tangible. "It'll be bright enough to see in a few minutes," Moss said. He shuddered as a chilling wind caught him and moved around him. "It's worth it, really worth it, to see this again after eight years. Even if it's the last thing we see --" "Watch," Franks snapped. They obeyed, silent and subdued. The sky was clearing, brightening each moment. Some place far off, echoing across the valley, a rooster crowed. "A chicken!" Taylor murmured. "Did you hear?" Behind them, the leadies had come out and were standing silently, watching, too. The gray sky turned to white and the hills appeared more clearly. Light spread across the valley floor, moving toward them. "God in heaven!" Franks exclaimed. Trees, trees and forests. A valley of plants and trees, with a few roads winding among them. Farmhouses. A windmill. A barn, far down below them. "Look!" Moss whispered. Color came into the sky. The sun was approaching. Birds began to sing. Not far from where they stood, the leaves of a tree danced in the wind. Franks turned to the row of leadies behind them. "Eight years. We were tricked. There was no war. As soon as we left the surface --" "Yes," an A-class leady admitted. "As soon as you left, the war ceased. You're right, it was a hoax. You worked hard undersurface, sending up guns and weapons, and we destroyed them as fast as they came up." "But why?" Taylor asked, dazed. He stared down at the vast valley below, "Why?" "You created us," the leady said, "to pursue the war for you, while you human beings went below the ground in order to survive. But before we could continue the war, it was necessary to analyze it to determine what its purpose was. We did this, and we found that it had no purpose, except, perhaps, in terms of human needs. Even this was questionable.
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.1 (Philip K Dick)
- Bookmark Loc. 2308  | Added on Friday, June 01, 2012, 02:33 PM


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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.1 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 2308-11  | Added on Friday, June 01, 2012, 02:34 PM

"We investigated further. We found that human cultures pass through phases, each culture in its own time. As the culture ages and begins to lose its objectives, conflict arises within it between those who wish to cast it off and set up a new culture-pattern, and those who wish to retain the old with as little change as possible.
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.1 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 2311-21  | Added on Friday, June 01, 2012, 02:35 PM

"At this point, a great danger appears. The conflict within threatens to engulf the society in self-war, group against group. The vital traditions may be lost -- not merely altered or reformed, but completely destroyed in this period of chaos and anarchy. We have found many such examples in the history of mankind. "It is necessary for this hatred within the culture to be directed outward, toward an external group, so that the culture itself may survive its crisis. War is the result. War, to a logical mind, is absurd. But in terms of human needs, it plays a vital role. And it will continue to until Man has grown up enough so that no hatred lies within him." Taylor was listening intently. "Do you think this time will come?" "Of course. It has almost arrived now. This is the last war. Man is almost united into one final culture -- a world culture. At this point he stands continent against continent, one half of the world against the other half. Only a single step remains, the jump to a unified culture. Man has climbed slowly upward, tending always toward unification of his culture.
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.1 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 2463-70  | Added on Friday, June 01, 2012, 02:45 PM

If this tiny amalgam of former enemies was a good example, it wouldn't be too long before he and Mary and the rest of humanity would be living on the surface like rational human beings instead of blindly hating moles. "It has taken thousands of generations to achieve," the A-class leady concluded. "Hundreds of centuries of bloodshed and destruction. But each war was a step toward uniting mankind. And now the end is in sight: a world without war. But even that is only the beginning of a new stage of history." "The conquest of space," breathed Colonel Borodoy. "The meaning of life," Moss added. "Eliminating hunger and poverty," said Taylor.
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.1 (Philip K Dick)
- Highlight Loc. 2463-74  | Added on Friday, June 01, 2012, 02:45 PM

If this tiny amalgam of former enemies was a good example, it wouldn't be too long before he and Mary and the rest of humanity would be living on the surface like rational human beings instead of blindly hating moles. "It has taken thousands of generations to achieve," the A-class leady concluded. "Hundreds of centuries of bloodshed and destruction. But each war was a step toward uniting mankind. And now the end is in sight: a world without war. But even that is only the beginning of a new stage of history." "The conquest of space," breathed Colonel Borodoy. "The meaning of life," Moss added. "Eliminating hunger and poverty," said Taylor. The leady opened the door of the ship. "All that and more. How much more? We cannot foresee it any more than the first men who formed a tribe could foresee this day. But it will be unimaginably great." The door closed and the ship took off toward their new home.
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The Collected Stories of Philip K. Dick Vol.1 (Philip K Dick)
- Note Loc. 1916  | Added on Friday, June 01, 2012, 02:46 PM

the defenders ... underground.robots on surface. leadies. new civilization.
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Blood Meridian (Cormac McCarthy)
- Highlight Loc. 85-120  | Added on Friday, June 01, 2012, 02:56 PM

An enormous man dressed in an oilcloth slicker had entered the tent and removed his hat. He was bald as a stone and he had no trace of beard and he had no brows to his eyes nor lashes to them. He was close on to seven feet in height and he stood smoking a cigar even in this nomadic house of God and he seemed to have removed his hat only to chase the rain from it for now he put it on again. The reverend had stopped his sermon altogether. There was no sound in the tent. All watched the man. He adjusted the hat and then pushed his way forward as far as the crateboard pulpit where the reverend stood and there he turned to address the reverend's congregation. His face was serene and strangely childlike. His hands were small. He held them out. Ladies and gentlemen I feel it my duty to inform you that the man holding this revival is an imposter. He holds no papers of divinity from any institution recognized or improvised. He is altogether devoid of the least qualification to the office he has usurped and has only committed to memory a few passages from the good book for the purpose of lending to his fraudulent sermons some faint flavor of the piety he despises. In truth, the gentleman standing here before you posing as a minister of the Lord is not only totally illiterate but is also wanted by the law in the states of Tennessee, Kentucky, Mississippi, and Arkansas. Oh God, cried the reverend. Lies, lies! He began reading feverishly from his opened bible. On a variety of charges the most recent of which involved a girl of eleven years—I said eleven—who had come to him in trust and whom he was surprised in the act of violating while actually clothed in the livery of his God. A moan swept through the crowd. A lady sank to her knees. This is him, cried the reverend, sobbing. This is him. The devil. Here he stands. Let's hang the turd, called an ugly thug from the gallery to the rear. Not three weeks before this he was run out of Fort Smith Arkansas for having congress with a goat. Yes lady, that is what I said. Goat. Why damn my eyes if I wont shoot the son of a bitch, said a man rising at the far side of the tent, and drawing a pistol from his boot he leveled it and fired. The young teamster instantly produced a knife from his clothing and unseamed the tent and stepped outside into the rain. The kid followed. They ducked low and ran across the mud toward the hotel. Already gunfire was general within the tent and a dozen exits had been hacked through the canvas walls and people were pouring out, women screaming, folk stumbling, folk trampled underfoot in the mud. The kid and his friend reached the hotel gallery and wiped the water from their eyes and turned to watch. As they did so the tent began to sway and buckle and like a huge and wounded medusa it slowly settled to the ground trailing tattered canvas walls and ratty guyropes over the ground. The baldheaded man was already at the bar when they entered. On the polished wood before him were two hats and a double handful of coins. He raised his glass but not to them. They stood up to the bar and ordered whiskeys and the kid laid his money down but the barman pushed it back with his thumb and nodded. These here is on the judge, he said. They drank. The teamster set his glass down and looked at the kid or he seemed to, you couldnt be sure of his gaze. The kid looked down the bar to where the judge stood. The bar was that tall not every man could even get his elbows up on it but it came just to the judge's waist and he stood with his hands placed flatwise on the wood, leaning slightly, as if about to give another address. By now men were piling through the doorway, bleeding, covered in mud, cursing. They gathered about the judge. A posse was being drawn to pursue the preacher. Judge, how did you come to have the goods on that no-account? Goods? said the judge. When was you in Fort Smith? Fort Smith? Where did you know him to know all that stuff on him? You mean the Reverend Green? Yessir. I reckon you was in Fort Smith fore ye come out here. I was never in Fort Smith in my life. Doubt that he was. They looked from one to the other. Well where was it you run up on him? I never laid eyes on the man before today. Never even heard of him. He raised his glass and drank. There was a strange silence in the room. The men looked like mud effigies. Finally someone began to laugh. Then another. Soon they were all laughing together. Someone bought the judge a drink.
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Blood Meridian (Cormac McCarthy)
- Highlight Loc. 171-83  | Added on Friday, June 01, 2012, 03:07 PM

You got a match? The kid searched his pockets and came up with a crushed and stained wooden box. The man took it from him. Need a little tinder here, he said. He was crumbling the box and stacking the bits against the door. He struck a match and set the pieces alight. He pushed the little pile of burning wood under the door and added more matches. Is he in there? said the boy. That's what we're fixin to see. A dark curl of smoke rose, a blue flame of burning varnish. They squatted in the hallway and watched. Thin flames began to run up over the panels and dart back again. The watchers looked like forms excavated from a bog. Tap on the door now, said Toadvine. The kid rose. Toadvine stood up and waited. They could hear the flames crackling inside the room. The kid tapped. You better tap louder than that. This man drinks some. He balled his fist and lambasted the door about five times. Hell fire, said a voice. Here he comes. They waited. You hot son of a bitch, said the voice. Then the knob turned and the door opened. He stood in his underwear holding in one hand the towel he'd used to turn the doorknob with. When he saw them he turned and started back into the room but Toadvine seized him about the neck and rode him to the floor and held him by the hair and began to pry out an eyeball with his thumb. The man grabbed his wrist and bit it.
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Blood Meridian (Cormac McCarthy)
- Highlight Loc. 191-93  | Added on Friday, June 01, 2012, 03:08 PM

Toadvine was running down the street, waving his fists above his head crazily and laughing. He looked like a great clay voodoo doll made animate and the kid looked like another. Behind them flames were licking at the top corner of the hotel and clouds of dark smoke rose into the warm Texas morning.
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Blood Meridian (Cormac McCarthy)
- Highlight Loc. 311-14  | Added on Friday, June 01, 2012, 03:51 PM

His eyes lay dark and tunneled in a caved and haunted face and a foul stench rose from the wells of his boot tops. The sun was just down and to the west lay reefs of bloodred clouds up out of which rose little desert nighthawks like fugitives from some great fire at the earth's end. He spat a dry white spit and clumped the cracked wooden stirrups against the mule's ribs and they staggered into motion again.
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Blood Meridian (Cormac McCarthy)
- Highlight Loc. 595-96  | Added on Wednesday, June 06, 2012, 10:14 PM

There is no such joy in the tavern as upon the road thereto, said the Mennonite. He had been holding his hat in his hands and now he set it upon his head again and turned and went out the gate.
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Blood Meridian (Cormac McCarthy)
- Bookmark Loc. 634  | Added on Thursday, June 07, 2012, 06:01 PM


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Blood Meridian (Cormac McCarthy)
- Highlight Loc. 635-38  | Added on Thursday, June 07, 2012, 06:01 PM

On this day two men fell sick and one died before dark. In the morning there was another ill to take his place. The two of them were laid among sacks of beans and rice and coffee in the supply-wagon with blankets over them to keep them from the sun and they rode with the slamming and jarring of the wagon half shirring the meat from their bones so that they cried out to be left and then they died. The men turned out in the early morning darkness to dig their graves with the bladebones of antelope and they covered them with stones and rode on again.
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Blood Meridian (Cormac McCarthy)
- Highlight Loc. 657-63  | Added on Thursday, June 07, 2012, 06:04 PM

In two days they began to come upon bones and cast-off apparel. They saw halfburied skeletons of mules with the bones so white and polished they seemed incandescent even in that blazing heat and they saw panniers and packsaddles and the bones of men and they saw a mule entire, the dried and blackened carcass hard as iron. They rode on. The white noon saw them through the waste like a ghost army, so pale they were with dust, like shades of figures erased upon a board. The wolves loped paler yet and grouped and skittered and lifted their lean snouts on the air. At night the horses were fed by hand from sacks of meal and watered from buckets. There was no more sickness. The survivors lay quietly in that cratered void and watched the whitehot stars go rifling down the dark. Or slept with their alien hearts beating in the sand like pilgrims exhausted upon the face of the planet Anareta, clutched to a namelessness wheeling in the night.
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Blood Meridian (Cormac McCarthy)
- Highlight Loc. 739-87  | Added on Thursday, June 07, 2012, 06:30 PM

What do you make of that, Captain? I make it a parcel of heathen stockthieves is what I make it. What do you? Looks like it to me. The captain watched through the glass. I suppose they've seen us, he said. They've seen us. How many riders do you make it? A dozen maybe. The captain tapped the instrument in his gloved hand. They dont seem concerned, do they? No sir. They dont. The captain smiled grimly. We may see a little sport here before the day is out. The first of the herd began to swing past them in a pall of yellow dust, rangy slatribbed cattle with horns that grew agoggle and no two alike and small thin mules coalblack that shouldered one another and reared their malletshaped heads above the backs of the others and then more cattle and finally the first ofthe herders riding up the outer side and keeping the stock between themselves and the mounted company. Behind them came a herd of several hundred ponies. The sergeant looked for Candelario. He kept backing along the ranks but he could not find him. He nudged his horse through the column and moved up the far side. The lattermost of the drovers were now coming through the dust and the captain was gesturing and shouting. The ponies had begun to veer off from the herd and the drovers were beating their way toward this armed company met with on the plain. Already you could see through the dust on the ponies' hides the painted chevrons and the hands and rising suns and birds and fish of every device like the shade of old work through sizing on a canvas and now too you could hear above the pounding of the unshod hooves the piping of the quena, flutes niade from human bones, and some among the company had begun to saw back on their mounts and some to mill in confusion when up from the offside of those ponies there rose a fabled horde of mounted lancers and archers bearing shields bedight with bits of broken mirrorglass that cast a thousand unpieced suns against the eyes of their enemies. A legion of horribles, hundreds in number, half naked or clad in costumes attic or biblical or wardrobed out of a fevered dream with the skins of animals and silk finery and pieces of uniform still tracked with the blood of prior owners, coats of slain dragoons, frogged and braided cavalry jackets, one in a stovepipe hat and one with an umbrella and one in white stockings and a bloodstained weddingveil and some in headgear of cranefeathers or rawhide helmets that bore the horns of bull or buffalo and one in a pigeontailed coat worn backwards and otherwise naked and one in the armor of a Spanish conquistador, the breastplate and pauldrons deeply dented with old blows of mace or sabre done in another country by men whose very bones were dust and many with their braids spliced up with the hair of other beasts until they trailed upon the ground and their horses' ears and tails worked with bits of brightly colored cloth and one whose horse's whole head was painted crimson red and all the horsemen's faces gaudy and grotesque with daubings like a company of mounted clowns, death hilarious, all howling in a barbarous tongue and riding down upon them like a horde from a hell more horrible yet than the brimstone land of Christian reckoning, screeching and yammering and clothed in smoke like those vaporous beings in regions beyond right knowing where the eye wanders and the lip jerks and drools. Oh my god, said the sergeant. A rattling drove of arrows passed through the company and men tottered and dropped from their mounts. Horses were rearing and plunging and the mongol hordes swung up along their flanks and turned and rode full upon them with lances. The company was now come to a halt and the first shots were fired and the gray riflesmoke rolled through the dust as the lancers breached their ranks. The kid's horse sank beneath him with a long pneumatic sigh. He had already fired his rifle and now he sat on the ground and fumbled with his shotpouch. A man near him sat with an arrow hanging out of his neck. He was bent slightly as if in prayer. The kid would have reached for the bloody hoop-iron point but then he saw that the man wore another arrow in his breast to the fletching and he was dead. Everywhere there were horses down and men scrambling and he saw a man who sat charging his rifle while blood ran from his ears and he saw men with their revolvers disassembled trying to fit the spare loaded cylinders they carried and he saw men kneeling who tilted and clasped their shadows on the ground and he saw men lanced and caught up by the hair and scalped standing and he saw the horses of war trample down the fallen and a little whitefaced pony with one clouded eye leaned out of the murk and snapped at him like a dog and was gone. Among the wounded some seemed dumb and without understanding and some were pale through the masks of dust and some had fouled themselves or tottered brokenly onto the spears of the savages. Now driving in a wild frieze of headlong horses with eyes walled and teeth cropped and naked riders with clusters of arrows clenched in their jaws and their shields winking in the dust and up the far side of the ruined ranks in a piping of boneflutes and dropping down off the sides of their mounts with one heel hung in the withers strap and their short bows flexing beneath the outstretched necks of the ponies until they had circled the company and cut their ranks in two and then rising up again like funhouse figures, some with nightmare faces painted on their breasts, riding down the unhorsed Saxons and spearing and clubbing them and leaping from their mounts with knives and running about on the ground with a peculiar bandylegged trot like creatures driven to alien forms of locomotion and stripping the clothes from the dead and seizing them up by the hair and passing their blades about the skulls of the living and the dead alike and snatching aloft the bloody wigs and hacking and chopping at the naked bodies, ripping off limbs, heads, gutting the strange white torsos and holding up great handfuls of viscera, genitals, some of the savages so slathered up with gore they might have rolled in it like dogs and some who fell upon the dying and sodomized them with loud cries to their fellows. And now the horses of the dead came pounding out of the smoke and dust and circled with flapping leather and wild manes and eyes whited with fear like the eyes of the blind and some were feathered with arrows and some lanced through and stumbling and vomiting blood as they wheeled across the killing ground and clattered from sight again. Dust stanched the wet and naked heads of the scalped who with the fringe of hair below their wounds and tonsured to the bone now lay like maimed and naked monks in the bloodslaked dust and everywhere the dying groaned and gibbered and horses lay screaming.
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Blood Meridian (Cormac McCarthy)
- Highlight Loc. 796-802  | Added on Saturday, June 09, 2012, 11:45 AM

With darkness one soul rose wondrously from among the new slain dead and stole away in the moonlight. The ground where he'd lain was soaked with blood and with urine from the voided bladders of the animals and he went forth stained and stinking like some reeking issue of the incarnate dam of war herself. The savages had moved to higher ground and he could see the light from their fires and hear them singing, a strange and plaintive chanting up there where they'd gone to roast mules. He made his way among the pale and dismembered, among the sprawled and legflung horses, and he took a reckoning by the stars and set off south afoot. The night wore a thousand shapes out there in the brush and he kept his eyes to the ground ahead. Starlight and waning moon made a faint shadow of his wanderings on the dark of the desert and all along the ridges the wolves were howling and moving north toward the slaughter. He walked all night and still he could see the fires behind him.
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Blood Meridian (Cormac McCarthy)
- Highlight Loc. 833-36  | Added on Saturday, June 09, 2012, 11:48 AM

They went slowly through the little mud streets. There were goats and sheep slain in their pens and pigs dead in the mud. They passed mud hovels where people lay murdered in all attitudes of death in the doorways and the floors, naked and swollen and strange. They found plates of food half eaten and a cat came out and sat in the sun and watched them without interest and flies snarled everywhere in the still hot air.
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Blood Meridian (Cormac McCarthy)
- Highlight Loc. 941-49  | Added on Saturday, June 09, 2012, 12:19 PM

He swung the stopper up from where it hung by a thong and drove it home with the heel of his hand. He pitched the canteen to the man behind him and looked down at the travelers. Why you no hide? he said. From you? From I. We were thirsty. Very thirsty. Eh? They didnt answer. He was tapping the flat of the sword lightly against the horn of his saddle and he seemed to be forming words in his mind. He leaned slightly to them. When the lambs is lost in the mountain, he said. They is cry. Sometime come the mother. Sometime the wolf. He smiled at them and raised the sword and ran it back where it had come from and turned the horse smartly and trotted it through the horses behind him and the men mounted up and followed and soon all were gone. Sproule sat without moving. The kid looked at him but he would look away. He was wounded in an enemy country far from home and although his eyes took in the alien stones about yet the greater void beyond seemed to swallow up his soul.
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Blood Meridian (Cormac McCarthy)
- Highlight Loc. 1053-55  | Added on Saturday, June 09, 2012, 12:47 PM

the birds holding out their own dark vestments in postures of strange benevolence while about them flapped on the wind the dried scalps of slaughtered indians strung on cords, the long dull hair swinging like the filaments of certain seaforms and the dry hides clapping against the stones.
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Blood Meridian (Cormac McCarthy)
- Highlight Loc. 1056-60  | Added on Saturday, June 09, 2012, 12:48 PM

They passed old alms-seekers by the church door with their seamy palms outheld and maimed beggars sad-eyed in rags and children asleep in the shadows with flies walking their dreamless faces. Dark coppers in a clackdish, the shriveled eyes of the blind. Scribes crouched by the steps with their quills and inkpots and bowls of sand and lepers moaning through the streets and naked dogs that seemed composed of bone entirely and vendors of tamales and old women with faces dark and harrowed as the land squatting in the gutters over charcoal fires where blackened strips of anonymous meat sizzled and spat.
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Blood Meridian (Cormac McCarthy)
- Highlight Loc. 1056-63  | Added on Saturday, June 09, 2012, 12:48 PM

They passed old alms-seekers by the church door with their seamy palms outheld and maimed beggars sad-eyed in rags and children asleep in the shadows with flies walking their dreamless faces. Dark coppers in a clackdish, the shriveled eyes of the blind. Scribes crouched by the steps with their quills and inkpots and bowls of sand and lepers moaning through the streets and naked dogs that seemed composed of bone entirely and vendors of tamales and old women with faces dark and harrowed as the land squatting in the gutters over charcoal fires where blackened strips of anonymous meat sizzled and spat. Small orphans were abroad like irate dwarfs and fools and sots drooling and flailing about in the small markets of the metropolis and the prisoners rode past the carnage in the meatstalls and the waxy smell where racks of guts hung black with flies and flayings of meat in great red sheets now darkened with the advancing day and the flensed and naked skulls of cows and sheep with their dull blue eyes glaring wildly and the stiff bodies of deer and javelina and ducks and quail and parrots, all wild things from the country round hanging head downward from hooks.
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The Iliad (Homer)
- Highlight Loc. 1246-49  | Added on Saturday, June 09, 2012, 12:52 PM

First through the Trojan phalanx broke his way The son of Telamon, the prop of Greece, The mighty Ajax; on his friends the light Of triumph shedding, as Eusorus' son He smote, the noblest of the Thracian bands, Valiant and strong, the gallant Acamas. Full in the front, beneath the plumed helm, The sharp spear struck, and crashing thro' the bone, The warrior's eyes were clos'd in endless night.
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The Iliad (Homer)
- Highlight Loc. 1257-68  | Added on Saturday, June 09, 2012, 12:54 PM

Then Menelaus, good in battle, took Adrastus captive; for his horses, scar'd And rushing wildly o'er the plain, amid The tangled tamarisk scrub his chariot broke, Snapping the pole; they with the flying crowd Held city-ward their course; he from the car Hurl'd headlong, prostrate lay beside the wheel, Prone on his face in dust; and at his side, Poising his mighty spear, Atrides stood. Adrastus clasp'd his knees, and suppliant cried, "Spare me, great son of Atreus! for my life Accept a price; my wealthy father's house A goodly store contains of brass, and gold, And well-wrought iron; and of these he fain Would pay a noble ransom, could he hear That in the Grecian ships I yet surviv'd." His words to pity mov'd the victor's breast; Then had he bade his followers to the ships The captive bear; but running up in haste. Fierce Agamemnon cried in stern rebuke; "Soft-hearted Menelaus, why of life So tender? Hath thy house receiv'd indeed Nothing but benefits at Trojan hands? Of that abhorred race, let not a man Escape the deadly vengeance of our arms; No, not the infant in its mother's womb; No, nor the fugitive; but be they all, They and their city, utterly destroy'd, Uncar'd for, and from mem'ry blotted out." Thus as he spoke, his counsel, fraught with death, His brother's purpose chang'd; he with his hand Adrastus thrust aside, whom with his lance Fierce Agamemnon through the loins transfix'd; And, as he roll'd in death, upon his breast Planting his foot, the ashen spear withdrew.
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The Iliad (Homer)
- Highlight Loc. 1304-7  | Added on Saturday, June 09, 2012, 01:03 PM

Nine days he feasted him, nine oxen slew; But with the tenth return of rosy morn He question'd him, and for the tokens ask'd He from his son-in-law, from Proetus, bore. The tokens' fatal import understood, He bade him first the dread Chimaera slay; A monster, sent from Heav'n, not human born, With head of lion, and a serpent's tail, And body of a goat; and from her mouth There issued flames of fiercely-burning fire: Yet her, confiding in the Gods, he slew.
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The Iliad (Homer)
- Bookmark Loc. 1326  | Added on Saturday, June 16, 2012, 06:46 PM


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Blood Meridian (Cormac McCarthy)
- Bookmark Loc. 1073  | Added on Saturday, June 16, 2012, 06:47 PM


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Blood Meridian (Cormac McCarthy)
- Bookmark Loc. 1447  | Added on Sunday, June 24, 2012, 12:44 PM

December

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hunter s thompson - the great shark hunt (The Great Shark Hunt)
- Highlight Loc. 112-13  | Added on Saturday, December 15, 2012, 01:45 PM

By bringing in hundreds of thugs, fixers and fascists to run the Government, he was able to crank almost every problem he touched into a mindbending crisis.
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hunter s thompson - the great shark hunt (The Great Shark Hunt)
- Highlight Loc. 112-15  | Added on Saturday, December 15, 2012, 01:45 PM

By bringing in hundreds of thugs, fixers and fascists to run the Government, he was able to crank almost every problem he touched into a mindbending crisis. About the only disaster he hasn't brought down on us yet is a nuclear war with either Russia or China or both. . . but he still has time, and the odds on his actually doing it are not all that long.
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hunter s thompson - the great shark hunt (The Great Shark Hunt)
- Highlight Loc. 127-28  | Added on Saturday, December 15, 2012, 01:46 PM

which is understandable, perhaps, because when you're locked into that kind of do-or-die gig, you keep pushing and ask questions later.
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hunter s thompson - the great shark hunt (The Great Shark Hunt)
- Highlight Loc. 147-52  | Added on Saturday, December 15, 2012, 01:48 PM

And how much longer will we have to wait before some high-powered shark with a fistful of answers will finally bring us face-to-face with the ugly question that is already so close to the surface in this country, that sooner or later even politicians will have to cope with it? Is the democracy worth all the risks and problems that necessarily go with it? Or, would we all be happier by admitting that the whole thing was a lark from the start and now that it hasn't worked out, to hell with it. That milkman who made me his bagman was no fool. I took my orders from him and it never 11 occurred to me to wonder where his came from.
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Soul Music (Terry Pratchett)
- Highlight Loc. 48-52  | Added on Saturday, December 15, 2012, 02:57 PM

Miss Butts knew how to handle these occasions. It was painful, but the thing ran its course. There was shock, and tears, and then, eventually, it was all over. People had ways of dealing with it. There was a sort of script built into the human mind. Life went on. But the child had just sat there. It was the politeness that scared the daylights out of Miss Butts. She was not an unkind woman, despite a lifetime of being gently dried out on the stove of education, but she was conscientious and a stickler for propriety and thought she knew how this sort of thing should go and was vaguely annoyed that it wasn’t going.
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2013

Jan

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The Great Gatsby (F. Scott Fitzgerald)
- Highlight Loc. 41-46  | Added on Friday, January 25, 2013, 06:03 PM

It was lonely for a day or so until one morning some man, more recently arrived than I, stopped me on the road. “How do you get to West Egg village?” he asked helplessly. I told him. And as I walked on I was lonely no longer. I was a guide, a pathfinder, an original settler. He had casually conferred on me the freedom of the neighborhood. And so with the sunshine and the great bursts of leaves growing on the trees, just as things grow in fast movies, I had that familiar conviction that life was beginning over again with the summer.
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The Great Gatsby (F. Scott Fitzgerald)
- Highlight Loc. 50-51  | Added on Friday, January 25, 2013, 06:04 PM

now I was going to bring back all such things into my life and become again that most limited of all specialists, the “well-rounded man.” This isn’t just an epigram—life is much more successfully looked at from a single window, after all.
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The Great Gatsby (F. Scott Fitzgerald)
- Highlight Loc. 219-21  | Added on Friday, January 25, 2013, 06:16 PM

I couldn’t guess what Daisy and Tom were thinking, but I doubt if even Miss Baker, who seemed to have mastered a certain hardy scepticism, was able utterly to put this fifth guest’s shrill metallic urgency out of mind. To a certain temperament the situation might have seemed intriguing—my own instinct was to telephone immediately for the police.
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The Great Gatsby (F. Scott Fitzgerald)
- Highlight Loc. 240-44  | Added on Friday, January 25, 2013, 06:18 PM

The instant her voice broke off, ceasing to compel my attention, my belief, I felt the basic insincerity of what she had said. It made me uneasy, as though the whole evening had been a trick of some sort to exact a contributory emotion from me. I waited, and sure enough, in a moment she looked at me with an absolute smirk on her lovely face, as if she had asserted her membership in a rather distinguished secret society to which she and Tom belonged.
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The Great Gatsby (F. Scott Fitzgerald)
- Highlight Loc. 295-96  | Added on Friday, January 25, 2013, 06:21 PM

When I looked once more for Gatsby he had vanished, and I was alone again in the unquiet darkness.
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The Great Gatsby (F. Scott Fitzgerald)
- Highlight Loc. 390-94  | Added on Friday, January 25, 2013, 08:33 PM

I have been drunk just twice in my life, and the second time was that afternoon; so everything that happened has a dim, hazy cast over it, although until after eight o’clock the apartment was full of cheerful sun. Sitting on Tom’s lap Mrs. Wilson called up several people on the telephone; then there were no cigarettes, and I went out to buy some at the drugstore on the corner. When I came back they had disappeared, so I sat down discreetly in the living-room and read a chapter of SIMON CALLED PETER.—either it was terrible stuff or the whiskey distorted things, because it didn’t make any sense to me.
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The Great Gatsby (F. Scott Fitzgerald)
- Highlight Loc. 464-80  | Added on Friday, January 25, 2013, 08:37 PM

The late afternoon sky bloomed in the window for a moment like the blue honey of the Mediterranean—then the shrill voice of Mrs. McKee called me back into the room. “I almost made a mistake, too,” she declared vigorously. “I almost married a little kyke who’d been after me for years. I knew he was below me. Everybody kept saying to me: ‘Lucille, that man’s ‘way below you!’ But if I hadn’t met Chester, he’d of got me sure.” “Yes, but listen,” said Myrtle Wilson, nodding her head up and down, “at least you didn’t marry him.” “I know I didn’t.” “Well, I married him,” said Myrtle, ambiguously. “And that’s the difference between your case and mine.” “Why did you, Myrtle?” demanded Catherine. “Nobody forced you to.” Myrtle considered. “I married him because I thought he was a gentleman,” she said finally. “I thought he knew something about breeding, but he wasn’t fit to lick my shoe.” “You were crazy about him for a while,” said Catherine. “Crazy about him!” cried Myrtle incredulously. “Who said I was crazy about him? I never was any more crazy about him than I was about that man there.” She pointed suddenly at me, and every one looked at me accusingly. I tried to show by my expression that I had played no part in her past. “The only CRAZY I was was when I married him. I knew right away I made a mistake. He borrowed somebody’s best suit to get married in, and never even told me about it, and the man came after it one day when he was out. ‘oh, is that your suit?’ I said. ‘this is the first I ever heard about it.’ But I gave it to him and then I lay down and cried to beat the band all afternoon.”
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The Great Gatsby (F. Scott Fitzgerald)
- Highlight Loc. 489-94  | Added on Friday, January 25, 2013, 08:39 PM

“It was on the two little seats facing each other that are always the last ones left on the train. I was going up to New York to see my sister and spend the night. He had on a dress suit and patent leather shoes, and I couldn’t keep my eyes off him, but every time he looked at me I had to pretend to be looking at the advertisement over his head. When we came into the station he was next to me, and his white shirt-front pressed against my arm, and so I told him I’d have to call a policeman, but he knew I lied. I was so excited that when I got into a taxi with him I didn’t hardly know I wasn’t getting into a subway train. All I kept thinking about, over and over, was ‘You can’t live forever; you can’t live forever.’”
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The Great Gatsby (F. Scott Fitzgerald)
- Highlight Loc. 593-99  | Added on Friday, January 25, 2013, 08:48 PM

“I heard that from a man who knew all about him, grew up with him in Germany,” he assured us positively. “Oh, no,” said the first girl, “it couldn’t be that, because he was in the American army during the war.” As our credulity switched back to her she leaned forward with enthusiasm. “You look at him sometimes when he thinks nobody’s looking at him. I’ll bet he killed a man.” She narrowed her eyes and shivered. Lucille shivered. We all turned and looked around for Gatsby. It was testimony to the romantic speculation he inspired that there were whispers about him from those who found little that it was necessary to whisper about in this world.
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The Great Gatsby (F. Scott Fitzgerald)
- Highlight Loc. 604-7  | Added on Friday, January 25, 2013, 08:48 PM

“Let’s get out,” whispered Jordan, after a somehow wasteful and inappropriate half-hour. “This is much too polite for me.” We got up, and she explained that we were going to find the host: I had never met him, she said, and it was making me uneasy. The undergraduate nodded in a cynical, melancholy way.
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The Great Gatsby (F. Scott Fitzgerald)
- Highlight Loc. 652-59  | Added on Friday, January 25, 2013, 08:51 PM

“I thought you knew, old sport. I’m afraid I’m not a very good host.” He smiled understandingly—much more than understandingly. It was one of those rare smiles with a quality of eternal reassurance in it, that you may come across four or five times in life. It faced—or seemed to face—the whole external world for an instant, and then concentrated on you with an irresistible prejudice in your favor. It understood you just so far as you wanted to be understood, believed in you as you would like to believe in yourself, and assured you that it had precisely the impression of you that, at your best, you hoped to convey. Precisely at that point it vanished—and I was looking at an elegant young rough-neck, a year or two over thirty, whose elaborate formality of speech just missed being absurd. Some time before he introduced himself I’d got a strong impression that he was picking his words with care.
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The Great Gatsby (F. Scott Fitzgerald)
- Highlight Loc. 790-95  | Added on Friday, January 25, 2013, 08:59 PM

At first I was flattered to go places with her, because she was a golf champion, and every one knew her name. Then it was something more. I wasn’t actually in love, but I felt a sort of tender curiosity. The bored haughty face that she turned to the world concealed something—most affectations conceal something eventually, even though they don’t in the beginning—and one day I found what it was. When we were on a house-party together up in Warwick, she left a borrowed car out in the rain with the top down, and then lied about it—and suddenly I remembered the story about her that had eluded me that night at Daisy’s. At her first big golf tournament there was a row that nearly reached the newspapers—a suggestion that she had moved her ball from a bad lie in the semi-final round. The thing approached the proportions of a scandal—then died away.
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The Great Gatsby (F. Scott Fitzgerald)
- Highlight Loc. 797-803  | Added on Friday, January 25, 2013, 08:59 PM

Jordan Baker instinctively avoided clever, shrewd men, and now I saw that this was because she felt safer on a plane where any divergence from a code would be thought impossible. She was incurably dishonest. She wasn’t able to endure being at a disadvantage and, given this unwillingness, I suppose she had begun dealing in subterfuges when she was very young in order to keep that cool, insolent smile turned to the world and yet satisfy the demands of her hard, jaunty body. It made no difference to me. Dishonesty in a woman is a thing you never blame deeply—I was casually sorry, and then I forgot. It was on that same house party that we had a curious conversation about driving a car. It started because she passed so close to some workmen that our fender flicked a button on one man’s coat.
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The Great Gatsby (F. Scott Fitzgerald)
- Highlight Loc. 803-12  | Added on Friday, January 25, 2013, 09:00 PM

“You’re a rotten driver,” I protested. “Either you ought to be more careful, or you oughtn’t to drive at all.” “I am careful.” “No, you’re not.” “Well, other people are,” she said lightly. “What’s that got to do with it?” “They’ll keep out of my way,” she insisted. “It takes two to make an accident.” “Suppose you met somebody just as careless as yourself.” “I hope I never will,” she answered. “I hate careless people. That’s why I like you.” Her gray, sun-strained eyes stared straight ahead, but she had deliberately shifted our relations, and for a moment I thought I loved her. But I am slow-thinking and full of interior rules that act as brakes on my desires, and I knew that first I had to get myself definitely out of that tangle back home.
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The Great Gatsby (F. Scott Fitzgerald)
- Highlight Loc. 815  | Added on Friday, January 25, 2013, 09:00 PM

Every one suspects himself of at least one of the cardinal virtues, and this is mine: I am one of the few honest people that I have ever known.
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The Great Gatsby (F. Scott Fitzgerald)
- Highlight Loc. 1112-20  | Added on Friday, January 25, 2013, 11:23 PM

“I have been glancing into some of the rooms. Let’s go to Coney Island, old sport. In my car.” “It’s too late.” “Well, suppose we take a plunge in the swimming-pool? I haven’t made use of it all summer.” “I’ve got to go to bed.” “All right.” He waited, looking at me with suppressed eagerness. “I talked with Miss Baker,” I said after a moment. “I’m going to call up Daisy to-morrow and invite her over here to tea.” “Oh, that’s all right,” he said carelessly. “I don’t want to put you to any trouble.” “What day would suit you?” “What day would suit YOU?” he corrected me quickly. “I don’t want to put you to any trouble, you see.”
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The Great Gatsby (F. Scott Fitzgerald)
- Highlight Loc. 1224-30  | Added on Friday, January 25, 2013, 11:29 PM

I went in—after making every possible noise in the kitchen, short of pushing over the stove—but I don’t believe they heard a sound. They were sitting at either end of the couch, looking at each other as if some question had been asked, or was in the air, and every vestige of embarrassment was gone. Daisy’s face was smeared with tears, and when I came in she jumped up and began wiping at it with her handkerchief before a mirror. But there was a change in Gatsby that was simply confounding. He literally glowed; without a word or a gesture of exultation a new well-being radiated from him and filled the little room. “Oh, hello, old sport,” he said, as if he hadn’t seen me for years. I thought for a moment he was going to shake hands.
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The Great Gatsby (F. Scott Fitzgerald)
- Highlight Loc. 1255-65  | Added on Friday, January 25, 2013, 11:31 PM

And inside, as we wandered through Marie Antoinette music-rooms and Restoration salons, I felt that there were guests concealed behind every couch and table, under orders to be breathlessly silent until we had passed through. As Gatsby closed the door of “the Merton College Library.” I could have sworn I heard the owl-eyed man break into ghostly laughter. We went up-stairs, through period bedrooms swathed in rose and lavender silk and vivid with new flowers, through dressing-rooms and poolrooms, and bathrooms with sunken baths—intruding into one chamber where a dishevelled man in pajamas was doing liver exercises on the floor. It was Mr. Klipspringer, the “boarder.” I had seen him wandering hungrily about the beach that morning. Finally we came to Gatsby’s own apartment, a bedroom and a bath, and an Adam study, where we sat down and drank a glass of some Chartreuse he took from a cupboard in the wall. He hadn’t once ceased looking at Daisy, and I think he revalued everything in his house according to the measure of response it drew from her well-loved eyes. Sometimes, too, he stared around at his possessions in a dazed way, as though in her actual and astounding presence none of it was any longer real. Once he nearly toppled down a flight of stairs.
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The Great Gatsby (F. Scott Fitzgerald)
- Highlight Loc. 1311-20  | Added on Friday, January 25, 2013, 11:33 PM

“I don’t play well. I don’t—I hardly play at all. I’m all out of prac——” “We’ll go down-stairs,” interrupted Gatsby. He flipped a switch. The gray windows disappeared as the house glowed full of light. In the music-room Gatsby turned on a solitary lamp beside the piano. He lit Daisy’s cigarette from a trembling match, and sat down with her on a couch far across the room, where there was no light save what the gleaming floor bounced in from the hall. When Klipspringer had played THE LOVE NEST. he turned around on the bench and searched unhappily for Gatsby in the gloom. “I’m all out of practice, you see. I told you I couldn’t play. I’m all out of prac——” “Don’t talk so much, old sport,” commanded Gatsby. “Play!” “IN THE MORNING, IN THE EVENING, AIN’T WE GOT FUN——”
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The Great Gatsby (F. Scott Fitzgerald)
- Highlight Loc. 1322-30  | Added on Friday, January 25, 2013, 11:34 PM

“ONE THING’S SURE AND NOTHING’S SURER THE RICH GET RICHER AND THE POOR GET—CHILDREN. IN THE MEANTIME, IN BETWEEN TIME——” As I went over to say good-by I saw that the expression of bewilderment had come back into Gatsby’s face, as though a faint doubt had occurred to him as to the quality of his present happiness. Almost five years! There must have been moments even that afternoon whe Daisy tumbled short of his dreams—not through her own fault, but because of the colossal vitality of his illusion. It had gone beyond her, beyond everything. He had thrown himself into it with a creative passion, adding to it all the time, decking it out with every bright feather that drifted his way. No amount of fire or freshness can challenge what a man will store up in his ghostly heart.
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The Great Gatsby (F. Scott Fitzgerald)
- Highlight Loc. 1332-34  | Added on Friday, January 25, 2013, 11:34 PM

They had forgotten me, but Daisy glanced up and held out her hand; Gatsby didn’t know me now at all. I looked once more at them and they looked back at me, remotely, possessed by intense life. Then I went out of the room and down the marble steps into the rain, leaving them there together.
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The Great Gatsby (F. Scott Fitzgerald)
- Bookmark Loc. 1442  | Added on Friday, January 25, 2013, 11:43 PM


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The Great Gatsby (F. Scott Fitzgerald)
- Highlight Loc. 1443-44  | Added on Friday, January 25, 2013, 11:43 PM

and now I was looking at it again, through Daisy’s eyes. It is invariably saddening to look through new eyes at things upon which you have expended your own powers of adjustment.
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The Great Gatsby (F. Scott Fitzgerald)
- Highlight Loc. 1486-93  | Added on Friday, January 25, 2013, 11:46 PM

Almost the last thing I remember was standing with Daisy and watching the moving-picture director and his Star. They were still under the white plum tree and their faces were touching except for a pale, thin ray of moonlight between. It occurred to me that he had been very slowly bending toward her all evening to attain this proximity, and even while I watched I saw him stoop one ultimate degree and kiss at her cheek. “I like her,” said Daisy, “I think she’s lovely.” But the rest offended her—and inarguably, because it wasn’t a gesture but an emotion. She was appalled by West Egg, this unprecedented “place.” that Broadway had begotten upon a Long Island fishing village—appalled by its raw vigor that chafed under the old euphemisms and by the too obtrusive fate that herded its inhabitants along a short-cut from nothing to nothing. She saw something awful in the very simplicity she failed to understand.
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The Great Gatsby (F. Scott Fitzgerald)
- Highlight Loc. 1507-12  | Added on Friday, January 25, 2013, 11:47 PM

Daisy began to sing with the music in a husky, rhythmic whisper, bringing out a meaning in each word that it had never had before and would never have again. When the melody rose, her voice broke up sweetly, following it, in a way contralto voices have, and each change tipped out a little of her warm human magic upon the air. “Lots of people come who haven’t been invited,” she said suddenly. “That girl hadn’t been invited. They simply force their way in and he’s too polite to object.” “I’d like to know who he is and what he does,” insisted Tom. “And I think I’ll make a point of finding out.”
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The Great Gatsby (F. Scott Fitzgerald)
- Highlight Loc. 1534-39  | Added on Friday, January 25, 2013, 11:49 PM

“I wouldn’t ask too much of her,” I ventured. “You can’t repeat the past.” “Can’t repeat the past?” he cried incredulously. “Why of course you can!” He looked around him wildly, as if the past were lurking here in the shadow of his house, just out of reach of his hand. “I’m going to fix everything just the way it was before,” he said, nodding determinedly. “She’ll see.” He talked a lot about the past, and I gathered that he wanted to recover something, some idea of himself perhaps, that had gone into loving Daisy.
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The Great Gatsby (F. Scott Fitzgerald)
- Highlight Loc. 1541-53  | Added on Friday, January 25, 2013, 11:51 PM

. . . One autumn night, five years before, they had been walking down the street when the leaves were falling, and they came to a place where there were no trees and the sidewalk was white with moonlight. They stopped here and turned toward each other. Now it was a cool night with that mysterious excitement in it which comes at the two changes of the year. The quiet lights in the houses were humming out into the darkness and there was a stir and bustle among the stars. Out of the corner of his eye Gatsby saw that the blocks of the sidewalks really formed a ladder and mounted to a secret place above the trees—he could climb to it, if he climbed alone, and once there he could suck on the pap of life, gulp down the incomparable milk of wonder. His heart beat faster and faster as Daisy’s white face came up to his own. He knew that when he kissed this girl, and forever wed his unutterable visions to her perishable breath, his mind would never romp again like the mind of God. So he waited, listening for a moment longer to the tuning-fork that had been struck upon a star. Then he kissed her. At his lips’ touch she blossomed for him like a flower and the incarnation was complete. Through all he said, even through his appalling sentimentality, I was reminded of something—an elusive rhythm, a fragment of lost words, that I had heard somewhere a long time ago. For a moment a phrase tried to take shape in my mouth and my lips parted like a dumb man’s, as though there was more struggling upon them than a wisp of startled air. But they made no sound, and what I had almost remembered was uncommunicable forever.
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The Great Gatsby (F. Scott Fitzgerald)
- Highlight Loc. 1674-78  | Added on Friday, January 25, 2013, 11:58 PM

“She’s got an indiscreet voice,” I remarked. “It’s full of——” I hesitated. “Her voice is full of money,” he said suddenly. That was it. I’d never understood before. It was full of money—that was the inexhaustible charm that rose and fell in it, the jingle of it, the cymbals’ song of it. . . . high in a white palace the king’s daughter, the golden girl. . . .
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The Great Gatsby (F. Scott Fitzgerald)
- Highlight Loc. 1823-29  | Added on Saturday, January 26, 2013, 12:06 AM

“He isn’t causing a row.” Daisy looked desperately from one to the other. “You’re causing a row. Please have a little self-control.” “Self-control!” Repeated Tom incredulously. “I suppose the latest thing is to sit back and let Mr. Nobody from Nowhere make love to your wife. Well, if that’s the idea you can count me out. . . . Nowadays people begin by sneering at family life and family institutions, and next they’ll throw everything overboard and have intermarriage between black and white.” Flushed with his impassioned gibberish, he saw himself standing alone on the last barrier of civilization. “We’re all white here,” murmured Jordan.
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The Great Gatsby (F. Scott Fitzgerald)
- Highlight Loc. 1856-72  | Added on Saturday, January 26, 2013, 12:08 AM

“You’re revolting,” said Daisy. She turned to me, and her voice, dropping an octave lower, filled the room with thrilling scorn: “Do you know why we left Chicago? I’m surprised that they didn’t treat you to the story of that little spree.” Gatsby walked over and stood beside her. “Daisy, that’s all over now,” he said earnestly. “It doesn’t matter any more. Just tell him the truth—that you never loved him—and it’s all wiped out forever.” She looked at him blindly. “Why—how could I love him—possibly?” “You never loved him.” She hesitated. Her eyes fell on Jordan and me with a sort of appeal, as though she realized at last what she was doing—and as though she had never, all along, intended doing anything at all. But it was done now. It was too late. “I never loved him,” she said, with perceptible reluctance. “Not at Kapiolani?” demanded Tom suddenly. “No.” From the ballroom beneath, muffled and suffocating chords were drifting up on hot waves of air. “Not that day I carried you down from the Punch Bowl to keep your shoes dry?” There was a husky tenderness in his tone. . . . “Daisy?” “Please don’t.” Her voice was cold, but the rancor was gone from it. She looked at Gatsby. “There, Jay,” she said—but her hand as she tried to light a cigarette was trembling. Suddenly she threw the cigarette and the burning match on the carpet. “Oh, you want too much!” she cried to Gatsby. “I love you now—isn’t that enough? I can’t help what’s past.” She began to sob helplessly. “I did love him once—but I loved you too.”
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The Great Gatsby (F. Scott Fitzgerald)
- Highlight Loc. 1873-90  | Added on Saturday, January 26, 2013, 12:09 AM

“You loved me TOO?” he repeated. “Even that’s a lie,” said Tom savagely. “She didn’t know you were alive. Why—there’re things between Daisy and me that you’ll never know, things that neither of us can ever forget.” The words seemed to bite physically into Gatsby. “I want to speak to Daisy alone,” he insisted. “She’s all excited now——” “Even alone I can’t say I never loved Tom,” she admitted in a pitiful voice. “It wouldn’t be true.” “Of course it wouldn’t,” agreed Tom. She turned to her husband. “As if it mattered to you,” she said. “Of course it matters. I’m going to take better care of you from now on.” “You don’t understand,” said Gatsby, with a touch of panic. “You’re not going to take care of her any more.” “I’m not?” Tom opened his eyes wide and laughed. He could afford to control himself now. “Why’s that?” “Daisy’s leaving you.” “Nonsense.” “I am, though,” she said with a visible effort. “She’s not leaving me!” Tom’s words suddenly leaned down over Gatsby. “Certainly not for a common swindler who’d have to steal the ring he put on her finger.” “I won’t stand this!” cried Daisy. “Oh, please let’s get out.” “Who are you, anyhow?” broke out Tom. “You’re one of that bunch that hangs around with Meyer Wolfsheim—that much I happen to know. I’ve made a little investigation into your affairs—and I’ll carry it further to-morrow.”
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The Great Gatsby (F. Scott Fitzgerald)
- Highlight Loc. 1911-21  | Added on Saturday, January 26, 2013, 12:11 AM

“You two start on home, Daisy,” said Tom. “In Mr. Gatsby’s car.” She looked at Tom, alarmed now, but he insisted with magnanimous scorn. “Go on. He won’t annoy you. I think he realizes that his presumptuous little flirtation is over.” They were gone, without a word, snapped out, made accidental, isolated, like ghosts, even from our pity. After a moment Tom got up and began wrapping the unopened bottle of whiskey in the towel. “Want any of this stuff? Jordan? . . . Nick?” I didn’t answer. “Nick?” He asked again. “What?” “Want any?” “No . . . I just remembered that to-day’s my birthday.” I was thirty. Before me stretched the portentous, menacing road of a new decade.
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The Great Gatsby (F. Scott Fitzgerald)
- Highlight Loc. 1924-26  | Added on Saturday, January 26, 2013, 12:12 AM

Thirty—the promise of a decade of loneliness, a thinning list of single men to know, a thinning brief-case of enthusiasm, thinning hair. But there was Jordan beside me, who, unlike Daisy, was too wise ever to carry well-forgotten dreams from age to age. As we passed over the dark bridge her wan face fell lazily against my coat’s shoulder and the formidable stroke of thirty died away with the reassuring pressure of her hand.
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The Great Gatsby (F. Scott Fitzgerald)
- Highlight Loc. 1927  | Added on Saturday, January 26, 2013, 12:12 AM

So we drove on toward death through the cooling twilight.
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The Great Gatsby (F. Scott Fitzgerald)
- Highlight Loc. 2088-92  | Added on Saturday, January 26, 2013, 12:51 AM

“You ought to go away,” I said. “It’s pretty certain they’ll trace your car.” “Go away NOW, old sport?” “Go to Atlantic City for a week, or up to Montreal.” He wouldn’t consider it. He couldn’t possibly leave Daisy until he knew what she was going to do. He was clutching at some last hope and I couldn’t bear to shake him free.
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The Great Gatsby (F. Scott Fitzgerald)
- Highlight Loc. 2103-5  | Added on Saturday, January 26, 2013, 12:52 AM

But he knew that he was in Daisy’s house by a colossal accident. However glorious might be his future as Jay Gatsby, he was at present a penniless young man without a past, and at any moment the invisible cloak of his uniform might slip from his shoulders. So he made the most of his time. He took what he could get, ravenously and unscrupulously—
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The Great Gatsby (F. Scott Fitzgerald)
- Bookmark Loc. 2119  | Added on Saturday, January 26, 2013, 12:54 AM


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The Great Gatsby (F. Scott Fitzgerald)
- Highlight Loc. 2118-25  | Added on Saturday, January 26, 2013, 12:54 AM

“I can’t describe to you how surprised I was to find out I loved her, old sport. I even hoped for a while that she’d throw me over, but she didn’t, because she was in love with me too. She thought I knew a lot because I knew different things from her. . . . Well, there I was, ‘way off my ambitions, getting deeper in love every minute, and all of a sudden I didn’t care. What was the use of doing great things if I could have a better time telling her what I was going to do?” On the last afternoon before he went abroad, he sat with Daisy in his arms for a long, silent time. It was a cold fall day, with fire in the room and her cheeks flushed. Now and then she moved and he changed his arm a little, and once he kissed her dark shining hair. The afternoon had made them tranquil for a while, as if to give them a deep memory for the long parting the next day promised. They had never been closer in their month of love, nor communicated more profoundly one with another, than when she brushed silent lips against his coat’s shoulder or when he touched the end of her fingers, gently, as though she were asleep.
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The Great Gatsby (F. Scott Fitzgerald)
- Highlight Loc. 2134-40  | Added on Saturday, January 26, 2013, 12:56 AM

Through this twilight universe Daisy began to move again with the season; suddenly she was again keeping half a dozen dates a day with half a dozen men, and drowsing asleep at dawn with the beads and chiffon of an evening dress tangled among dying orchids on the floor beside her bed. And all the time something within her was crying for a decision. She wanted her life shaped now, immediately—and the decision must be made by some force—of love, of money, of unquestionable practicality—that was close at hand. That force took shape in the middle of spring with the arrival of Tom Buchanan. There was a wholesome bulkiness about his person and his position, and Daisy was flattered. Doubtless there was a certain struggle and a certain relief. The letter reached Gatsby while he was still at Oxford.
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The Great Gatsby (F. Scott Fitzgerald)
- Highlight Loc. 2155-62  | Added on Saturday, January 26, 2013, 12:58 AM

He left feeling that if he had searched harder, he might have found her—that he was leaving her behind. The day-coach—he was penniless now—was hot. He went out to the open vestibule and sat down on a folding-chair, and the station slid away and the backs of unfamiliar buildings moved by. Then out into the spring fields, where a yellow trolley raced them for a minute with people in it who might once have seen the pale magic of her face along the casual street. The track curved and now it was going away from the sun, which as it sank lower, seemed to spread itself in benediction over the vanishing city where she had drawn her breath. He stretched out his hand desperately as if to snatch only a wisp of air, to save a fragment of the spot that she had made lovely for him. But it was all going by too fast now for his blurred eyes and he knew that he had lost that part of it, the freshest and the best, forever.
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The Great Gatsby (F. Scott Fitzgerald)
- Highlight Loc. 2176-82  | Added on Saturday, January 26, 2013, 12:59 AM

“They’re a rotten crowd,” I shouted across the lawn. “You’re worth the whole damn bunch put together.” I’ve always been glad I said that. It was the only compliment I ever gave him, because I disapproved of him from beginning to end. First he nodded politely, and then his face broke into that radiant and understanding smile, as if we’d been in ecstatic cahoots on that fact all the time. His gorgeous pink rag of a suit made a bright spot of color against the white steps, and I thought of the night when I first came to his ancestral home, three months before. The lawn and drive had been crowded with the faces of those who guessed at his corruption—and he had stood on those steps, concealing his incorruptible dream, as he waved them good-by.
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The Great Gatsby (F. Scott Fitzgerald)
- Highlight Loc. 2503-14  | Added on Saturday, January 26, 2013, 01:36 AM

She was dressed to play golf, and I remember thinking she looked like a good illustration, her chin raised a little jauntily, her hair the color of an autumn leaf, her face the same brown tint as the fingerless glove on her knee. When I had finished she told me without comment that she was engaged to another man. I doubted that, though there were several she could have married at a nod of her head, but I pretended to be surprised. For just a minute I wondered if I wasn’t making a mistake, then I thought it all over again quickly and got up to say good-bye. “Nevertheless you did throw me over,” said Jordan suddenly. “You threw me over on the telephone. I don’t give a damn about you now, but it was a new experience for me, and I felt a little dizzy for a while.” We shook hands. “Oh, and do you remember.”—she added——” a conversation we had once about driving a car?” “Why—not exactly.” “You said a bad driver was only safe until she met another bad driver? Well, I met another bad driver, didn’t I? I mean it was careless of me to make such a wrong guess. I thought you were rather an honest, straightforward person. I thought it was your secret pride.” “I’m thirty,” I said. “I’m five years too old to lie to myself and call it honor.”
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The Great Gatsby (F. Scott Fitzgerald)
- Highlight Loc. 2514-15  | Added on Saturday, January 26, 2013, 01:36 AM

She didn’t answer. Angry, and half in love with her, and tremendously sorry, I turned away.
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The Great Gatsby (F. Scott Fitzgerald)
- Highlight Loc. 2547-49  | Added on Saturday, January 26, 2013, 01:40 AM

And as the moon rose higher the inessential houses began to melt away until gradually I became aware of the old island here that flowered once for Dutch sailors’ eyes—a fresh, green breast of the new world.
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April

In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Highlight Loc. 36-37  | Added on Monday, April 08, 2013, 02:28 AM

What had shaped the relationship between scientists and the state  in history in different cultural and national contexts? What should be the proper  role of science in a democratic society?

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In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Highlight Loc. 47-50  | Added on Monday, April 08, 2013, 02:30 AM

What I have found, as I have tried to argue  in the book, is that the most important contribution of PSAC was not its advice  to the government on what technology could do, but, rather, what it could not  do. It is this sense of technological skepticism, I believe, that we still need in our  own age of global technological enthusiasm and renewed American militarism if  we are to prevent future Great Leap Forwards and escape the various shadows  of Sputnik.

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In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Highlight Loc. 110-12  | Added on Monday, April 08, 2013, 02:36 AM

"You know, Jim, this bunch of scientists  was one of the few groups that I encountered in Washington who seemed to be  there to help the country and not help themselves. "4 In Eisenhower's eyes, PSAC  appeared not only free of self-interest, but also a "good" scientific-technological  elite that presented a counterbalance to the military-industrial complex that he  would warn the nation of shortly in his famous farewell address.'

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In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Highlight Loc. 110-14  | Added on Monday, April 08, 2013, 02:37 AM

"You know, Jim, this bunch of scientists  was one of the few groups that I encountered in Washington who seemed to be  there to help the country and not help themselves. "4 In Eisenhower's eyes, PSAC  appeared not only free of self-interest, but also a "good" scientific-technological  elite that presented a counterbalance to the military-industrial complex that he  would warn the nation of shortly in his famous farewell address.' To what extent  this perception corresponded to the reality of PSAC and American politics of science   is a question of more than historical interest. As we enter a new era of technological   enthusiasm, we need more than ever to scrutinize the historical forces  still shaping our perceptions of what science and technology can and cannot do  for social progress.

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In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Highlight Loc. 119-22  | Added on Monday, April 08, 2013, 02:38 AM

The illusion of technological fixes, PSAC scientists believed, often led to  not only a waste of societal resources on impractical developmental projects, such  as the si billion failure to make a nuclear-powered airplane, but also, sometimes,  dangerously misguided public policy, such as the perilous arms race and later the  war in Vietnam. Thus, with any given project, the allure of the technological  imperative must be tempered with a critical, independent evaluation of both its  technical limitations and policy implications. Has the necessary basic research  been completed and the project's technical feasibility been proven before going  into costly production?

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In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Highlight Loc. 119-23  | Added on Monday, April 08, 2013, 02:39 AM

The illusion of technological fixes, PSAC scientists believed, often led to  not only a waste of societal resources on impractical developmental projects, such  as the si billion failure to make a nuclear-powered airplane, but also, sometimes,  dangerously misguided public policy, such as the perilous arms race and later the  war in Vietnam. Thus, with any given project, the allure of the technological  imperative must be tempered with a critical, independent evaluation of both its  technical limitations and policy implications. Has the necessary basic research  been completed and the project's technical feasibility been proven before going  into costly production? Has it passed a rigorous cost-benefit analysis? Can it fulfill  its stated mission and, most important of all, does that mission make sense in the  context of broad, long-term policy considerations?

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In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Highlight on Page 3 | Loc. 136-37  | Added on Monday, April 08, 2013, 02:41 AM

Most also had supported J. Robert Oppenheimer  and James Conant in their tumultuous conflict with physicists Edward Teller and  Ernest Lawrence over the H-bomb in late 1949•

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In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Highlight on Page 4 | Loc. 148-50  | Added on Monday, April 08, 2013, 02:43 AM

Clearly not all American scientists subscribed to PSAC's technological skepticism.   As perhaps the most prominent nuclear physicist of the day, Teller, for example,   was conspicuously missing from the committee roster. Indeed, he would often  make a formidable one-man anti-PSAC not only by battling the committee's various  arms control proposals but also by advocating technological fixes, especially nuclear  energy, in all areas of national life. As a popular joke among physicists went, "You  got a problem? Eddie's got a bomb."7

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In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Highlight on Page 4 | Loc. 151-52  | Added on Monday, April 08, 2013, 02:44 AM

The split in the scientific community, which can  be traced to the hydrogen bomb debate in 1949-1950, was not only over the direction  of American nuclear policy, but also over whether technology offered a solution to  social and political problems.

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In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Highlight on Page 4 | Loc. 156-57  | Added on Monday, April 08, 2013, 02:45 AM

Eventually, many PSAC scientists came to agree with critics of the war  outside of the committee that the American sense of technological superiority  played a significant part in leading the country into the conflict.

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In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Highlight on Page 5 | Loc. 163-65  | Added on Monday, April 08, 2013, 02:46 AM

Yes, they consciously tapped into the undercurrent of anxiety in the age of  technological enthusiasm, and their technological critique might have contributed  to the countercultural movement of the late 196os and early 19706 and even the  postmodern questioning of science and technology.

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In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Highlight on Page 5 | Loc. 169-71  | Added on Monday, April 08, 2013, 02:48 AM

Rationality, to them, should not stop at the technical but should  be extended into the policy arena as well. Thus theirs was not an argument against  technology, but one for appropriate technology, for a broadened concept of technological   rationality that encouraged technological development not for its own  sake but for its benefits in achieving social, political, cultural, and economic goals  in a democratic society.

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In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Highlight on Page 5 | Loc. 171-72  | Added on Sunday, April 14, 2013, 01:00 AM

By insisting on looking at the "big picture" whenever they examined a particular technology, they abandoned a purely technical approach to the evaluation of technology and adopted instead what historian of technology Thomas P. Hughes calls the systems approach to technology'

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In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Highlight on Page 5 | Loc. 178-81  | Added on Sunday, April 14, 2013, 01:03 AM

PSAC also deserves our attention as a key institution at the interface between the scientific community and the broader polity during the Cold War.9 As historian
Sally Gregory Kohlstedt argues, institutional histories can be a powerful "point of convergence" of intellectual, social, and cultural history of science." Studies of scientific institutions, including laboratories, academies, and societies, have long held a key place in the history of science and blossomed especially in recent years."

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In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Highlight on Page 5 | Loc. 177-78  | Added on Sunday, April 14, 2013, 01:03 AM

Although PSAC was abolished decades ago and the Cold War has finally ended, the tension between technological enthusiasm and skepticism with which PSAC grappled during the Cold War has not left us.

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In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Highlight on Page 8 | Loc. 219-20  | Added on Sunday, April 14, 2013, 01:12 AM

Instead of showing science's positive contributions toward technological progress, PSAC focused on the role of basic research in evaluating technology, or, more important, in showing the limits of technology.

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In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Highlight on Page 8 | Loc. 231-32  | Added on Sunday, April 14, 2013, 01:15 AM

Thus, basic research was justified not only as a source of new technological initiatives, as Vannevar Bush had argued, but perhaps more important, as a way to prevent the government from going into blind alleys in costly applied research and development.

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In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Highlight on Page 9 | Loc. 238-39  | Added on Sunday, April 14, 2013, 01:16 AM

in the everyday life of a science adviser in the trench, technical proficiency probably counted more than the scientific discoveries on which the science advisers made their reputations."

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In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Highlight on Page 13 | Loc. 256  | Added on Sunday, April 14, 2013, 01:22 AM

American joke that the Soviets could not sneak a nuclear "suitcase bomb" into the country because they had not perfected the suitcase.

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In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Highlight on Page 13 | Loc. 258-60  | Added on Sunday, April 14, 2013, 01:22 AM

It led many, including President Dwight D. Eisenhower, to realize that a "total Cold War" had dawned in which science, technology, education, and the pursuit of national prestige ranked with military and economic strengths as vital forces.

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In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Highlight on Page 13 | Loc. 265-67  | Added on Sunday, April 14, 2013, 01:24 AM

Because Sputnik called into question the adequacy of both the government's support for and use of science, PSAC scientists took on both "science in policy" to make science better serve the government's needs and "policy for science" so that the government could support science effectively.

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In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Bookmark on Page 15 | Loc. 288  | Added on Sunday, April 14, 2013, 01:30 AM

the

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In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Highlight on Page 15 | Loc. 288-90  | Added on Sunday, April 14, 2013, 01:31 AM

providing the United States with a "worthy counterpart" to the Royal Society of London and the French Academy.' Indeed, by the early twentieth century, the NAS had largely evolved into an honorific society of scientific elites, ill prepared to serve the government's needs when another crisis, World War I, came along.

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In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Highlight on Page 16 | Loc. 318-21  | Added on Sunday, April 14, 2013, 01:38 AM

Jewett resented FDR's restrictions of the scientists' role to "details of research problems
of the government departments." "I say this," Jewett continued, "because of a feeling that if my training, experience and judgment were of any value to the scientific departments of the Government that value lies rather in the field of matters of scientific policies which may or may not embrace research, than in the narrower field of research alone ."s'

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In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Highlight on Page 17 | Loc. 328-31  | Added on Sunday, April 14, 2013, 01:40 AM

The 1933 World's Fair ("Century of Progress") in Chicago captured this faith in pure science with its motto: "Science Finds, Industry Applies, and Man Conforms.` Notably, Lewis Mumford, a prominent American public intellectual and one of the fiercest critics of what he called megatechnics, put an important twist on the thesis of scientific superiority when he wrote approvingly in the 1930s about "a liberated scientific curiosity" as "a counterweight to the passionate desire to reduce all existence to terms of immediate profit and success."23

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In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Bookmark on Page 18 | Loc. 340  | Added on Sunday, April 14, 2013, 01:42 AM

'All

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In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Highlight on Page 18 | Loc. 340-41  | Added on Sunday, April 14, 2013, 01:42 AM

'All science stopped during the war except the little bit that was done at Los Alamos," recalled Richard Feynman, a talented young group leader at the bomb laboratory during World War II. `And that was not much science," Feynman added, "it was mostly engineering.""

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In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Highlight on Page 18 | Loc. 344-45  | Added on Sunday, April 14, 2013, 01:43 AM

Furthermore, in the hard times during the Depression, only the most enterprising experimentalists and most talented theoreticians survived the selection process and got to play key roles in the wartime research projects.3°

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In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Highlight on Page 19 | Loc. 356-59  | Added on Sunday, April 14, 2013, 01:47 AM

When a naval officer asked Rabi to make a certain radar device but refused to tell him what it was for-"We prefer to talk about this in our swivel chairs in Washington"-Rabi knew exactly what to do: "I didn't say anything. Neither did I do anything." Finally the officers relented and the two sides worked together to produce "a fantastically great radar." Fortunately, Rabi reflected, "our money did not come from the military directly" but from the OSRD.34

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In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Highlight on Page 22 | Loc. 409-10  | Added on Saturday, April 20, 2013, 07:38 PM

the question of dual allegiance to science and government had long frustrated American scientists' pursuit for a role in public policy.

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In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Highlight on Page 22 | Loc. 414  | Added on Saturday, April 20, 2013, 07:39 PM

Although many scientists continued to concentrate on their science either as a personal preference-Feynman claimed to practice "active irresponsibility"-or

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In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Highlight on Page 24 | Loc. 435-36  | Added on Saturday, April 20, 2013, 07:42 PM

Science, Mumford insisted, should not only pursue truth for its own sake, but be made to answer the question: "Is it beneficial?", Such public questioning of their responsibility contributed to scientists' resolve "to make science serve the cause of peace"

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In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Highlight on Page 24 | Loc. 437-38  | Added on Saturday, April 20, 2013, 07:42 PM

Such appeals encouraged scientists to leave the ivory tower or weapons labs, if temporarily, to enter the public sphere and attempt to shape nuclear policy.

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In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Highlight on Page 28 | Loc. 508-12  | Added on Monday, April 22, 2013, 09:26 PM

The resultant GAC report marked several important departures in the history of science advising. Even more than the Franck Committee, the GAC based its recommendation against the H-bomb on explicitly social, political, and moral considerations: the H-bomb was not a military instrument but a weapon of geno- cide.'9 The majority appendix to the report, drafted by Conant, and cosigned by DuBridge, Rowe, Smith, Buckley, and Oppenheimer, argued that it was both necessary and possible to stop the development of this technology. "Mankind would be far better off not to have a demonstration of the feasibility of such a weapon, until the present climate of world opinion changes."3° The minority appendix to the GAC, signed by Rabi and Fermi, condemned the H-bomb even more forcefully, calling it "necessarily an evil thing considered in any light."3'

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In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Highlight on Page 28 | Loc. 508-15  | Added on Monday, April 22, 2013, 09:26 PM

The resultant GAC report marked several important departures in the history of science advising. Even more than the Franck Committee, the GAC based its recommendation against the H-bomb on explicitly social, political, and moral considerations: the H-bomb was not a military instrument but a weapon of geno- cide.'9 The majority appendix to the report, drafted by Conant, and cosigned by DuBridge, Rowe, Smith, Buckley, and Oppenheimer, argued that it was both necessary and possible to stop the development of this technology. "Mankind would be far better off not to have a demonstration of the feasibility of such a weapon, until the present climate of world opinion changes."3° The minority appendix to the GAC, signed by Rabi and Fermi, condemned the H-bomb even more forcefully, calling it "necessarily an evil thing considered in any light."3' Thus, in advising the government, the GAC sought to explain not what a technology could do, but rather what it could not do. "[I]t is not a weapon," the committee agreed, "which can be used exclusively for the destruction of material installations of military or semi-military purposes." In other words, it would not help the United States win the Cold War militarily even if it could be made.

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In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Highlight on Page 29 | Loc. 526-29  | Added on Monday, April 22, 2013, 09:29 PM

Both the majority and the minority views of the GAC enraged its critics. Edward Teller, who firmly believed in the necessity of deterring Soviet aggression with superior American military technology, denounced the GAC for abandoning Oppenheimer's earlier position on a scientist's duty. "The scientist is not responsible for the laws of nature," Teller argued:
It is his job to find out how these laws operate. It is the scientist's job to find the ways in which these laws can serve human will. However, it is not the scientist's job to determine whether a hydrogen bomb should be constructed, whether it should be used, or how it should be used. This responsibility rests with the American people and with their chosen representatives.38

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In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Highlight on Page 29 | Loc. 534-35  | Added on Monday, April 22, 2013, 09:32 PM

President Truman did not share the GAC's moral concern over the development of the H-bomb. Three years ago he had privately dismissed Oppenheimer as a "cry-baby scientist" when the physicist told him that he had blood on his hands in the aftermath of Hiroshima.'

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In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Highlight on Page 30 | Loc. 544  | Added on Monday, April 22, 2013, 09:33 PM

It reinforced the idea that scientists, as experts, should be strictly "on tap" and not "on top."

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In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Highlight on Page 32 | Loc. 575-77  | Added on Monday, April 22, 2013, 09:42 PM

"Either my comments and advice must play an important part in the councils of your administration or I must be free to speak plainly in public on all those matters of science in which I feel that my war experience gives me a duty to speak."3 Soon he left the White House, disillusioned by what he perceived to be Truman's unwillingness to heed outside scientific advice.'

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In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Highlight on Page 35 | Loc. 622-25  | Added on Wednesday, April 24, 2013, 06:28 PM

Although freed from possible military encroachment and left to support basic research, the NSF was forced to accommodate itself to a federal science funding mechanism dominated by the DOD and the AEC. Its budget languished both in the BOB and in Congress, due partly to its detachment from direct defense concerns. This situation would change with Sputnik, but for much of its formative period, the NSF remained an underfunded promise for the future.

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May

hunter s thompson - the great shark hunt (The Great Shark Hunt)
- Highlight Loc. 210-24  | Added on Wednesday, May 15, 2013, 01:44 PM

He was laughing wildly. "Hell yes! And they'll all be nekkid too!" I shook my head and said nothing; just stared at him for a moment, trying to look grim. "There's going to be trouble," I said. "My assignment is to take pictures of the riot." "What riot?" I hesitated, twirling the ice in my drink. "At the track. On Derby Day. The Black Panthers." I stared at him again. "Don't you read the newspapers?" The grin on his face had collapsed. "What the hell are you talkin about?" "Well. . . maybe I shouldn't be telling you. . ." I shrugged. "But hell, everybody else seems to know. The cops and the National Guard have been getting ready for six weeks. They have 20,000 troops on alert at Fort Knox. They've warned us -- all the press and photographers -- to wear helmets and special vests like flak jackets. We were told to expect shooting. . ." "No!" he shouted; his hands flew up and hovered momentarily between us, as if to ward off the words he was hearing. Then he whacked his fist on the bar. "Those sons of bitches! God Almighty! The Kentucky Derby!" He kept shaking his head. "No! Jesus! That's almost too bad to believe!" Now he seemed to be sagging on the stool, and when he looked up his eyes were misty. "Why? Why here? Don't they respect anything?" I shrugged again. "It's not just the Panthers. The FBI says busloads of white crazies are coming in from all over the country-- to mix with the crowd and attack all at once, from every direction. They'll be dressed like everybody else. You know -- coats and ties and all that. But when the trouble starts. . . well, that's why the cops are so worried." He sat for a moment, looking hurt and confused and not quite able to digest all this terrible news. Then he cried out: "Oh. . . Jesus! What in the name of God is happening in this country? Where can you get away from it?" "Not here," I said, picking up my bag. "Thanks for the drink. . . and good luck." He grabbed my arm, urging me to have another, but I said I was overdue at the Press Club and hustled off to get my act together for the awful spectacle.
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hunter s thompson - the great shark hunt (The Great Shark Hunt)
- Highlight Loc. 239-42  | Added on Wednesday, May 15, 2013, 01:48 PM

and now, humming along in a Yellow Cab toward town, I felt a little guilty about jangling the poor bugger's brains with that evil fantasy. But what the hell? Anybody who wanders around the world saying, "Hell yes, I'm from Texas," deserves whatever happens to him. And he had, after all, come here once again to make a nineteenth-century ass of himself in the midst of some jaded, atavistic freakout with nothing to recommend it except a very saleable "tradition."
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hunter s thompson - the great shark hunt (The Great Shark Hunt)
- Highlight Loc. 286-91  | Added on Wednesday, May 15, 2013, 01:53 PM

There was nothing particularly odd about him. No facial veins or clumps of bristly warts. I told him about the motel woman's description and he seemed puzzled. "Don't let it bother you," I said. "Just keep in mind for the next few days that we're in Louisville, Kentucky. Not London. Not even New York. This is a weird place. You're lucky that mental defective at the motel didn't jerk a pistol out of the cash register and blow a big hole in you." I laughed, but he looked worried. "Just pretend you're visiting a huge outdoor loony bin," I said. "If the inmates get out of control we'll soak them down with Mace." I showed him the can of "Chemical Billy," resisting the urge to fire it across the room at a rat-faced man typing diligently in the Associated Press section.
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hunter s thompson - the great shark hunt (The Great Shark Hunt)
- Highlight Loc. 325-35  | Added on Wednesday, May 15, 2013, 01:57 PM

He had done a few good sketches, but so far we hadn't seen that special kind of face that I felt we would need for the lead drawing. It was a face I'd seen a thousand times at every Derby I'd ever been to. I saw it, in my head, as the mask of the whiskey gentry-- a pretentious mix of booze, failed dreams and a terminal identity crisis; the inevitable result of too much inbreeding in a closed and ignorant culture. One of the key genetic rules in breeding dogs, horses or any other kind of thoroughbred is that close inbreeding tends to magnify the weak points in a bloodline as well as the strong points. In horse breeding, for instance, there is a definite risk in breeding two fast horses who are both a little crazy. The offspring will likely be very fast and also very crazy. So the trick in breeding thoroughbreds is to retain the good traits and filter out the bad. But the breeding of humans is not so wisely supervised, particularly in a narrow Southern society where the closest kind of inbreeding is not only stylish and acceptable, but far more convenient -- to the parents -- than setting their offspring free to find their own mates, for their own reasons and in their own ways. ("Goddam, did you hear about Smitty's daughter? She went crazy in Boston last week and married a nigger!") So the face I was trying to find in Churchill Downs that weekend was a symbol, in my own mind, of the whole doomed atavistic culture that makes the Kentucky Derby what it is.
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In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Highlight on Page 38 | Loc. 670-73  | Added on Friday, May 31, 2013, 08:22 AM

The action in science advising on nuclear weapons took place largely outside of ODM-SAC as the H-bomb program headed toward its first test in 1952, code-named "Mike." Although a Panel of Consultants on Disarmament in the State Department, chaired by Oppenheimer but led largely by Bush, argued for a postponement of the test to give the test ban another chance, Edward Teller counterattacked, effectively, not only for proceeding with the test but also for establishing a second nuclear weapons laboratory at Liver- more.38

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In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Highlight on Page 39 | Loc. 691-94  | Added on Friday, May 31, 2013, 08:25 AM

Remarkably, the key to ODM-SAC'S justification of scientists' role in the government was not what science and technology could contribute directly to the military strength, but their role in shaping planning and policy. "Perhaps the greatest single improvement in the effective use of science in the national defense will lie," the committee argued, "in its use in helping to bring about the increasing clarification of our over-all strategic objectives and priorities, and a greater understanding of where our problems lie and of their relative importance."

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In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Highlight on Page 39 | Loc. 694-99  | Added on Friday, May 31, 2013, 08:26 AM

Continuing earlier attempts in the same direction, the ODM-SAC'S quest for science in policy implied a concurrent demand for scientists in policy. Such science advisers would not only alert the government about opportunities offered by scientific and technological developments, but also, more important, carry out critical evaluations at the interface between technology and policy so that both the potentials and limits of new technologies could be recognized and incorporated in the making of policy. Such integration of science and scientists in policy would, the committee believed, "serve to reduce waste, confusion and futility in technical development." Finally, the scientists also linked its advice on science in policy with policy for science when the committee contended that such critical technical and policy evaluations would in turn have to rest on "the best available estimates of scientific
fact and technical promise," offering, implicitly, rationale for federal support of scientific research.

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In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Highlight on Page 41 | Loc. 717-18  | Added on Friday, May 31, 2013, 08:33 AM

the intensified Cold War abroad and rising anti-Communism at home severely circumscribed the space for the kind of technological skepticism that was first identified with the GAC and then associated with the ODM-SAC.

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In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Highlight on Page 41 | Loc. 718-20  | Added on Friday, May 31, 2013, 08:33 AM

At a time when the Truman administration was preoccupied with "fighting tomorrow's wars with tomorrow's weapons," these liberal-moderate scientists' advocacy of critical evaluations of military technology, with its accompanying demand for scientists to play a role in strategic policymaking, generated much less enthusiasm in the government than Edward Teller's fervent promotion of direct scientific and technological contributions to national defense.

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In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Highlight on Page 42 | Loc. 735-36  | Added on Friday, May 31, 2013, 08:39 AM

Thus the new administration appreciated scientists' critical role in military technology, but it was reluctant to allow them to enter into policymaking.

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In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Highlight on Page 44 | Loc. 761-62  | Added on Friday, May 31, 2013, 08:48 AM

The ODM-SAC watched in horror as McCarthy's reckless investigations devastated an Army research laboratory at Fort Monmouth and threatened to do the same for MIT's Lincoln Laboratory in December 1953•

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In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Highlight on Page 44 | Loc. 774-77  | Added on Friday, May 31, 2013, 08:51 AM

Ironically and tragically, Oppenheimer had foreseen the gathering storm as early as the summer of 1946 when he discussed with Lilienthal the consequences of a Soviet opposition to international control of atomic energy. Speaking in "a really heart-breaking tone," Oppenheimer predicted, in Lilienthal's paraphrase:
This will be construed by us as a demonstration of Russia's warlike intentions. And this will fit perfectly into the plans of that growing number who want to put the country on a war footing, first psychologically, then actually. The Army directing the country's research; Red-baiting; treating all labor organizations, CIO first, as Communist and therefore traitorous, etc."

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In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Highlight on Page 45 | Loc. 785  | Added on Friday, May 31, 2013, 08:53 AM

Unjustified attacks on scientists "are reducing the morale of important research laboratories and reducing the availability of key scientists for important posts in the Government," DuBridge warned.

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In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Highlight on Page 45 | Loc. 791-95  | Added on Friday, May 31, 2013, 08:56 AM

The hearing on Oppenheimer's security clearance before the AEC Personnel Security Board, chaired by Gordon Gray, presented such a rich and fascinating
window on modern American science and politics that it has attracted the attention of various scholars from historians to dramatists. Among the many issues it highlighted was one that has been central in the history of American science advising: the boundary between the technical and the political that defined the proper role of scientists as government advisors. Oppenheimer was attacked not only for giving "wrong" advice on matters such as the hydrogen bomb, but for giving such advice at all.

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In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Highlight on Page 47 | Loc. 811-14  | Added on Friday, May 31, 2013, 09:20 AM

policy-drew not only rebuttal from Oppen- heimer-"Does this mean that a loyal scientist called to advise his Government does so at his peril if he happens to believe in the wisdom of maintaining a proper balance between offensive and defensive weapons?"-but also from other scientists such as Bush, who argued that "Scientists need to be used not as lackeys or underlings but as partners in a great endeavor to preserve our freedoms."

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In Sputnik's Shadow: The President's Science Advisory Committee and Cold War America (Zuoyue Wang)
- Highlight on Page 48 | Loc. 836-38  | Added on Friday, May 31, 2013, 09:24 AM

It was to the president's and the AEC's relief, that the "mass exodus" from weapons laboratories that had been predicted by the ODM-SAC and the AEC's GAC failed to materialize in the wake of the Oppenheimer case.44

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June

The Ultimate Rice Cooker Cookbook (Julie Kaufmann and Beth Hensperger)
- Bookmark Loc. 1942  | Added on Sunday, June 02, 2013, 12:56 PM


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The Ultimate Rice Cooker Cookbook (Julie Kaufmann and Beth Hensperger)
- Highlight Loc. 1942-64  | Added on Sunday, June 02, 2013, 12:56 PM

As guests of the Old ways Food Preservation Society of Boston, a group of food writers and restaurateurs traveled en maze to Morocco a few years ago. The result has been an epiphany regarding North African cuisine, so influenced by the French and Arabs, with the food-loving public reaping the benefit of many excellent articles, travelogues, and exceptional recipes from the little-known land of Casablanca fame. While couscous is the most prevalent starch in Moroccan cuisine, rice is also made. Serve this slightly spiced rice with an array of plain, separately steamed vegetables—green beans, fava or lima beans, carrots, butternut squash, celery, zucchini—and some chickpeas. Preserved lemons are often available in Middle Eastern markets, or you can easily make your own. MACHINE: Medium (6-cup) rice cooker ; fuzzy logic or on/off CYCLE: Regular/Brown Rice YIELD: Serves 4 to 5 1½ cups aromatic long-grain brown rice, such as Texmati 2¾ cups water or vegetable stock ¾ teaspoon salt ½ teaspoon freshly ground black pepper 1 teaspoon ground coriander ½ teaspoon ground cardamom 3 tablespoons unsalted butter, cut into pieces ¼ cup minced preserved lemon, for garnish 1. Coat the rice cooker bowl with nonstick cooking spray or a film of vegetable oil. Place the rice in the rice bowl. Add the water, salt, pepper, coriander, and cardamom; swirl just to combine. Close the cover and set for the regular/Brown Rice cycle. 2. When the machine switches to the Keep Warm cycle, add the butter. Close the cover and let the rice steam for 10 minutes. Fluff the rice with a wooden or plastic rice paddle or wooden spoon. This rice will hold on Keep Warm for 2 hours. Serve hot, sprinkled with a bit of the preserved lemon.
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The Ultimate Rice Cooker Cookbook (Julie Kaufmann and Beth Hensperger)
- Highlight Loc. 1864-83  | Added on Sunday, June 02, 2013, 12:57 PM

Salty miso, a fermented soybean paste that is thick like peanut butter, adds a nice, healthy dimension to plain brown rice (a little dab will do ya, as it is quite strongly flavored). Miso is a traditional Japanese food and there are many types from which to choose, although sometimes finding the one to suit your palate is a challenge. There are the traditional misos, found in Japanese groceries, and unpasteurized misos, geared to health food devotees. The mildest misos are white and a creamy yellow-white, suitable for this recipe (the darker the color of the miso, from red to brown, the stronger the flavor). This rice is really good alongside simple steamed or sautéed vegetables. You can use long,medium-, or short-grain brown rice in this recipe. Top with minced fresh Italian parsley, mitsuba (a Japanese herb found fresh in Asian markets), or green onion tops, and some cubed hot or cold tofu. MACHINE: Medium (6-cup) rice cooker ; fuzzy logic or on/off CYCLE: Regular/Brown Rice YIELD: Serves 3 to 4 1½ tablespoons white or yellow miso 2¼ cups water or vegetable stock One 1-inch piece fresh ginger, peeled Juice of ½ small lemon (about 2 teaspoons) 1 cup brown rice 1. In a small bowl, mash the miso in ¼ cup of the water to dissolve. 2. Place the dissolved miso, the remaining 2 cups water, the ginger, and lemon juice in the rice cooker bowl. Add the rice; swirl to combine. Close the cover and set for the regular/Brown Rice cycle. 3. When the machine switches to the Keep Warm cycle, let the rice steam for 15 minutes. Fluff the rice with a wooden or plastic rice paddle or wooden spoon. Remove and discard the ginger before serving. This rice will hold on Keep Warm for 1 to 2 hours. Serve hot.
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A Vast Machine: Computer Models, Climate Data, and the Politics of Global Warming (Paul N. Edwards)
- Highlight on Page xvii | Loc. 104-5  | Added on Friday, June 07, 2013, 08:22 AM

This doesn't mean that controversies are suppressed; in fact, quite the opposite is true. The IPCC brings controversy within consensus, capturing the full range of expert opinion.

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A Vast Machine: Computer Models, Climate Data, and the Politics of Global Warming (Paul N. Edwards)
- Highlight on Page xvii | Loc. 116  | Added on Friday, June 07, 2013, 08:25 AM

In the words of T. S. Eliot,
We

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A Vast Machine: Computer Models, Climate Data, and the Politics of Global Warming (Paul N. Edwards)
- Highlight on Page xviii | Loc. 119-21  | Added on Friday, June 07, 2013, 08:28 AM

Yet these countless versions of the atmosphere's history have also converged. Could it be that one day some grossly different data image will emerge, in which the planet did not really warm across the period of historical records, or human activity played no significant role in climate change? Sure, it's possible; in science, never say never. But the chances of such a thing happening today are vanishingly small.

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A Vast Machine: Computer Models, Climate Data, and the Politics of Global Warming (Paul N. Edwards)
- Highlight on Page xviii | Loc. 127-29  | Added on Friday, June 07, 2013, 08:30 AM

In the mid 1990s, environmental conservatives and climate-change skeptics promoted the idea that "sound science" must mean "incontrovertible proof by observational data," whereas models were inherently untrustworthy. But in global climate science, at least, this is a false dichotomy. The simplistic "models vs. data" debate lingers on, but in recent years it has been largely replaced by more sophisticated approaches.

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A Vast Machine: Computer Models, Climate Data, and the Politics of Global Warming (Paul N. Edwards)
- Highlight on Page xix | Loc. 141  | Added on Friday, June 07, 2013, 08:33 AM

Computer models hold the key to transforming these information resources into knowledge.

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Room (Emma Donoghue)
- Highlight Loc. 12-13  | Added on Sunday, June 09, 2013, 12:34 PM

Today I’m five. I was four last night going to sleep in Wardrobe, but when I wake up in Bed in the dark I’m changed to five, abracadabra. Before that I was three, then two, then one, then zero.
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Room (Emma Donoghue)
- Note Loc. 13  | Added on Sunday, June 09, 2013, 12:35 PM

novel starts with a time sequence. quantifying time and controlling it.
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Room (Emma Donoghue)
- Highlight Loc. 18-20  | Added on Sunday, June 09, 2013, 12:36 PM

“I cried till I didn’t have any tears left,” she tells me. “I just lay here counting the seconds.” “How many seconds?” I ask her. “Millions and millions of them.” “No, but how many exactly?” “I lost count,” says Ma.
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Room (Emma Donoghue)
- Highlight Loc. 54-55  | Added on Sunday, June 09, 2013, 12:39 PM

Ma’s blue dress is hanging over a bit of my sleeping eye, I mean the eye in the picture but the dress for real in Wardrobe.
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Room (Emma Donoghue)
- Highlight Loc. 93-94  | Added on Sunday, June 09, 2013, 12:43 PM

I don’t like nine. I find a tiny leaf coming, that counts as ten.
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Room (Emma Donoghue)
- Highlight Loc. 108-9  | Added on Sunday, June 09, 2013, 12:44 PM

“What’s wrong with needing?” “It’s hard to explain.”
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Room (Emma Donoghue)
- Highlight Loc. 134-35  | Added on Sunday, June 09, 2013, 12:51 PM

Before I came down from Heaven Ma left it on all day long and got turned into a zombie that’s like a ghost but walks thump thump. So now she always switches off after one show,
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Room (Emma Donoghue)
- Highlight Loc. 156-58  | Added on Sunday, June 09, 2013, 12:52 PM

When I step away there’s a black 5 a little bit over the 4. I love five the best of every number, I have five fingers each hand and the same of toes and so does Ma, we’re our dead spits. Nine is my worst favorite number. “What’s my tall?”
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Room (Emma Donoghue)
- Highlight Loc. 247-49  | Added on Sunday, June 09, 2013, 01:02 PM

We recycle the cereal box from Ancient Egyptian Pyramid, Ma shows me to cut a strip that’s as big as her foot, that’s why it’s called a foot, then she puts twelve little lines. I measure her nose that’s two inches long. My nose is one inch and a quarter, I write it down.
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Room (Emma Donoghue)
- Highlight Loc. 250-53  | Added on Sunday, June 09, 2013, 01:02 PM

“Hey,” I say, “let’s measure Room.” “What, all of it?” “Do we have something else to do?” She looks at me strange. “I guess not.” I write down all the numbers, like the tall of Door Wall to the line where Roof starts equals six feet seven inches. “Guess what,” I tell Ma, “every cork tile is nearly a bit bigger than Ruler.”
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Room (Emma Donoghue)
- Highlight Loc. 357-58  | Added on Sunday, June 09, 2013, 01:12 PM

The Bugs are invisible but I talk to them and sometimes count, last time I got to 347. I hear the snap of the switch and Lamp goes out all at the same second.
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Room (Emma Donoghue)
- Highlight Loc. 393-94  | Added on Sunday, June 09, 2013, 01:15 PM

Brightness is coming in Skylight, the dark snow’s nearly gone. Ma’s looking up too, she’s got a small smile on, I think the prayer did magic.
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Room (Emma Donoghue)
- Highlight Loc. 456-57  | Added on Sunday, June 09, 2013, 01:21 PM

Stealing is when a boy takes what belongs to some boy else, because in books and TV all persons have things that belong just to them, it’s complicated.
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Room (Emma Donoghue)
- Highlight Loc. 464-65  | Added on Sunday, June 09, 2013, 01:21 PM

Here come the turtle babies out of their shells, but the turtle mothers are gone already, that’s weird. I wonder if they meet sometime in the sea, the mothers and the babies, if they know each other or maybe they just swim on by.
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Room (Emma Donoghue)
- Highlight Loc. 555-56  | Added on Sunday, June 09, 2013, 01:27 PM

It would be cool to sometimes go smaller again and sometimes bigger like Alice.
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Room (Emma Donoghue)
- Highlight Loc. 656-59  | Added on Sunday, June 09, 2013, 01:35 PM

Ma?” “Yeah.” “Where are we when we’re asleep?” I can hear her yawn. “Right here.” “But dreams.” I wait. “Are they TV?” She still doesn’t answer. “Do we go into TV for dreaming?” “No. We’re never anywhere but here.” Her voice sounds a long way away.
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Room (Emma Donoghue)
- Highlight Loc. 714-15  | Added on Sunday, June 09, 2013, 02:34 PM

Germs are real, and blood. Boys are TV but they kind of look like me, the me in Mirror that isn’t real either, just a picture.
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Room (Emma Donoghue)
- Highlight Loc. 764-66  | Added on Sunday, June 09, 2013, 02:40 PM

We watch the medical planet where doctors and nurses cut holes in persons to pull the germs out. The persons are asleep not dead. The doctors don’t bite the thread like Ma, they use super sharp daggers and after, they sew the persons up like Frankenstein.
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Room (Emma Donoghue)
- Highlight Loc. 771-80  | Added on Sunday, June 09, 2013, 02:42 PM

“The bottle where he took the pill, that’s the exact one we’ve got, the killers.” Ma stares at the TV, but it’s showing a car speeding around a mountain now. “No, before,” I say. “He actually had our bottle of killers.” “Well, maybe it was the same kind as ours, but it’s not our one.” “Yeah it is.” “No, there’s lots of them.” “Where?” Ma looks at me, then back at her dress, she pulls at the hem. “Well, our bottle is right here on Shelf, and the rest are . . .” “In TV?” I ask. She’s staring at the threads and winding them around the little cards to fit back in Kit. “You know what?” I’m bouncing. “You know what that means? He must go in TV.” The medical planet’s come back on but I’m not even watching. “Old Nick,” I say, so she won’t think I mean the man in the yellow helmet. “When he’s not here, in the daytime, you know what? He actually goes in TV. That’s where he got our killers in a store and brung them here.”
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Room (Emma Donoghue)
- Highlight Loc. 787-89  | Added on Sunday, June 09, 2013, 02:42 PM

“Jack—” Jack what? What does Jack mean? Ma leans back on the pillows. “It’s very hard to explain.” I think she can explain, she just won’t. “You can, because I’m five now.”
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Room (Emma Donoghue)
- Highlight Loc. 802-4  | Added on Sunday, June 09, 2013, 02:44 PM

“Not tonight, I can’t think of the right words to explain.” Alice says she can’t explain herself because she’s not herself, she knows who she was this morning but she’s changed several times since then.
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Room (Emma Donoghue)
- Highlight Loc. 816-20  | Added on Sunday, June 09, 2013, 02:45 PM

I hate when she’s Gone, but I like that I get to watch TV all day. I put it on really quiet at first and make it a bit louder at a time. Too much TV might turn me into a zombie but Ma’s like a zombie today and she’s not watching even. There’s Bob the Builder and Wonder Pets! and Barney. For each I go up to touch hello. Barney and his friends do lots of hugs, I run to get in the middle but sometimes I’m too late. Today it’s about a fairy that sneaks in at night and turns old teeth into money. I want Dora but she doesn’t come.
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Room (Emma Donoghue)
- Note Loc. 820  | Added on Sunday, June 09, 2013, 02:46 PM

television blurring line between reality and not. same thing happening to everyone but on different scales.
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Room (Emma Donoghue)
- Highlight Loc. 821-23  | Added on Sunday, June 09, 2013, 02:47 PM

Cartoons are over so I watch football and the planet where people win prizes. The puffy-hair woman is on her red couch talking to a man who used to be a golf star. There’s another planet where women hold up necklaces and say how exquisite they are.
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Room (Emma Donoghue)
- Highlight Loc. 825  | Added on Sunday, June 09, 2013, 02:47 PM

How can TV be pictures of real things?
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Room (Emma Donoghue)
- Highlight Loc. 848-50  | Added on Sunday, June 09, 2013, 02:50 PM

Dora is a drawing in TV but she’s my real friend, that’s confusing. Jeep is actually real, I can feel him with my fingers. Superman is just TV. Trees are TV but Plant is real, oh, I forgot to water her.
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Room (Emma Donoghue)
- Highlight Loc. 878-79  | Added on Sunday, June 09, 2013, 02:53 PM

“Some really sticky kind, so you’ll end up with teeth like mine?” I don’t like when Ma does sarcasm.
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Room (Emma Donoghue)
- Highlight Loc. 889-91  | Added on Sunday, June 09, 2013, 02:55 PM

In the night she’s flashing, it wakes me in Bed. Lamp on, I count five. Lamp off, I count one. Lamp on, I count two. Lamp off, I count two. I do a groan. “Just a bit more.” She’s still staring up at Skylight that’s all black.
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Room (Emma Donoghue)
- Bookmark Loc. 1484  | Added on Sunday, June 09, 2013, 03:48 PM


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A Vast Machine: Computer Models, Climate Data, and the Politics of Global Warming (Paul N. Edwards)
- Highlight on Page 111 | Loc. 1526-27  | Added on Sunday, June 09, 2013, 05:53 PM

Between 1945 and 1965, digital computers revolutionized weather forecasting, transforming an intuitive art into the first computational science. Unlike many scientific revolutions, this one was planned.

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A Vast Machine: Computer Models, Climate Data, and the Politics of Global Warming (Paul N. Edwards)
- Highlight on Page 112 | Loc. 1539-42  | Added on Sunday, June 09, 2013, 05:57 PM

In a process I have called "mutual orientation," scientists and engineers oriented their military sponsors toward new techniques and technologies, while the agencies oriented their grantees toward military applications. This relationship mostly produced general directions rather than precise goals; rarely did military funders require scientists to specify exactly how their research might be used by the armed forces. Nonetheless, military funders did expect that at least some of the work they paid for would ultimately lead to weaponry or to other forms of strategic advantage, including useful practical knowledge.'

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A Vast Machine: Computer Models, Climate Data, and the Politics of Global Warming (Paul N. Edwards)
- Highlight on Page 112 | Loc. 1545-47  | Added on Sunday, June 09, 2013, 06:00 PM

General George C. Kennedy of the Strategic Air Command claimed in 1953 that "the nation which first learns to plot the paths of air masses accurately and learns to control the time and place of precipitation will dominate the globe."'

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A Vast Machine: Computer Models, Climate Data, and the Politics of Global Warming (Paul N. Edwards)
- Highlight on Page 115 | Loc. 1580-81  | Added on Sunday, June 09, 2013, 06:51 PM

In an early postwar funding request, von Neumann mentioned "high speed calculation to replace certain experimental procedures in some selected parts of mathematical physics.""

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A Vast Machine: Computer Models, Climate Data, and the Politics of Global Warming (Paul N. Edwards)
- Highlight on Page 116 | Loc. 1587-89  | Added on Sunday, June 09, 2013, 06:53 PM

The widely recounted D-Day story, along with many others, entrenched meteorology as a military science. For example, commanders used "applied climatology" in siting new bases, choosing transport routes, and deciding when to launch operations.17 Statistical climatology had also assisted in scheduling the Normandy invasion: analysis had revealed that May and July would probably be worse than June for operations in the English Channel.

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A Vast Machine: Computer Models, Climate Data, and the Politics of Global Warming (Paul N. Edwards)
- Highlight on Page 117 | Loc. 1601-3  | Added on Sunday, June 09, 2013, 06:56 PM

"The leak indicated that a comprehensive meteorological theory existed (when it most certainly did not) and emphasized the weather control aspects." In order to sell a project that could forecast, or control, the weather, the meteorologists needed to have a plausible theory to back it up."23

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A Vast Machine: Computer Models, Climate Data, and the Politics of Global Warming (Paul N. Edwards)
- Highlight on Page 119 | Loc. 1634-37  | Added on Monday, June 10, 2013, 08:36 AM

In March and April of 1950, Jule Charney, Ragnar Fjortoft, George Platzman, Joseph Smagorinsky, and John Freeman spent five weeks at Aberdeen. Von Neumann's wife, Klara, taught the team to code for the ENIAC and checked the final program. Von Neumann himself rarely appeared, but called in frequently by telephone. Working around the clock for 33 days, the team at Aberdeen carried out two 12-hour and four 24-hour
retrospective forecasts. A second ENIAC expedition took place a year later, but the group never published its results.29

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A Vast Machine: Computer Models, Climate Data, and the Politics of Global Warming (Paul N. Edwards)
- Highlight on Page 130 | Loc. 1747-50  | Added on Monday, June 10, 2013, 07:20 PM

Hurd Willett of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, writing around 1950, bemoaned the absence of noticeable improvement: "... probably there is no other field of applied science in which so much money has been spent to effect
so little real progress as in weather forecasting. . . . In spite of ... [the] great expansion of forecasting activity, there has been little or no real progress made during the past forty years in the verification skill" of basic surface forecasts.55

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A Vast Machine: Computer Models, Climate Data, and the Politics of Global Warming (Paul N. Edwards)
- Highlight on Page 132 | Loc. 1765-68  | Added on Monday, June 10, 2013, 07:29 PM

The history of NWP is often presented as one of continuous success and steady progress. Indeed, many scientists with whom I spoke while researching this book expressed surprise or outright skepticism when I noted that it took several decades for computer models to approach human forecast skill. Yet, as we have seen, climbing the hierarchy of models did not lead instantaneously to better forecasts; in fact, initially the opposite was true. Simple barotropic models remained extremely popular with working forecasters well into the 1970s, long after baroclinic and primitive-equation model forecasts had become routinely available.

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A Vast Machine: Computer Models, Climate Data, and the Politics of Global Warming (Paul N. Edwards)
- Highlight on Page 132 | Loc. 1768-75  | Added on Monday, June 10, 2013, 07:29 PM

Why, then, did the national weather services of most developed countries commit themselves so rapidly and completely to this new technological paradigm? First, older techniques had reached their limits; no one put forward any competing vision for major progress in forecast quality and scope. Second, it marked a generational change. As meteorology's scientific sophistication increased, and as the field became professionalized during and after World War II, consensus had developed around the desirability
of grounding forecasting in physical theory. Roger Turner has argued that a small group of theoretically savvy meteorologists, led most notably by Carl-Gustav Rossby and Francis Reichelderfer, "actively constructed" this consensus around what Turner calls "universal meteorology": "... between the 1920s and the 1940s, Rossby, Reichelderfer and their allies designed the institutions, established the curriculum, and cultivated the values that guided the weather cadets trained during World War II.i6O This new cadre of theorists stood ready, on both sides of the Atlantic, to tackle the risky physics and thorny mathematics of numerical modeling. Finally, Charney, Rossby, and von Neumann together articulated a clear research and development program for NWP. As computer power increased, researchers would climb the hierarchy of models, increasing grid resolution and adding ever more realistic physics.

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A Vast Machine: Computer Models, Climate Data, and the Politics of Global Warming (Paul N. Edwards)
- Highlight on Page 133 | Loc. 1776  | Added on Monday, June 10, 2013, 07:30 PM

With the ENIAC as proof of concept, von Neumann staked his considerable reputation on the belief that electronic digital computing would develop rapidly and inexorably.

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A Vast Machine: Computer Models, Climate Data, and the Politics of Global Warming (Paul N. Edwards)
- Highlight on Page 133 | Loc. 1777-79  | Added on Monday, June 10, 2013, 07:30 PM

From the beginning, Charney, Rossby, and von Neumann framed numerical weather prediction as a plan, not a gamble. In the end it worked, of course. But 20-20 hindsight makes it easy to miss the many ways in which it might have failed.

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A Vast Machine: Computer Models, Climate Data, and the Politics of Global Warming (Paul N. Edwards)
- Highlight on Page 134 | Loc. 1796-1801  | Added on Monday, June 10, 2013, 07:35 PM

Second, computer modeling required a considerably different range of expertise than previous forecasting techniques. The ideal modeler had a
strong background in physics and mathematics as well as in meteorology. Anticipating this requirement in 1952, John von Neumann pointed out that an "educational problem" blocked the path to operational NWP:
There is an educational problem because there are practically no people available at the present time capable of supervising and operating such a program. Synoptic meteorologists who are capable of understanding the physical reasoning behind the numerical forecast are needed to evaluate the forecasts. . . . Mathematicians are needed to formulate the numerical aspects of the computations. During the first several years of the program the meteorological and mathematical aspects probably cannot be separated and personnel familiar with both aspects are needed. An intense educational program could conceivably produce enough people in about three years.12

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A Vast Machine: Computer Models, Climate Data, and the Politics of Global Warming (Paul N. Edwards)
- Highlight on Page 135 | Loc. 1801-2  | Added on Monday, June 10, 2013, 07:35 PM

Von Neumann did not mention-and may not have anticipated-that veritable armies of computer technicians, programmers, and other support personnel would also be required.

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A Vast Machine: Computer Models, Climate Data, and the Politics of Global Warming (Paul N. Edwards)
- Highlight on Page 136 | Loc. 1821-22  | Added on Monday, June 10, 2013, 07:38 PM

And price was only one factor. Scientific programmers, skilled technical support personnel, and expertise in numerical methods all remained in short supply.

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A Vast Machine: Computer Models, Climate Data, and the Politics of Global Warming (Paul N. Edwards)
- Highlight on Page 136 | Loc. 1822-23  | Added on Thursday, June 13, 2013, 08:43 AM

The most successful institutions paired theorists with technical wizards, many of them meteorologists who had discovered an aptitude for programming.

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A Vast Machine: Computer Models, Climate Data, and the Politics of Global Warming (Paul N. Edwards)
- Highlight on Page 136 | Loc. 1823  | Added on Thursday, June 13, 2013, 08:43 AM

Without the latter, the crucial, highly complex translation of mathematics into computer code could not proceed.

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A Vast Machine: Computer Models, Climate Data, and the Politics of Global Warming (Paul N. Edwards)
- Highlight on Page 137 | Loc. 1828-29  | Added on Thursday, June 13, 2013, 08:44 AM

For this reason, meteorology has historically been the foremost civilian consumer of supercomputer power. Only the designers of nuclear weapons have laid a greater claim to the world's most advanced computers."

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A Vast Machine: Computer Models, Climate Data, and the Politics of Global Warming (Paul N. Edwards)
- Highlight on Page 140 | Loc. 1848-49  | Added on Thursday, June 13, 2013, 08:49 AM

As we saw in chapter 6, John von Neumann and others understood the significance of this power "to replace certain experimental procedures" almost immediately, although the full extent of it would take some time to dawn on anyone.3

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A Vast Machine: Computer Models, Climate Data, and the Politics of Global Warming (Paul N. Edwards)
- Highlight on Page 141 | Loc. 1856-61  | Added on Thursday, June 13, 2013, 08:51 AM

"infinite forecast."' By this phrase, von Neumann did not intend deterministic prediction of weather over long or "infinite" periods. Instead, he had in mind the statistically "ordinary circulation pattern" that would emerge when "atmospheric conditions . . . have become, due to the lapse of very long time intervals, causally and statistically independent of whatever initial conditions may have existed." This phrase sounds remarkably like the mathematical concept of chaos, by which minute variations in initial conditions rapidly generate extreme divergences in outcomes: a butterfly flaps its wings over Brazil and causes a tornado in Texas. In fact, the theoretical meteorologist Edward Lorenz first discovered what we now call chaos theory while working with atmospheric models in the early 1960s.8 But in the mid 1950s, these results, and the idea of chaos itself, remained unknown. In 1955, von Neumann's "infinite forecast" expressed the widespread belief that global atmospheric flows might display predictable symmetry, stability, and/or periodicity. Research aimed at finding such predictable features remained active throughout the 1950s.9

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A Vast Machine: Computer Models, Climate Data, and the Politics of Global Warming (Paul N. Edwards)
- Highlight on Page 142 | Loc. 1874-75  | Added on Thursday, June 13, 2013, 08:54 AM

What counts are not mere tabulations of data; it is their intelligent organization according to physical laws so as to lead to physical depiction of relevant processes and schemes of motion.

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A Vast Machine: Computer Models, Climate Data, and the Politics of Global Warming (Paul N. Edwards)
- Highlight on Page 143 | Loc. 1890-93  | Added on Thursday, June 13, 2013, 07:08 PM

If Earth had no atmosphere or oceans, its average surface temperature would be about -19°C. Instead, the heat retained in the atmosphere and oceans maintains it at the current global average of about 15°C.
At the equator, Earth receives more heat than it can re-radiate to space; at the poles, it re-radiates more heat than it receives. Thus the climate system, as a thermodynamic engine, serves to transport heat from the equator toward the poles.

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A Vast Machine: Computer Models, Climate Data, and the Politics of Global Warming (Paul N. Edwards)
- Highlight on Page 144 | Loc. 1899  | Added on Thursday, June 13, 2013, 07:09 PM

Svante Arrhenius's calculations of carbon dioxide's effect on Earth's temperature constituted one of the earliest one-dimensional (zonal) EBMs.13

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A Vast Machine: Computer Models, Climate Data, and the Politics of Global Warming (Paul N. Edwards)
- Highlight on Page 146 | Loc. 1922-23  | Added on Thursday, June 13, 2013, 07:14 PM

Parameterizing physical processes accurately is the most difficult aspect of climate modeling and is a source of considerable scientific and political controversy.

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A Vast Machine: Computer Models, Climate Data, and the Politics of Global Warming (Paul N. Edwards)
- Highlight on Page 152 | Loc. 1985-86  | Added on Friday, June 14, 2013, 07:10 PM

experiment," he wrote, "contains empirical elements in that the representation of certain physical effects is based on meteorological experience with the actual atmosphere, rather than being predicted from fundamental laws ofphysics."

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A Vast Machine: Computer Models, Climate Data, and the Politics of Global Warming (Paul N. Edwards)
- Highlight on Page 152 | Loc. 1989  | Added on Friday, June 14, 2013, 07:11 PM

Phillips's model provoked enormous excitement.

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A Vast Machine: Computer Models, Climate Data, and the Politics of Global Warming (Paul N. Edwards)
- Note on Page 152 | Loc. 1989  | Added on Friday, June 14, 2013, 07:12 PM

funny how math as al anguage casts excitement as excitement over language accurately describing the things it describes
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A Vast Machine: Computer Models, Climate Data, and the Politics of Global Warming (Paul N. Edwards)
- Highlight on Page 152 | Loc. 1996-97  | Added on Friday, June 14, 2013, 07:14 PM

Phillips marked out the path: start with simplifying assumptions, such as barotropy and quasi-geostrophy, then eliminate them, one by one, until nothing remained but the primary physics.

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A Vast Machine: Computer Models, Climate Data, and the Politics of Global Warming (Paul N. Edwards)
- Highlight on Page 154 | Loc. 2021-26  | Added on Friday, June 14, 2013, 07:17 PM

We first constructed with considerable care, and in fact programmed, the most general of a hierarchy of models in order to uncover in some detail the body of physics needed, to determine where the obvious weaknesses were, and to give us some idea of the computational limitations we could expect. The perspective thus gained was invaluable. We then laid out a program of simplified models which can be constructed as a sub-set of the most general one. The main requirements were (1) that each model represent a physically realizable state, (2) that they could be
constructed computationally . . . , and (3) that they collectively would provide a step-by-step study of the behavior of new processes and their influence on the interactive system. Hence, many of the intermediate models in themselves may lack detailed similitude to the atmosphere but provide the insight necessary for careful and systematic scientific inquiry.32

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A Vast Machine: Computer Models, Climate Data, and the Politics of Global Warming (Paul N. Edwards)
- Highlight on Page 155 | Loc. 2026-28  | Added on Friday, June 14, 2013, 07:17 PM

This strict attention to correcting physical theory and numerical methods before seeking verisimilitude became a hallmark of the GFDL modeling approach.33 The full primitive-equation GCM ("the most general" model) served as a conceptual framework, driving work on simpler models which led to refinements of the GCM.

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A Vast Machine: Computer Models, Climate Data, and the Politics of Global Warming (Paul N. Edwards)
- Highlight on Page 156 | Loc. 2061-62  | Added on Friday, June 14, 2013, 07:20 PM

Arakawa persuaded Mintz to pay more attention to designing model dynamics that could sustain long-term inte- gration.42

August

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Infinite Jest (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 1453-54  | Added on Wednesday, August 07, 2013, 10:14 AM

The doctor's small nods were designed to appear not as responses but as invitations to continue, what Dretske called Momentumizers.
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Infinite Jest (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 1487-90  | Added on Wednesday, August 07, 2013, 10:17 AM

'So you'd say anxiety is a big part of your depressions.’ It was now not clear whether she was responding to the doctor or not. 'Everything gets horrible. Everything you see gets ugly. Lurid is the word. Doctor Carton said lurid, one time. That's the right word for it. And everything sounds harsh, spiny and harsh-sounding, like every sound you hear all of a sudden has teeth. And smelling like I smell bad even after I just got out of the shower. It's like what's the point of washing if everything smells like I need another shower.’
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Infinite Jest (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 2038-39  | Added on Wednesday, August 07, 2013, 07:53 PM

Sometimes he finds out he believes something that he doesn't even know he believed until it exits his mouth in front of five anxious little hairless plump trusting clueless faces.
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Infinite Jest (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 2239-48  | Added on Thursday, August 08, 2013, 09:29 AM

conducting technical interviews,4444 used silent pauses as integral parts of his techniques of interface. Here it defused Marathe. Marathe felt the ironies of his position. One strap of Steeply's prostheses' brassiere had slipped into view below his shoulder, where it cut deeply into his flesh of the upper arm. The air smelled faintly of creosote, but much less strongly smelling than the ties of train tracks, which Marathe had smelled at close range. Steeply's back was broad and soft. Marathe eventually said: 'You in such a case have nothing. You stand on nothing. Nothing of ground or rock beneath your feet. You fall; you blow here and there. How does one say: "tragically, unvoluntarily, lost." Another silence ensued. Steeply farted mildly. Marathe shrugged. The B.S.S. Field Operative Steeply may not have been truly sneering. The city Tucson's lume appeared a bleached and ghostly white in the unhumid air. Crepuscular animals rustled and perhaps scuttled. Dense and unbeautiful spider webs of the poisonous U.S.A. species of spider Black Widow were beneath the shelf and the incline's other outcroppíngs. And when the wind hit certain angles in the mountainside it moaned. Marathe thought of his victory over the train that had taken his legs.45
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Infinite Jest (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 2383-85  | Added on Thursday, August 08, 2013, 09:39 AM

or else floods his eyes with Murine and heads down to the Headmaster's House for another late dinner with C.T. and the Moms, and eats like such a feral animal that the Moms says it does something instinctively maternal in her heart good to see him pack it away, but then he wakes before dawn with awful indigestion.
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Infinite Jest (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 2397-2400  | Added on Thursday, August 08, 2013, 09:40 AM

You've got what he calls your Despairing type, who's fine as long as he's in the quick-improvement stage before a plateau, but then he hits a plateau and sees himself seem to stall, not getting better as fast or even seeming to get a little worse, and this type gives in to frustration and despair, because he hasn't got the humbleness and patience to hang in there and slog, and he can't stand the time he has to put in on plateaux, and what happens?’
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Infinite Jest (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 2447-52  | Added on Thursday, August 08, 2013, 09:45 AM

Accretive means accumulating, through sheer mindless repeated motions. The machine-language of the muscles. Until you can do it without thinking about it, play. At like fourteen, give and take, they figure here. Just do it. Forget about is there a point, of course there's no point. The point of repetition is there is no point. Wait until it soaks into the hardware and then see the way this frees up your head. A whole shitload of head-space you don't need for the mechanics anymore, after they've sunk in. Now the mechanics are wired in. Hardwired in. This frees the head in the remarkablest ways. Just wait. You start thinking a whole different way now, playing. The court might as well be inside you. The ball stops being a ball.
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Red Plenty (Francis Spufford)
- Highlight on Page 10 | Loc. 245-48  | Added on Tuesday, August 13, 2013, 09:37 AM

At eighteen, presenting original work at the All-Union Mathematical Congress, he measured his success by his ability to get the yellow-fingered, chainsmoking geniuses to stop being kind. When they gave up being encouraging, when they made their first sarcastic remark, when they started to sneer and to try to shred his theorems, he knew they had ceased seeing a kid and started to see a mathematician.
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Red Plenty (Francis Spufford)
- Highlight on Page 11 | Loc. 261-69  | Added on Tuesday, August 13, 2013, 09:39 AM

He had been doing a bit of consultancy. It went with being attached to the Institute of Industrial Construction; you had to sing for your supper every so often. And he didn’t really mind. It was a pleasure to put the lucid order in his head to use. More than a pleasure, a relief almost, because every time the pure pattern of mathematics turned out to have a purchase on the way the world worked, turned out to provide the secret thread controlling something loud and various and apparently arbitrary, it provided one more quantum of confirmation for what Leonid Vitalevich wanted to believe, needed to believe, did believe when he was happy: that all of this, this swirl of phenomena lurching on through time, this mess of interlocked systems, some filigree-fine, some huge and simple, this tram full of strangers and smoky air, this city of Peter built on human bones, all ultimately made sense, were all intricately generated by some intelligible principle or set of principles working themselves out on many levels at once, even if the expressions didn’t exist yet which could capture much of the process.
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Red Plenty (Francis Spufford)
- Highlight on Page 11 | Loc. 272-74  | Added on Tuesday, August 13, 2013, 09:40 AM

He was lucky enough to live in the only country on the planet where human beings had seized the power to shape events according to reason, instead of letting things happen as they happened to happen, or allowing the old forces of superstition and greed to push people around. Here, and nowhere else, reason was in charge.
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Red Plenty (Francis Spufford)
- Highlight on Page 12 | Loc. 274-81  | Added on Tuesday, August 13, 2013, 09:40 AM

He might have been born in Germany, and then this tram ride tonight would have been full of fear. On his professor suit would have been a cotton star, and dark things would have looked out of people’s faces at him, just because his grandfather had worn earlocks, had subscribed to a slightly different unverifiable fairytale about the world. He would have been hated there, for no reason at all. Or he might have been born in America, and then who could say if he would even have had the two kopecks for the tram at all? Would a twenty-six-year-old Jew be a professor there? He might be a beggar, he might be playing a violin on the street in the rain, the thoughts in his head of no concern to anyone because nobody could make money out of them. Cruelty, waste, fictions allowed to buffet real men and women to and fro: only here had people escaped this black nonsense, and made themselves reality’s deliberate designers rather than its playthings. True, reason was a difficult tool. You laboured with it to see a little more, and at best you got glimpses, partial truths; but the glimpses were always worth having.
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Red Plenty (Francis Spufford)
- Highlight on Page 14 | Loc. 302-4  | Added on Tuesday, August 13, 2013, 09:42 AM

He had thought about ways to distinguish between better answers and worse answers to questions which had no right answer. He had seen a method which could do what the detective work of conventional algebra could not, in situations like the one the Plywood Trust described,
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Red Plenty (Francis Spufford)
- Highlight on Page 15 | Loc. 324-31  | Added on Tuesday, August 13, 2013, 09:45 AM

It was 3% of extra order snatched out of the grasp of entropy. In the face of the patched and mended cosmos, always crumbling of its own accord, always trying to fall down, it built; it gained 3% more of what humanity wanted, free and clear, just as a reward for thought. Moreover, he thought, its applications did not stop with individual factories, with getting 3% more plywood, or 3% more gun barrels, or 3% more wardrobes. If you could maximise, minimise, optimise the collection of machines at the Plywood Trust, why couldn’t you optimise a collection of factories, treating each of them, one level further up, as an equation? You could tune a factory, then tune a group of factories, till they hummed, till they purred. And that meant – ‘Watch what you’re doing!’ cried the short woman. ‘Take your head out of your arse and watch what you’re doing, why don’t you?’
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Red Plenty (Francis Spufford)
- Highlight on Page 16 | Loc. 339-41  | Added on Tuesday, August 13, 2013, 09:46 AM

But here it was possible to plan for the whole system at once. The economy was a clean sheet of paper on which reason was writing. So why not optimise it? All he would have to do was to persuade the appropriate authorities to listen.
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Red Plenty (Francis Spufford)
- Highlight on Page 17 | Loc. 353-54  | Added on Tuesday, August 13, 2013, 09:47 AM

though he already understood that it would take a huge quantity of work to compose the necessary dynamic models.
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Red Plenty (Francis Spufford)
- Highlight on Page 31 | Loc. 556-57  | Added on Thursday, August 15, 2013, 08:28 PM

America was a torrent of clever anticipations. Soviet industries would have to learn to anticipate as cleverly, more cleverly, if they were to overtake America in satisfying wants as well as needs.
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Red Plenty (Francis Spufford)
- Highlight on Page 33 | Loc. 582-85  | Added on Thursday, August 15, 2013, 08:32 PM

Whether or not they wanted him there, the force and capacity of the Soviet state had obliged them to let him in. Think of it! Miners had gouged at the stubborn earth, railroadmen had blown on their hands at dawns colder than rigor mortis, machinists had skinned off bright curls of swarf, soldiers had died in the shit and the mud, so that one of their own could demand to be received in this quiet, rich room as an equal. Here he was. They had to deal with him.
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Red Plenty (Francis Spufford)
- Highlight on Page 64 | Loc. 1032-36  | Added on Friday, August 16, 2013, 10:24 AM

Here he was, plodding along in the heat, and all his education and all his good prospects didn’t make him any less a human speck, inching across the wide, flat floor of Russia. After another while, he started to laugh. Let this be a lesson to you, Mr Economist, he told himself. Any time you get imperious, any time you start to mistake the big enclosing terms you use for the actions and things they represent, just you remember this. Just you remember that the world is really sweat and dirt. But the descriptions of the world in economics were powerful.
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Red Plenty (Francis Spufford)
- Highlight on Page 66 | Loc. 1069-77  | Added on Friday, August 16, 2013, 10:29 AM

Marx had drawn a nightmare picture of what happened to human life under capitalism, when everything was produced only in order to be exchanged; when true qualities and uses dropped away, and the human power of making and doing itself became only an object to be traded. Then the makers and the things made turned alike into commodities, and the motion of society turned into a kind of zombie dance, a grim cavorting whirl in which objects and people blurred together till the objects were half alive and the people were half dead. Stock-market prices acted back upon the world as if they were independent powers, requiring factories to be opened or closed, real human beings to work or rest, hurry or dawdle; and they, having given the transfusion that made the stock prices come alive, felt their flesh go cold and impersonal on them, mere mechanisms for chunking out the man-hours. Living money and dying humans, metal as tender as skin and skin as hard as metal, taking hands, and dancing round, and round, and round, with no way ever of stopping; the quickened and the deadened, whirling on. That was Marx’s description, anyway.
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Red Plenty (Francis Spufford)
- Highlight on Page 83 | Loc. 1257-68  | Added on Friday, August 16, 2013, 10:54 AM

In the chaos and economic collapse following the overthrow of the Tsar by disorganised liberals, they were able to use the discipline of the cult’s membership to mount a coup d'état – and then to finesse themselves into the leadership of all those in Russia who were resisting the armed return of the old regime. Suddenly, a small collection of fanatics and opportunists found themselves running the country that least resembled Marx’s description of a place ready for socialist revolution. Not only had capitalist development not reached its climax of perfection and desperation in Russia; it had barely even begun. Russia had fewer railroads, fewer roads and less electricity than any other European power. Its towns were stunted little venues for the gentry to buy riding boots. Most people were illiterate. Within living memory, the large majority of the population had been slaves. Despite this absence of all Marx’s preconditions, the Bolsheviks tried anyway to get to paradise by the quick route, abolishing money and seizing food for the cities directly at gunpoint. The only results were to erase the little bit of industrial development that had taken place in Russia just before the First World War, and to create the first of many bouts of mass starvation. It became inescapably clear that, in Russia, socialism was going to have to do what Marx had never expected, and to carry out the task of development he’d seen as belonging strictly to capitalism. Socialism would have to mimic capitalism’s ability to run an industrial revolution, to marshal investment, to build modern life. Socialism would have to compete with capitalism at doing the same things as capitalism.
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Red Plenty (Francis Spufford)
- Highlight on Page 111 | Loc. 1648-58  | Added on Friday, August 16, 2013, 10:43 PM

A pentode is plugged together with a signal inverter, so that the current switches off if it was on, and on if it was off. This is NOT. And that’s all it takes. Wired together in the right order, these are the only moves required to mechanise the whole panoply of reasoning; to set the yes–no picture growing towards the complexity of a Rembrandt in the Hermitage. Sixteen of AND, six of OR and three of NOT, arranged in a branching tree, make this board capable of adding. It can add the 1 in our first pentode to a zero in another pentode, and produce (of course) 1; then add that 1 to another 1 carried over from a previous addition, and produce 0, with an extra 1 to be carried over in turn, down a wire to the circuit board next in the stack, where the next addition is about to commence. 1 plus 0 plus 1 equals 0, carry 1. Of course, Sergei Alexeievich, sitting up late in 1943 manipulating 1s and 0s with a pencil, could do this himself, and operations so much more demanding that the comparison is ridiculous. But he couldn’t do it in one ten-thousandth of a second, and do it again ad infinitum every ten-thousandth of a second. Here’s the power of the machine: that having broken arithmetic down into tiny idiot steps, it can then execute those steps at inhuman speed, forever. Or until a vacuum tube blows. And in fact ten thousand operations per second is no longer so very fast, as these things go.
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Pyomo - Optimization Modeling in Python (Springer Optimization and Its Applications, Vol. 67) (William E. Hart, Carl Laird, Jean-Paul Watson and David L. Woodruff)
- Note Loc. 298  | Added on Saturday, August 17, 2013, 12:49 PM

defining a as a coeff matrix A
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Pyomo - Optimization Modeling in Python (Springer Optimization and Its Applications, Vol. 67) (William E. Hart, Carl Laird, Jean-Paul Watson and David L. Woodruff)
- Highlight Loc. 304-7  | Added on Saturday, August 17, 2013, 12:51 PM

Pyomo addresses this and other, related issues by allowing modeling components to be initialized with user-defined functions, which we call rules. The idea is that complex initialization of a collection of constraints or objectives (for example) can be managed by a function that generates each constraint or objective expression individually. Similarly, rules can be used to construct complex sets and parameters in a generic manner.

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Pyomo - Optimization Modeling in Python (Springer Optimization and Its Applications, Vol. 67) (William E. Hart, Carl Laird, Jean-Paul Watson and David L. Woodruff)
- Highlight Loc. 760-62  | Added on Monday, August 19, 2013, 09:28 AM

Similarly, data can be loaded into another parameter than what is specified in the relational table:
This specifies that the index set is loaded into the z set and that the data in the D column in the table is loaded into the Y parameter.

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Red Plenty (Francis Spufford)
- Highlight on Page 128 | Loc. 1893-99  | Added on Monday, August 19, 2013, 07:08 PM

It almost looked like the hospitable home for a million separate stories which every great city was. It almost looked like Paris. But he had seen Paris. Moreover he worked in film: he saw this city, and he couldn’t help but notice the way its surfaces habitually turned face-outward to be seen, instead of inwards for the comfort of the inhabitants. He recognised the thinness of the scrim, the cutting of corners where the audience would have its attention elsewhere and be content to register a general blur of grandeur. Those doors would be out of focus anyway: who needed to make sure they actually fitted their frames? The skyscrapers blocked out bold volumes of air, the walls of the city were receding planes, leading the eye back to a sky painted on glass. Moscow was a set, and like all sets looked more convincing from the middle distance than close up.
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Pyomo - Optimization Modeling in Python (Springer Optimization and Its Applications, Vol. 67) (William E. Hart, Carl Laird, Jean-Paul Watson and David L. Woodruff)
- Highlight Loc. 1497-1502  | Added on Tuesday, August 20, 2013, 09:22 PM

Example I O.A.8 explores a grid of starting points and keeps a list of all of the unique solutions that are found.
This script illustrates some of the powerful extensibility that is possible using the object-oriented features of Python. The script declares a new class with class Solution: that is intended to store a candidate solution and the initial starting point that was used. We have added two methods to the class, one to check if a candidate solution is different using a numerical tolerance, and one to print out the candidate solution and the corresponding initial values. The ability to define new classes on-the-fly inside of Python can be very powerful. The script then solves all the problems with different initial values, and keeps a list of all the unique solutions that are found. These unique solutions are printed to the screen.

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Pyomo - Optimization Modeling in Python (Springer Optimization and Its Applications, Vol. 67) (William E. Hart, Carl Laird, Jean-Paul Watson and David L. Woodruff)
- Highlight Loc. 1504-5  | Added on Tuesday, August 20, 2013, 09:23 PM

It is often useful to fix variables at known values to assess how other variables change. Consider Example 8.A.2, which defines a simple multimodal function of two variables. Example 10.A.9 illustrates how variable fixing is used to analyze this model by iteratively fixing and unfixing variables.

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Pyomo - Optimization Modeling in Python (Springer Optimization and Its Applications, Vol. 67) (William E. Hart, Carl Laird, Jean-Paul Watson and David L. Woodruff)
- Highlight Loc. 1510-11  | Added on Tuesday, August 20, 2013, 09:24 PM

There are often times when you may want to solve a sequence of models with slightly different constraints. Pyomo offers a simple mechanism to enable and disable various model components.

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Pyomo - Optimization Modeling in Python (Springer Optimization and Its Applications, Vol. 67) (William E. Hart, Carl Laird, Jean-Paul Watson and David L. Woodruff)
- Highlight Loc. 1514-15  | Added on Tuesday, August 20, 2013, 09:24 PM

Our strategy will be to solve the problem first with the bilinear expression and use this solution as an initialization for the actual problem with the trilinear expression.

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Pyomo - Optimization Modeling in Python (Springer Optimization and Its Applications, Vol. 67) (William E. Hart, Carl Laird, Jean-Paul Watson and David L. Woodruff)
- Bookmark Loc. 1515  | Added on Tuesday, August 20, 2013, 09:24 PM

Example

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Pyomo - Optimization Modeling in Python (Springer Optimization and Its Applications, Vol. 67) (William E. Hart, Carl Laird, Jean-Paul Watson and David L. Woodruff)
- Highlight Loc. 1516-19  | Added on Tuesday, August 20, 2013, 09:25 PM

The previous section illustrated how a model can be easily altered. In that example, our goal was to solve a simpler problem to provide initialization for the more difficult problem, and we showed how different constraints could be added or dropped to allow for this. In this section, we illustrate another approach, where we define
two completely different models, yet load the results from solving one instance into another instance to provide initialization.
Results are loaded based on variable name. Therefore, any variables with the same name will have new values loaded from the results object.

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Pyomo - Optimization Modeling in Python (Springer Optimization and Its Applications, Vol. 67) (William E. Hart, Carl Laird, Jean-Paul Watson and David L. Woodruff)
- Highlight Loc. 1565-67  | Added on Tuesday, August 20, 2013, 09:30 PM

This example serves to illustrate, at a very high level, the scripting of a complex hybrid optimization algorithm using Pyomo and Coopr. Despite the complexity of the process (hidden in large part due to code modularization), the code is relatively compact. Including the code for the model definition, there are a total of approximately 650 lines of Python code, including white-space.
10.5

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Red Plenty (Francis Spufford)
- Highlight on Page 138 | Loc. 2037-38  | Added on Thursday, August 22, 2013, 10:13 AM

‘Do not worry, my soul,’ said the wise wife. ‘Go to sleep. The morning is wiser than the evening.’
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Red Plenty (Francis Spufford)
- Highlight on Page 146 | Loc. 2120-22  | Added on Thursday, August 22, 2013, 10:21 AM

Where the United States (for example) was a society ruled by lawyers, with a deep well of campus idealism among literature professors and sociologists, the Soviet Union was a society ruled by engineers, with a well of idealism among mathematicians and physicists.
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Red Plenty (Francis Spufford)
- Highlight on Page 148 | Loc. 2158-60  | Added on Thursday, August 22, 2013, 10:26 AM

(Contemporary joke: Khrushchev asks a friend to look over the text of one of his speeches. ‘I can’t deny, Nikita Sergeyevich, that I did find some errors. “Up yours” should be two separate words, and “shit-ass” is hyphenated.’)
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Red Plenty (Francis Spufford)
- Highlight on Page 150 | Loc. 2173-75  | Added on Thursday, August 22, 2013, 10:28 AM

These old men were not ordinary people; they were the Freezer, the Glutton, and the Magician. The Magician drew a picture of a boat on the sand, and said: ‘Brothers, do you see this boat?’ ‘We see it.’ ‘Sit in it.’ All of them sat in the boat. The Magician said: ‘Now, little light boat, serve me as you have served me before.’ Suddenly the boat rose in the air …
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Red Plenty (Francis Spufford)
- Highlight on Page 167 | Loc. 2422-26  | Added on Thursday, August 22, 2013, 06:41 PM

‘And the person he’s talking to’ – slight, ascetic, horn-rimmed glasses – ‘is Professor Ershov of the computer centre.’ ‘Who says –’ ‘Who famously says –’ ‘“A programmer”’, they chorused together, ‘“must combine the accuracy of a bank clerk with the acumen of an Indian tracker, and add in the imagination of a crime writer and the practicality of a businessman.”’
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Red Plenty (Francis Spufford)
- Highlight on Page 178 | Loc. 2605-7  | Added on Thursday, August 22, 2013, 06:58 PM

There isn’t much logical difference between not being able to find something you can afford, and being able to find something you cannot afford. Is there?’
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Red Plenty (Francis Spufford)
- Highlight on Page 180 | Loc. 2628-34  | Added on Friday, August 23, 2013, 12:51 PM

She too was a believer in a world that could be reduced, along one dimension of its existence, to information: only in her case, it was the information of the genes, not the information of the computing circuit, which stood as the pattern of patterns. And once you had seen it, once you had parted the curtains of the visible world and seen that human beings were only temporary expressions of ancient information, dimly seen in tiny glimpses by the light of science’s deductive flashlight, but glimpsed enough to tell that it was vast, and intricate, and slowly changing by indifferent rules of its own as it went on its way into a far future – then all the laws and plans of the self-important present looked like momentary tics and jitters in comparison. A dark message, posted from the past to the future; a dark armada, floating through time. Dark masses, moving in the dark. Dark water. Dark ocean swell.
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Red Plenty (Francis Spufford)
- Highlight on Page 206 | Loc. 2969  | Added on Friday, August 23, 2013, 01:14 PM

later on in samizdat whisperings,
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Red Plenty (Francis Spufford)
- Highlight on Page 207 | Loc. 2982-84  | Added on Friday, August 23, 2013, 01:16 PM

When his own base of operations in the Academy expanded into the fully autonomous TSEMI, the Central Economic-Mathematical Institute, with a building out among the muddy new boulevards of the Sparrow Hills and a banner in the hall reading ‘Comrades, Let’s Optimise!',
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Red Plenty (Francis Spufford)
- Highlight on Page 211 | Loc. 3032-33  | Added on Friday, August 23, 2013, 01:20 PM

from bone to bone the marrow flows, like pearls poured from one vessel to another.’
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Red Plenty (Francis Spufford)
- Highlight on Page 217 | Loc. 3108-19  | Added on Friday, August 23, 2013, 01:27 PM

A little problem with Solkemfib, the viscose plant at Solovets, away off in the green gloom of the north-eastern forests. It was one of Maksim Maksimovich’s new generation of chemical-fibre operations, along with the big new installations at Barnaul and Svetlogorsk, and it ought not to have been causing trouble at this point in its life-cycle, with machines only four years old and the trials of running them in safely behind. It had its own wood-pulp mill, to provide cellulose, and a nice big lake for water. Power came by 220-kilovolt line from one of the hydro stations on the upper Volga. Everything else arrived and departed on a railroad spur. Really, it was only salt, sulphur and coal in, viscose out. That was the particular simplicity of viscose production from the planner’s point of view. None of the more complex chemical inputs the process required – sulphuric acid, lye, carbon disulphide – could easily be transported in bulk. They all had to be manufactured on the spot, at the plant itself; which meant that, to the remote and abstracting eye of someone chiefly concerned with supply chains, a viscose plant could be treated as robust. It was relatively insensitive to disruption. It could be supplied from multiple sources. It was not a hostage to problems elsewhere. Feed it its raw materials, and it chugged along, an economic black box, busily turning trees into sweaters and cellophane and high-strength cord for car tyres. This always struck Maksim Maksimovich as a very obliging way for a physical process to work – and charmingly close to the political textbooks too. Trees into sweaters! Brute matter uplifted to serve human purposes! What could be more dialectical?
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Infinite Jest (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 3223-26  | Added on Friday, August 23, 2013, 07:17 PM

you should see Pemulis with an emulsion curve, yawning blasély under his bill-reversed yachting hat and scratching an armpit, juggling differentials like a boy born to wear a pocket-protector and high-water corduroys and electrician's tape on his hornrims' temples, asking Mario if he knows what you call three Canadians copulating on a snowmobile. Mario and his brother Hal both consider Pemulis a good friend, though friendship at E.T.A. is nonnego-tiable currency.
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Infinite Jest (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 3528-29  | Added on Friday, August 23, 2013, 08:34 PM

how the drunk and the maimed both are dragged forward out of the arena like a boneless Christ, one man under each arm, feet dragging, eyes on the aether.
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September

Red Plenty (Francis Spufford)
- Highlight on Page 271 | Loc. 3848-54  | Added on Saturday, September 07, 2013, 09:32 PM

Lenin’s core of original Bolsheviks, and the socialists like Trotsky who joined them, were many of them highly educated people, literate in multiple European languages, learned in the scholastic traditions of Marxism; and they preserved these attributes even as they murdered and lied and tortured and terrorised. They were social scientists who thought principle required them to behave like gangsters. But their successors – the vydvizhentsy who refilled the Central Committee in the thirties – were not the most selfless people in Soviet society, or the most principled, or the most scrupulous. They were the most ambitious, the most domineering, the most manipulative, the most greedy, the most sycophantic; people whose adherence to Bolshevik ideas was inseparable from the power that came with them. Gradually their loyalty to the ideas became more and more instrumental, more and more a matter of what the ideas would let them grip in their two hands.
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Red Plenty (Francis Spufford)
- Highlight on Page 272 | Loc. 3854-57  | Added on Saturday, September 07, 2013, 09:32 PM

High-level Party meetings became extravagantly foul-mouthed from the 1930s on, as a way of signalling that practical people were now in charge, down-to-earth people: and honest Russians too, not those dubious Balzac-readers with funny foreign names. ‘Ladies, cover your ears!’ became the traditional start-of-meeting announcement.
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Red Plenty (Francis Spufford)
- Highlight on Page 272 | Loc. 3858-60  | Added on Saturday, September 07, 2013, 09:33 PM

Stalin took his philosophical obligations entirely seriously. The time he spent in his Kremlin library was time spent reading. He held forth on linguistics, and genetics, and economics, and the proper writing of history, because he believed that intellectual decision-making was the duty of power.
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Red Plenty (Francis Spufford)
- Highlight on Page 272 | Loc. 3864-69  | Added on Saturday, September 07, 2013, 09:34 PM

A sculptor dared to tell him he didn’t understand art: ‘When I was a miner,’ he snapped, ‘they said I didn’t understand. When I was a political worker in the army, they said I didn’t understand. When I was this and that, they said I didn’t understand. Well, now I’m party leader and premier, and you mean to say I still don’t understand? Who are you working for, anyway?’ Stalin had been a gangster who really believed he was a social scientist. Khrushchev was a gangster who hoped he was a social scientist. But the moment was drawing irresistibly closer when the idealism would rot away by one more degree, and the Soviet Union would be governed by gangsters who were only pretending to be social scientists.
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Red Plenty (Francis Spufford)
- Highlight on Page 273 | Loc. 3883-89  | Added on Saturday, September 07, 2013, 09:36 PM

now drought and falling yields had pushed the Soviet Union to the brink of bread rationing and forced them to waste precious foreign currency on importing wheat, ten million humiliating tonnes of it. He had tried to stick his thumb in the scales of the strategic balance by putting the missiles in Cuba; and the world had nearly burned. He was getting angrier and angrier, more and more impatient, more and more puzzled. ‘You’d think as first secretary I could change anything in this country,’ he told Fidel Castro. ‘The hell I can! No matter what changes I propose and carry out, everything stays the same. Russia’s like a tub full of dough …’ The yeasty mass kept pushing back, and all he knew how to do was to keep trying the same methods, more and more frantically, more and more frenziedly, announcing new policies, rejigging the organisation chart, tinkering and revising, even to the point of messing with the basis of philosophical kingship itself.
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Red Plenty (Francis Spufford)
- Highlight on Page 274 | Loc. 3892-94  | Added on Saturday, September 07, 2013, 09:37 PM

till by October 1964 there was a solid majority around the Presidium table for replacing him. Which left the question of what to do about his promises.
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Red Plenty (Francis Spufford)
- Highlight on Page 275 | Loc. 3894-95  | Added on Saturday, September 07, 2013, 09:37 PM

Once a turnip said, ‘I taste very good with honey.’ ‘Get away, you boaster,’ replied the honey. ‘I taste good without you.’
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Red Plenty (Francis Spufford)
- Highlight on Page 281 | Loc. 3980-83  | Added on Saturday, September 07, 2013, 09:44 PM

And he stalled at the lights! The starter motor chugged fruitlessly, he pumped at the choke, and the engine only started as the lights turned back to red. When they went green, the Volga, released, bounded forwards in a series of humiliating hiccoughs. ‘What a balls-up!’ he muttered, meaning more than the junction. ‘Steady on,’ said Melnikov, looking at him sharply. ‘Leave him be,’ said the boss, from the back seat.
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Red Plenty (Francis Spufford)
- Highlight on Page 282 | Loc. 3991-95  | Added on Monday, September 09, 2013, 10:03 AM

‘No one needs me now,’ he said to the air straight in front of him. ‘What am I going to do without work? How am I going to live?’ It was unbearable seeing him so reduced. The driver pulled out his cigarettes. ‘Would you care for a smoke, Nikita Sergeyevich?’ he asked. ‘I’ve lost my job, not my senses,’ the boss snapped. ‘Put that crap away.’ That was better.
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Red Plenty (Francis Spufford)
- Highlight on Page 294 | Loc. 4161-66  | Added on Monday, September 09, 2013, 10:16 AM

‘Mokhov; Gosplan,’ he said, holding out a hand bristled with dark hairs right down to the knuckles. ‘You’ve dropped your cigarette. Have one of mine instead. They’re Swedish; not bad.’ Ceremoniously, he held up his lighter for Emil and then for himself. The blue flame was almost dissolved into the blueness of the day, and the smoke only tasted like an intensification of the hot summer air, but it was soothing. Emil breathed in a welcome numbness from it. Mokhov arranged himself on the railing in an arch of spindly black segments, and waited. He looked like an allegory of famine.
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Paintwork (Tim Maughan)
- Highlight on Page 18 | Loc. 231  | Added on Tuesday, September 10, 2013, 09:35 AM

We have the technology, if you have the money. Viva la singularity”. 
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Paintwork (Tim Maughan)
- Highlight on Page 25 | Loc. 335-37  | Added on Tuesday, September 10, 2013, 09:42 AM

Yeah, I am getting back into 2D. 3D is dead. Augmented is over. It’s just fucking background noise. It’s just fucking TV and Twitter and all… this- “ He waves a dismissive shadowy hand at the rave behind them. “It’s all this shit. Disposable, infinitely fucking copyable digital noise. Mass-produced and instantly forgotten. 3D is over.” 
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Paintwork (Tim Maughan)
- Highlight on Page 28 | Loc. 387-88  | Added on Tuesday, September 10, 2013, 09:45 AM

3D printers. Instant designs. Everything is too easy. Disposable. Copied and deleted. Digital and ephemeral. Easily forgotten. 
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Paintwork (Tim Maughan)
- Highlight on Page 35 | Loc. 490-93  | Added on Tuesday, September 10, 2013, 09:50 AM

Bristol was drowning. The drizzle had turned into torrential rain, alternating black and white droplets falling from the heavens. As they hit the forest of decaying architecture they splattered it with toxic paint; acid burning into concrete as clouds of suffocating fumes filled the war-torn streets. With an insidious clanking and scratching the beetles started to emerge from the gutters and alleys in their thousands, mouths turned up to the sky to drink in the poisonous rain... 
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Paintwork (Tim Maughan)
- Highlight on Page 50 | Loc. 698-701  | Added on Tuesday, September 10, 2013, 10:06 AM

It was the inevitable consequence of living solely with people who had decided to dedicate their lives and careers to the virtual. They were companions only due to some seemingly outmoded geographical and economic meatspace necessity, and they all understood it, ever aware that however close they may become to one another, all their true friendships and allegiances lay elsewhere. 
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Paintwork (Tim Maughan)
- Highlight on Page 73 | Loc. 1044-50  | Added on Wednesday, September 11, 2013, 10:16 AM

Marcus had always tinkered and hacked away at any hardware or software he could get his hands on; making the games harder or easier, finding ways to cheat, finding – somehow – the online source code so that he could customise them. And not just games. When the hardware manufacturers and network providers wanted to augment-up Cuba and the paranoid government said no, together with a small group of fellow hackers he even set up Havana's first Spex AR space, from some thrown-together Google Earth data and strategically hidden, citywide, pirate radio style WIMAX routers. It would have been enough to have put him in a re-education centre for two years had he been caught, but the only people who ever knew about it loved Marcus – and the way he managed to feed their tech-lust cravings – too much to ever breathe a word. 
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Red Plenty (Francis Spufford)
- Highlight on Page 358 | Loc. 5039-44  | Added on Wednesday, September 11, 2013, 05:56 PM

So the days stretched out, extraordinarily long and extraordinarily empty. He had gardened like crazy at first, laying out long ambitious vegetable beds, pruning and composting from dawn till dusk, except when Nina Petrovna called him in to meals – but it grew old, after a while. And you couldn’t fill a mind with such things. Before, whenever he doubted, he had worked. Whenever he had been troubled by a memory, he had worked, telling himself that the best answer to any defect in the past must be a remedy in the future. The future had been his private solution as well as a public promise. Working for the future made the past tolerable, and therefore the present. But now no one wanted his promises. The hours gaped.
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Red Plenty (Francis Spufford)
- Highlight on Page 358 | Loc. 5045-47  | Added on Wednesday, September 11, 2013, 05:57 PM

Little by little, in the most undisciplined way, things he had never wanted to remember drifted up from the depths; foul stuff, past hours and minutes it did nobody any good to recall, leaving their proper places in oblivion and rising up into the mind, like muck stirred up from the bottom of a pond to stain the clean water above.
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Red Plenty (Francis Spufford)
- Highlight on Page 358 | Loc. 5050-52  | Added on Wednesday, September 11, 2013, 05:57 PM

God forbid that he himself should ever be so weak: but he could see now the appeal of the idea of being purged of it all, of it all somehow being taken magically away, so you could leave this life as innocent as you had entered it.
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Red Plenty (Francis Spufford)
- Highlight on Page 359 | Loc. 5054-57  | Added on Wednesday, September 11, 2013, 05:58 PM

Sometimes the stuggle in his head seemed so disconnected from the eventless world around him that it felt as if the whole thing, the whole bloody history, the whole of the vast country out there beyond the wheatfield, might have been a dream of his, one of those particularly intricate and oppressive fever dreams whose parts you struggle over and over to try to put into order, yet never can; as if there might never have been a Soviet Union at all, except in his head, only this field of Russian wheat.
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Red Plenty (Francis Spufford)
- Highlight on Page 359 | Loc. 5062-66  | Added on Wednesday, September 11, 2013, 05:59 PM

While he was actually watching, he felt only a veteran’s mild, containable annoyance at the things the director got wrong. It was later that it would all turn poisonous: in the night, in the still solitary centre of the night. He would dream all the vile detail of war that the film had left out, and when he awoke, beside the steady breathing of Nina Petrovna, he would find the images he had dreamed of still equally vivid in his mind’s eye; and hoisting up unstoppably behind them, lifted from the murk as if on hooks, out would come the other memories.
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The Drowned World: A Novel (50th Anniversary Edition) (J. G. Ballard)
- Highlight on Page 13 | Loc. 100-101  | Added on Wednesday, September 11, 2013, 06:08 PM

We conclude that Ballard is quite unstimulated by human interaction—unless it takes the form of something inherently weird, like mob atavism or mass hysteria. What excites him is human isolation. 
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The Drowned World: A Novel (50th Anniversary Edition) (J. G. Ballard)
- Highlight on Page 24 | Loc. 227-31  | Added on Wednesday, September 11, 2013, 06:21 PM

This growing isolation and self-containment, exhibited by the other members of the unit and from which only the buoyant Riggs seemed immune, reminded Kerans of the slackening metabolism and biological withdrawal of all animal forms about to undergo a major metamorphosis. Sometimes he wondered what zone of transit he himself was entering, sure that his own withdrawal was symptomatic not of a dormant schizophrenia, but of a careful preparation for a radically new environment, with its own internal landscape and logic, where old categories of thought would merely be an encumbrance. 
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The Drowned World: A Novel (50th Anniversary Edition) (J. G. Ballard)
- Highlight on Page 26 | Loc. 244-46  | Added on Wednesday, September 11, 2013, 06:22 PM

Kerans reached the bar and filled his glass, collecting himself. He had only managed to survive the monotony and boredom of the previous year by deliberately suspending himself outside the normal world of time and space, and the abrupt return to earth had momentarily disconcerted him. In addition, he knew, there were other motives and responsibilities. 
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The Drowned World: A Novel (50th Anniversary Edition) (J. G. Ballard)
- Highlight on Page 29 | Loc. 288-90  | Added on Sunday, September 15, 2013, 02:44 PM

Without the reptiles, the lagoons and the creeks of office blocks half-submerged in the immense heat would have had a strange dream-like beauty, but the iguanas and basilisks brought the fantasy down to earth. As their seats in the one-time boardrooms indicated, the reptiles had taken over the city. Once again they were the dominant form of life. 
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The Drowned World: A Novel (50th Anniversary Edition) (J. G. Ballard)
- Highlight on Page 30 | Loc. 290-93  | Added on Sunday, September 15, 2013, 02:45 PM

Looking up at the ancient impassive faces, Kerans could understand the curious fear they roused, re-kindling archaic memories of the terrifying jungles of the Paleocene, when the reptiles had gone down before the emergent mammals, and sense the implacable hatred one zoological class feels towards another that usurps it. 
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The Drowned World: A Novel (50th Anniversary Edition) (J. G. Ballard)
- Highlight on Page 30 | Loc. 299-301  | Added on Sunday, September 15, 2013, 02:48 PM

Free of vegetation, apart from a few drifting clumps of Sargasso weed, the streets and shops had been preserved almost intact, like a reflection in a lake that has somehow lost its original. 
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The Drowned World: A Novel (50th Anniversary Edition) (J. G. Ballard)
- Highlight on Page 30 | Loc. 302-3  | Added on Sunday, September 15, 2013, 02:48 PM

The brick houses and single-storey factories of the suburbs had disappeared completely below the drifting tides of silt. 
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The Drowned World: A Novel (50th Anniversary Edition) (J. G. Ballard)
- Highlight on Page 30 | Loc. 302-4  | Added on Sunday, September 15, 2013, 02:48 PM

The brick houses and single-storey factories of the suburbs had disappeared completely below the drifting tides of silt. Where these broke surface giant forests reared up into the burning dull-green sky, smothering the former wheatfields of temperate Europe and North America. 
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The Drowned World: A Novel (50th Anniversary Edition) (J. G. Ballard)
- Highlight on Page 31 | Loc. 304-6  | Added on Sunday, September 15, 2013, 02:49 PM

Impenetrable Mato Grossos sometimes three hundred feet high, they were a nightmare world of competing organic forms returning rapidly to their Paleozoic past, and the only avenues of transit for the United Nations military units were through the lagoon systems that had superimposed themselves on the former cities. 
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The Drowned World: A Novel (50th Anniversary Edition) (J. G. Ballard)
- Highlight on Page 32 | Loc. 324-26  | Added on Sunday, September 15, 2013, 02:51 PM

PERHAPS IT WAS this absence of personal memories that made Kerans indifferent to the spectacle of these sinking civilizations. He had been born and brought up entirely within what had once been known as the Arctic Circle—now a sub-tropical zone with an annual mean temperature of eighty-five 
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The Drowned World: A Novel (50th Anniversary Edition) (J. G. Ballard)
- Highlight on Page 32 | Loc. 330-31  | Added on Sunday, September 15, 2013, 02:52 PM

junction of two extremes of nature, like a discarded crown overgrown by wild orchids. 
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The Drowned World: A Novel (50th Anniversary Edition) (J. G. Ballard)
- Highlight on Page 35 | Loc. 363-66  | Added on Sunday, September 15, 2013, 02:55 PM

The birth of a child had become a comparative rarity, and only one marriage in ten yielded any offspring. As Kerans sometimes reminded himself, the genealogical tree of mankind was systematically pruning itself, apparently moving backwards in time, and a point might ultimately be reached where a second Adam and Eve found themselves alone in a new Eden. 
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The Drowned World: A Novel (50th Anniversary Edition) (J. G. Ballard)
- Highlight on Page 35 | Loc. 372-75  | Added on Sunday, September 15, 2013, 02:56 PM

He was plucking the orange-sized berries from the ferns overhanging the station and tossing them up at the chittering marmosets dangling from the branches above his head, egging them on with playful shouts and whistles. Fifty feet away, on a projecting cornice, a trio of iguanas watched with stony disapproval, whipping their tails slowly from side to side in a gesture of impatience. 
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The Drowned World: A Novel (50th Anniversary Edition) (J. G. Ballard)
- Highlight on Page 40 | Loc. 441-42  | Added on Monday, September 16, 2013, 08:52 AM

Perhaps these sunken lagoons simply remind me of the drowned world of my uterine childhood—if 
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The Drowned World: A Novel (50th Anniversary Edition) (J. G. Ballard)
- Highlight on Page 43 | Loc. 480-83  | Added on Monday, September 16, 2013, 08:56 AM

Kerans had still not made up his mind—once away from Beatrice his indecision returned (ruefully he wondered if she was deliberately trying to confuse him, Pandora with her killing mouth and witch’s box of desires and frustrations, unpredictably opening and shutting the lid)—but rather than stumble about in a state of tortured uncertainty, which Riggs and Bodkin would soon diagnose, he decided to postpone a final reckoning until the last moment possible. 
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The Drowned World: A Novel (50th Anniversary Edition) (J. G. Ballard)
- Highlight on Page 45 | Loc. 524-28  | Added on Monday, September 16, 2013, 09:01 AM

Suddenly, as he visualised himself throwing his weight on to the handles of a plunger box and catapulting Riggs, the base and the testing station into the next lagoon, he stopped and steadied himself against the rail. Smiling ruefully at the absurdity of the fantasy, he wondered why he had indulged it. Then he noticed the heavy cylinder of the compass dragging at his jacket. For a moment he peered down at it thoughtfully. ‘Look out, Kerans,’ he murmured to himself. ‘You’re living on two levels.’ 
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The Drowned World: A Novel (50th Anniversary Edition) (J. G. Ballard)
- Highlight on Page 46 | Loc. 535-39  | Added on Monday, September 16, 2013, 09:02 AM

A burly, intelligent but somewhat phlegmatic man of about 30, he had quietly kept himself apart from the other members of the unit. Something of an amateur naturalist, he made his own descriptive notes of the changing flora and fauna, employing a taxonomic system of his own devising. In one of his few unguarded moments he had shown the notebooks to Kerans, then abruptly withdrawn into himself when Kerans tactfully pointed out that the classifications were confused. 
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The Drowned World: A Novel (50th Anniversary Edition) (J. G. Ballard)
- Highlight on Page 47 | Loc. 541-44  | Added on Monday, September 16, 2013, 09:03 AM

The loose fragmentary relationships aboard the base, where a replacement was accepted as a fully paid up member of the crew within five minutes and no one cared whether he had been there two days or two years, was largely a reflection of Hardman’s temperament. When he organised a basket-ball match or a regatta out on the lagoon there was no self-conscious boisterousness, but a laconic indifference to whether anyone took part or not. 
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The Drowned World: A Novel (50th Anniversary Edition) (J. G. Ballard)
- Highlight on Page 49 | Loc. 582-85  | Added on Monday, September 16, 2013, 09:07 AM

Hardman smiled sceptically, glancing up briefly at Kerans. ‘I think you’re being over-optimistic, Doctor. What you really mean is that I won’t be aware of them.’ He picked up a well-thumbed green file, his botanical diary, and began to turn the pages mechanically. ‘Sometimes I think I have the dreams continuously, every minute of the day. Perhaps we all do.’ 
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The Drowned World: A Novel (50th Anniversary Edition) (J. G. Ballard)
- Highlight on Page 50 | Loc. 590-93  | Added on Monday, September 16, 2013, 09:09 AM

‘Perhaps you’re right, Lieutenant. In fact, some people used to maintain that consciousness is nothing more than a special category of the cytoplasmic coma, that the capacities of the central nervous system are as fully developed and extended by the dream life as they are during what we call the waking state. But we have to adopt an empirical approach, try whatever remedy we can. Don’t you agree, Kerans?’ 
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The Drowned World: A Novel (50th Anniversary Edition) (J. G. Ballard)
- Highlight on Page 51 | Loc. 604-7  | Added on Monday, September 16, 2013, 09:10 AM

However varied his faults, in the past he had always believed them to be redressed by one outstanding virtue—a complete and objective awareness of the motives behind his actions. If he was sometimes prone to undue delays this was a result, not of irresolution, but of a reluctance to act at all where complete self-awareness was impossible—his affair with Beatrice Dahl, tilted by so many conflicting passions, from day to day walked a narrow tightrope of a thousand restraints and cautions. 
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The Drowned World: A Novel (50th Anniversary Edition) (J. G. Ballard)
- Highlight on Page 55 | Loc. 666-67  | Added on Monday, September 16, 2013, 09:29 PM

However selective the conscious mind may be, most biological memories are unpleasant ones, echoes of danger and terror. Nothing endures for so long as fear. 
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The Drowned World: A Novel (50th Anniversary Edition) (J. G. Ballard)
- Highlight on Page 58 | Loc. 706-7  | Added on Monday, September 16, 2013, 09:32 PM

A more important task than mapping the harbours and lagoons of the external landscape was to chart the ghostly deltas and luminous beaches of the submerged neuronic continents. 
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The Drowned World: A Novel (50th Anniversary Edition) (J. G. Ballard)
- Highlight on Page 60 | Loc. 724-27  | Added on Tuesday, September 17, 2013, 10:02 AM

Overhead the sky was vivid and marbled, the black bowl of the lagoon, by contrast, infinitely deep and motionless, like an immense well of amber. The tree-covered buildings emerging from its rim seemed millions of years old, thrown up out of the Earth’s magma by some vast natural cataclysm, embalmed in the gigantic intervals of time that had elapsed during their subsidence. 
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The Drowned World: A Novel (50th Anniversary Edition) (J. G. Ballard)
- Highlight on Page 62 | Loc. 747-53  | Added on Tuesday, September 17, 2013, 10:04 AM

At first he assumed that this reflected a shrewd unconscious assessment that his good sense would prevail, but as he started the outboard and drove the catamaran through the cool oily swells towards the creek into the next lagoon he realised that this indifference marked the special nature of the decision to remain behind. To use the symbolic language of Bodkin’s schema, he would then be abandoning the conventional estimates of time in relation to his own physical needs and entering the world of total, neuronic time, where the massive intervals of the geological time-scale calibrated his existence. Here a million years was the shortest working unit, and problems of food and clothing became as irrelevant as they would have been to a Buddhist contemplative lotus-squatting before an empty rice-bowl under the protective canopy of the million-headed cobra of eternity. 
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The Drowned World: A Novel (50th Anniversary Edition) (J. G. Ballard)
- Highlight on Page 67 | Loc. 824  | Added on Tuesday, September 17, 2013, 10:12 AM

colonies of bats erupted out of the green tunnels like clouds of exploding soot, 
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The Drowned World: A Novel (50th Anniversary Edition) (J. G. Ballard)
- Highlight on Page 69 | Loc. 849-53  | Added on Tuesday, September 17, 2013, 10:15 AM

They were about ten miles north-west of the central lagoons, the towers almost obscured in the mists along the horizon. Five miles away, directly between them and the base, was one of the two motor launches, cruising down an open channel, its white wake fading across the glassy sheet of the water. Blocked by the urban concentration to the south, less silt had penetrated into the area, and the vegetation was lighter, more expanses of unbroken water between the principal lines of buildings. 
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The Drowned World: A Novel (50th Anniversary Edition) (J. G. Ballard)
- Highlight on Page 69 | Loc. 857-59  | Added on Tuesday, September 17, 2013, 10:15 AM

gazing out over the expanses of blue water. The nearest structure was an isolated department store two hundred yards away, and the open vistas reminded Kerans of Herodotus’ description of the landscape in Egypt at floodtime, with its rampart cities like the islands of the Aegean Sea. 
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The Drowned World: A Novel (50th Anniversary Edition) (J. G. Ballard)
- Highlight on Page 70 | Loc. 870  | Added on Tuesday, September 17, 2013, 10:17 AM

the bright sunlight masking the molten mirror of the surface. 
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October

Bleeding Edge (Thomas Pynchon)
- Highlight on Page 28 | Loc. 430-31  | Added on Friday, October 11, 2013, 10:58 AM

When Irish eyes are not smiling, you should have a better story or a good pair of running shoes. 
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Bleeding Edge (Thomas Pynchon)
- Highlight on Page 31 | Loc. 456-58  | Added on Friday, October 11, 2013, 11:01 AM

reruns of the well-known seventies sitcom have drawn comment all up and down his client list. He can footnote certain episodes as other teachers might the sutras, with the three-part family trip to Hawaii seeming to be a particular favorite—the bad-luck tiki, Greg’s near-fatal wipeout, Vincent Price’s cameo as an unstable archaeologist . . . 
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Bleeding Edge (Thomas Pynchon)
- Highlight on Page 35 | Loc. 519-22  | Added on Friday, October 11, 2013, 11:06 AM

“So,” shrugging away any scold signifiers in face and voice, “a mom-approved first-person shooter.” “That’s exactly the slogan we’re gonna use in the ads.” “You’re advertising where, on the Internet?” “The Deep Web. Down there advertising is like still in its infancy? And the price is what Bob Barker might call ‘right’?” Air quotes, Vyrva’s hair, back in braids, bouncing to and fro. 
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Bleeding Edge (Thomas Pynchon)
- Highlight on Page 36 | Loc. 527-30  | Added on Friday, October 11, 2013, 11:06 AM

“The game is just a promotional freebie,” Vyrva frowning cute-apologetic. “Our product is still totally DeepArcher?” “Which is . . .” “Like ‘departure,’ only you pronounce it DeepArcher?” “Zen thing,” Maxine guesses. “Weed thing. Just lately everybody’s been after the source code—the feds, game companies, fuckin Microsoft? all have offers on the table? It’s the security design—like nothing any of these people’ve ever seen, and it’s makin them all crazy.” 
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Bleeding Edge (Thomas Pynchon)
- Highlight on Page 42 | Loc. 608-10  | Added on Friday, October 11, 2013, 08:36 PM

the address from the other side of the street, and as soon as she catches sight of it, her heart, if it does not sink exactly, at least cringes more tightly into the one-person submarine necessary for cruising the sinister and labyrinthine sewers of greed that run beneath all real-estate dealings in this town. 
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Bleeding Edge (Thomas Pynchon)
- Highlight on Page 56 | Loc. 795-97  | Added on Friday, October 11, 2013, 08:57 PM

Culture, I’m sorry, Hermann Göring was right, every time you hear the word, check your sidearm. Culture attracts the worst impulses of the moneyed, it has no honor, it begs to be suburbanized and corrupted.” 
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Bleeding Edge (Thomas Pynchon)
- Highlight on Page 59 | Loc. 843-44  | Added on Saturday, October 12, 2013, 12:29 AM

No more dangerous than a chess game, it seems to Reg. Defense, retreat, deception. Unless it’s a pickup game in the park where your opponent turns violently psychopathic without warning, of course. 
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Bleeding Edge (Thomas Pynchon)
- Highlight on Page 69 | Loc. 970-72  | Added on Saturday, October 12, 2013, 01:12 PM

Wreck, wearing a green glow-in-the-dark T-shirt reading UTSL, which Maxine at first takes for an anagram of LUST or possibly SLUT but later learns is Unix for “Use The Source, Luke.” 
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Bleeding Edge (Thomas Pynchon)
- Highlight on Page 72 | Loc. 1024-28  | Added on Saturday, October 12, 2013, 02:57 PM

Somewhere back in the Valley, among those orange groves casually replaced with industrial campuses, they came to a joint epiphany about California vis-à-vis New York—Vyrva thinks maybe more joint than epiphany—something to do with too much sunshine, self-delusion, slack. They’d heard this rumor that back east content was king, not just something to be stolen and developed into a movie script. They thought what they needed was a grim unforgiving workplace where the summer actually ended once in a while and discipline was a given daily condition. By the time they found out the truth, that the Alley was as much of a nut ward as the Valley, it was too late to go back. 
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Bleeding Edge (Thomas Pynchon)
- Highlight on Page 78 | Loc. 1112-13  | Added on Saturday, October 12, 2013, 11:47 PM

“What’s known as bleeding-edge technology,” sez Lucas. “No proven use, high risk, something only early-adoption addicts feel comfortable with.” 
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Bleeding Edge (Thomas Pynchon)
- Highlight on Page 78 | Loc. 1116-20  | Added on Saturday, October 12, 2013, 11:48 PM

According to Justin, DeepArcher’s roots reach back to an anonymous remailer, developed from Finnish technology from the penet.fi days and looking forward to various onion-type forwarding procedures nascent at the time. “What remailers do is pass data packets on from one node to the next with only enough information to tell each link in the chain where the next one is, no more. DeepArcher goes a step further and forgets where it’s been, immediately, forever.” “Kind of like a Markov chain, where the transition matrix keeps resetting itself.” “At random.” 
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Bleeding Edge (Thomas Pynchon)
- Highlight on Page 78 | Loc. 1120-21  | Added on Saturday, October 12, 2013, 11:48 PM

“At pseudorandom.” 
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Bleeding Edge (Thomas Pynchon)
- Highlight on Page 81 | Loc. 1145-55  | Added on Saturday, October 12, 2013, 11:52 PM

“You heard about this from Eric?” “He has a tap in a back office at hashslingrz.” “Somebody’s in there wearing a wire?” “It’s, actually it’s a Furby.” “Excuse me, a—” “Seems there’s a voice-recognition chip inside that Eric was modifying—” “Wait, the cute fuzzy little critter every child in town including my own had to have a couple of Christmases back, that Furby? this genius of yours hacks Furbys?” “Common practice in his subculture, seems to be a low tolerance there for cuteness. At first Eric was only looking for ways to annoy the yups—you know, teach it some street language, emotional-outburst chops, so forth. Then he noticed how many Furbys were showing up in the cubicles of code grinders over where he works. So we took the Furby he was messing with, upgraded the memory, put in a wireless link, I brought it in to hashslingrz, sat it on a shelf, now when I want I can stroll by with a pickup inside my Nagra 4 and download all kinds of confidential stuff.” “Such as this hawala that hashslingrz is using to get money out of the country.” “Over to the Gulf, it turns out. This particular hawala is headquartered in Dubai. Plus Eric’s been finding that to even get to where hashslingrz’s books are stashed, they put you through elaborate routines written in this, like, strange Arabic what he calls Leet? It’s all turning into a desert movie.” 
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Bleeding Edge (Thomas Pynchon)
- Highlight on Page 118 | Loc. 1658-60  | Added on Friday, October 18, 2013, 08:06 AM

Some conspiracies, they’re warm and comforting, we know the names of the bad guys, we want to see them get their comeuppance. Others you’re not sure you want any of it to be true because it’s so evil, so deep and comprehensive.” 
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The Drowned World: A Novel (50th Anniversary Edition) (J. G. Ballard)
- Highlight on Page 86 | Loc. 1090-93  | Added on Saturday, October 19, 2013, 11:12 PM

Kerans felt, beating within him like his own pulse, the powerful mesmeric pull of the baying reptiles, and stepped out into the lake, whose waters now seemed an extension of his own bloodstream. As the dull pounding rose, he felt the barriers which divided his own cells from the surrounding medium dissolving, and he swam forwards, spreading outwards across the black thudding water. . . . 
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The Drowned World: A Novel (50th Anniversary Edition) (J. G. Ballard)
- Highlight on Page 89 | Loc. 1133-34  | Added on Saturday, October 19, 2013, 11:15 PM

Phantoms slid imperceptibly from nightmare to reality and back again, the terrestrial and psychic landscapes were now indistinguishable, as they had been at Hiroshima and Auschwitz, Golgotha and Gomorrah. 
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November

The Drowned World: A Novel (50th Anniversary Edition) (J. G. Ballard)
- Highlight on Page 127 | Loc. 1676-78  | Added on Thursday, November 07, 2013, 10:41 PM

Quietly he began to move towards it, floating slowly towards the centre of the dome, knowing that this faint beacon was receding more rapidly than he could approach it. When it was no longer visible he pressed on through the darkness alone, like a blind fish in an endless forgotten sea, driven by an impulse whose identity he would never comprehend. 
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The Drowned World: A Novel (50th Anniversary Edition) (J. G. Ballard)
- Highlight on Page 196 | Loc. 2637-38  | Added on Friday, November 08, 2013, 07:58 PM

Increasingly, Kerans felt that Hardman’s real personality was now submerged deep within his mind, and that his external behaviour and responses were merely pallid reflections of this, overlayed by his delirium and exposure symptoms. 
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The Drowned World: A Novel (50th Anniversary Edition) (J. G. Ballard)
- Highlight on Page 198 | Loc. 2669-71  | Added on Friday, November 08, 2013, 08:02 PM

So he left the lagoon and entered the jungle again, within a few days was completely lost, following the lagoons southward through the increasing rain and heat, attacked by alligators and giant bats, a second Adam searching for the forgotten paradises of the reborn sun. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 27-29  | Added on Friday, November 08, 2013, 08:07 PM

That inscrutable thing is chiefly what I hate; and be the white whale agent, or be the white whale principal, I will wreak that hate upon him. —Captain Ahab in Moby-Dick, by Herman Melville 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 71-74  | Added on Friday, November 08, 2013, 08:11 PM

This story is rich with lessons for the modern era. It is about exceptionalism, the view that the United States is inherently more moral and farther-seeing than other countries and therefore may behave in ways that others should not. It also addresses the belief that because of its immense power, the United States can not only topple governments but guide the course of history. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 74-76  | Added on Friday, November 08, 2013, 08:12 PM

To these widely held convictions, the Dulles brothers added two others, both bred into them over many years. One was missionary Christianity, which tells believers that they understand eternal truths and have an obligation to convert the unenlightened. Alongside it was the presumption that protecting the right of large American corporations to operate freely in the world is good for everyone. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 158-59  | Added on Friday, November 08, 2013, 08:21 PM

History remembers John Watson Foster’s brief term as secretary of state for a singular accomplishment. In 1893 he helped direct the overthrow of the Hawaiian monarchy. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 210-12  | Added on Friday, November 08, 2013, 10:36 PM

Foster became rich and powerful, but remained nearly friendless and often seemed ill at ease. Allie developed into a witty raconteur whose genial manner could beguile almost anyone. He was, as one biographer put it, “the romantic and adventurous member of the family” but also “a much darker, more ruthless and unscrupulous man than his brother.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 260-62  | Added on Friday, November 08, 2013, 10:43 PM

With typical precision, he made a date to take her canoeing on the same day his bar exam was scheduled in Buffalo; if he felt confident he had passed, he would propose. The exam went well. A few hours later, while paddling, Foster asked Janet to marry him. She accepted immediately. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 404-12  | Added on Friday, November 08, 2013, 11:00 PM

Liberals rose up in protest. Violence threatened the interests of thirteen Sullivan & Cromwell clients, owners of sugar mills, railways, and mines who had $170 million—the equivalent of $42 billion in the early twenty-first century—invested in Cuba. They turned to the firm for protection. Foster took the case and traveled immediately to Washington. The next morning he had breakfast with “Uncle Bert.” By his own account he “suggested that the Navy Department send two fast destroyers—one for the northern coast and one for the southern coast of the portion of Cuba controlled by revolutionaries.” Lansing agreed, and the warships were dispatched that afternoon. Marines landed and spread into the countryside to repress protests, beginning what would be a five-year occupation. Liberals realized the futility of resistance and called off their uprising. This was the first foreign intervention in which Foster played a role. It showed him how easy it can be for a rich and powerful country, guided by the wishes of its wealthiest corporations, to impose its will on a poor and weak one. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 435-36  | Added on Friday, November 08, 2013, 11:03 PM

Already he had become comfortable tending simultaneously to the interests of the United States and those of Sullivan & Cromwell clients. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 455-57  | Added on Friday, November 08, 2013, 11:06 PM

His European counterparts were young men of equal ambition and talent, among them John Maynard Keynes, who would soon begin revolutionizing economic theory, and Jean Monnet, one of the visionaries who, a generation later, would lay the foundation for what became the European Union. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 466-75  | Added on Friday, November 08, 2013, 11:08 PM

He found what he wanted at Le Sphinx, an elegant brothel in Montparnasse where the air was redolent of rose perfume, lush fabrics covered the walls, and nude women sat at an elaborate art deco bar. It was one of several lavish houses that became legendary in Paris and far beyond during the 1920s. They attracted an array of sensualists, among them the writers Lawrence Durrell, Ernest Hemingway, Marcel Proust, and Henry Miller; film stars including Humphrey Bogart, Cary Grant, and Marlene Dietrich (women were welcome); artists like Pablo Picasso and Alberto Giacometti; and even the Prince of Wales, later King Edward VIII. All pursued what one chronicler of the age called “an art of living fueled by desire and eccentricity [in] a world where money and class put moral judgments in abeyance.” For Allie, a visit to Le Sphinx satisfied more than just his well-developed sexual appetite. It also gave him a chance to mix with a new kind of elite and to observe people’s behavior at moments free of inhibition. By day he watched statesmen grapple with great questions of war, peace, and the fate of nations. By night he saw some of the same people, plus a diverse parade of others, in far looser circumstances. It was food for the mind. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 495-96  | Added on Friday, November 08, 2013, 11:10 PM

He was unable to see Wilson, but delivered his pamphlet to Colonel House, and received a note acknowledging its receipt. As far as is known, neither of the Dulles brothers was aware of him. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 496-502  | Added on Friday, November 08, 2013, 11:10 PM

Wilson argued ceaselessly for the principle of self-determination. He defined the term as meaning that “national aspirations must be respected,” that no people should be “selfishly exploited,” and that all must be “dominated and governed only by their own consent.” His application of this principle, however, was highly selective. He believed that self-determination was the right of people who lived in the collapsing Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian empires, but not those who lived in overseas colonies. That excluded the Vietnamese, so the conference ended with Ho Chi Minh empty-handed. A year later he became a founding member of the French Communist Party. He then made his way to Moscow, joined the Comintern, and set out to wage revolutionary war against the overlords of the world—among them, three decades later, the Dulles brothers. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 503-6  | Added on Friday, November 08, 2013, 11:11 PM

Wilson’s double standard set off four other explosions of anger from subject peoples. All broke out within a few months of one another in the spring of 1919: a revolution against British rule in Egypt, an anti-Japanese uprising in Korea, the opening campaign of Gandhi’s epic resistance movement in India, and a wave of protest by anti-imperialists in China, which the independence leader Sun Yat-sen attributed to their anger at “how completely they had been deceived by the Great Powers’ advocacy of self-determination.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 506-9  | Added on Friday, November 08, 2013, 11:11 PM

By refusing to confront nationalist demands that were emerging in these and other countries, the Western leaders who gathered in Paris laid the groundwork for decades of upheaval. Their determination to preserve their dominions far outweighed their commitment to the abstract principle of self-determination. This was as true for Wilson as for the others. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 517-19  | Added on Friday, November 08, 2013, 11:12 PM

Allie helped award the disputed Sudetenland, populated mainly by German-speakers, to the new nation of Czechoslovakia, and later admitted that his Boundary Commission had turned Czechoslovakia into “a banana lying across the face of Europe.” Fourteen years later, the Nazis would rise to power in part by exploiting German anger at these two fiats. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 519-20  | Added on Friday, November 08, 2013, 11:12 PM

The Paris conference was a global coming-out party for a triumphant America. Wilson’s delegation numbered in the hundreds, far more than had ever represented the United States anywhere. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 521-23  | Added on Friday, November 08, 2013, 11:12 PM

It was the destiny of the United States, he declared in a speech before departing, “to carry liberty and justice and the principles of humanity” to the world’s less civilized peoples, and to “convert them to the principles of America.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 529-31  | Added on Friday, November 08, 2013, 11:13 PM

The intimate connection that would define their later lives—and shape the fate of nations—grew from a deep mutual trust and sympathy that they developed for the first time as adults in Paris. Opposites in personality, they were in perfect accord politically and philosophically. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 540-46  | Added on Friday, November 08, 2013, 11:14 PM

A strong strain of paternalism also shaped Wilson’s worldview. He was a product of Southern gentility, admired the Ku Klux Klan, and considered segregation “not humiliating but a benefit.” As president he ordered both the federal bureaucracy and the Washington transit system segregated. He hosted the premiere of the film The Birth of a Nation at the White House and lamented afterward that its portrayal of black men as violent simians “is all so terribly true.” During his eight years in office he sent American troops to intervene in more countries than any previous president: Cuba, Haiti, the Dominican Republic, Mexico, Nicaragua, and even, in the turbulent period following the Bolshevik Revolution, the Soviet Union. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 547-50  | Added on Friday, November 08, 2013, 11:15 PM

he wanted to bring democracy to oppressed people. This was a radically new concept. Past American leaders had taken the opposite view, that darker-skinned people were incapable of self-government and needed to be ruled by others—a view summarized by the first American military commander in Cuba, General William Shafter, when he pronounced Cubans “no more fit for self-government than gunpowder is for hell.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 560-65  | Added on Friday, November 08, 2013, 11:16 PM

Once home from the peace conference, Wilson did all he could to combat the poison he saw emanating from Russia. Using the newly passed Sedition Act, he endorsed the deportation of supposed subversives, and after several anarchist bombs exploded and police uncovered a plot to mail others to wealthy industrialists and bankers, he authorized Attorney General A. Mitchell Palmer to launch the first of what would become two years of raids that led to the arrest of thousands of immigrants and the deportation of hundreds. No less than twenty-five times in 1919 and 1920, Wilson deployed the United States Army to suppress “labor unrest” or “racial unrest.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 574-80  | Added on Friday, November 08, 2013, 11:18 PM

Foster also took a ghostwriting assignment from his mentor Bernard Baruch, who like many of Wilson’s friends and admirers was disturbed by the runaway success of a 1919 book attacking the Versailles treaty, The Economic Consequences of the Peace, by John Maynard Keynes. The book warned that the treaty’s reparations section, which Foster had drafted and Baruch presented as his own, exposed Europe to “the menace of inflationism.” Baruch resolved to reply. His book, ponderously titled The Making of the Reparation and Economic Sections of the Treaty, argued that reparations clauses were “vital to the interest of the American people and even more vital to world stability.” Foster did most of the writing and editing, for which Baruch paid him ten thousand dollars. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 600-602  | Added on Saturday, November 09, 2013, 12:10 AM

As the world’s navies were converting from coal-powered to oil-powered warships, marking the beginning of the petroleum age, he worked to ensure that the United States won its share of access to the resource that would shape the unfolding century. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 602-5  | Added on Saturday, November 09, 2013, 12:11 AM

Between trips to the Middle East, Allen found enough time to attend evening and early-morning classes at George Washington University Law School, from which he graduated in 1926. Nonetheless he sensed his career and life stalling. He was in his thirties, living on a civil servant’s salary and a modest inheritance from “Grandfather Foster.” His work had little impact. Once he found a packet of his reports lying unopened in a State Department closet. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 605-9  | Added on Saturday, November 09, 2013, 12:12 AM

Life with Clover was increasingly complicated. At one point Allen confronted her with an exorbitant bill from Cartier’s, and she calmly explained that she had learned of his relationship with another woman and had bought herself an emerald necklace as “compensation.” She then announced that she intended to buy a new piece of jewelry each time she discovered one of his affairs. This would have led the couple quickly to bankruptcy, and she did not carry out her threat. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 612  | Added on Saturday, November 09, 2013, 12:12 AM

Later he called this period “the slough of my Despond.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 621-23  | Added on Saturday, November 09, 2013, 12:14 AM

Foster became part of a four-man team running the firm, and a few months later, Cromwell made him the sole managing partner. He was thirty-eight years old and just fifteen years out of law school. Thus began his quarter century as one of the American elite’s most ruthlessly effective and best-paid courtiers. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 651-52  | Added on Saturday, November 09, 2013, 03:07 PM

“I’m not sure I want to go to heaven,” Douglas mused later in life. “I’m afraid I might meet John Foster Dulles there.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 858-68  | Added on Saturday, November 09, 2013, 03:35 PM

In 1934 he brought the biggest German nickel producer, I.G. Farben, into the cartel. This gave Nazi Germany access to the cartel’s resources. “Without Dulles,” according to a study of Sullivan & Cromwell, “Germany would have lacked any negotiating strength with [International Nickel], which controlled the world’s supply of nickel, a crucial ingredient in stainless steel and armor plate.” I.G. Farben was also one of the world’s largest chemical companies—it would produce the Zyklon B gas used at Nazi death camps—and as Foster was bringing it into the nickel cartel, he also helped it establish a global chemical cartel. He was a board member and legal counsel for another chemical producer, the Solvay conglomerate, based in Belgium. During the 1930s he guided Solvay, I.G. Farben, the American firm Allied Chemical & Dye, and several other companies into a chemical cartel just as potent as the one he had organized for nickel producers. In mid-1931 a consortium of American banks, eager to safeguard their investments in Germany, persuaded the German government to accept a loan of nearly $500 million to prevent default. Foster was their agent. His ties to the German government tightened after Hitler took power at the beginning of 1933 and appointed Foster’s old friend Hjalmar Schacht as minister of economics. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 873-77  | Added on Saturday, November 09, 2013, 03:37 PM

Working with Schacht, Foster helped the National Socialist state find rich sources of financing in the United States for its public agencies, banks, and industries. The two men shaped complex restructurings of German loan obligations at several “debt conferences” in Berlin—conferences that were officially among bankers, but were in fact closely guided by the German and American governments—and came up with new formulas that made it easier for the Germans to borrow money from American banks. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 926-28  | Added on Saturday, November 09, 2013, 03:41 PM

He supported the neutralist America First committee—Sullivan & Cromwell drew up its articles of incorporation without charge—and roused its members with speeches denouncing Churchill, Roosevelt, and other “warmongers.” Hitler impressed him as “one who from humble beginnings, and despite the handicap of alien nationality, had attained the unquestioned leadership of a great nation.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 959-62  | Added on Sunday, November 10, 2013, 11:15 AM

He tried to persuade a Supreme Court justice, Harlan Fiske Stone, to resign and direct Sullivan & Cromwell’s ultimately unsuccessful challenge to the law. Stone declined—and lamented in passing that the flow of talented lawyers to firms serving corporate power “has made the learned profession of an earlier day the obsequious servant of business, and tainted it with the morals and manners of the market-place in its most anti-social manifestations.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 962-66  | Added on Sunday, November 10, 2013, 11:16 AM

The Dulles brothers were paragons of the Wilsonian idea that came to be known as “liberal internationalism.” They believed that trouble in the world came from misunderstandings among ruling elites, not from social or political injustices, and that commerce could reduce or eliminate this trouble. This was a refined version of the “open door” policy the United States had embraced for decades—a policy that might better be called “kick in the door” because it was aimed at forcing other countries to accept trade arrangements favorable to American interests. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 976-79  | Added on Sunday, November 10, 2013, 11:18 AM

To provide this guidance in a systematic way, they brought their new club into being in 1921. They called it the Council on Foreign Relations. Its motto was a single Latin word that spoke volumes: ubique, meaning “everywhere.” This was an era when American foreign policy was the province of a small elite, and the men who founded the council were all certified members. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 983-89  | Added on Sunday, November 10, 2013, 11:20 AM

Coolidge was the founding editor of the council’s journal, Foreign Affairs, which made its debut in the summer of 1922 with articles by Foster and Root, among others. After Coolidge’s death in 1928 the editorship passed to Allen’s lifelong friend Hamilton Fish Armstrong. He held the job for nearly half a century, including a period in the 1940s when Allen served as the council’s president. “No nation can reach the position of a world power, as we have done, without becoming entangled in almost every quarter of the globe in one way or another,” Foster wrote in what could be taken as a summary of the council’s internationalist credo. “We are inextricably and inevitably tied to world affairs.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 997-99  | Added on Sunday, November 10, 2013, 11:22 AM

Promoters of “internationalism” were eager above all to preserve stability. Like many of them, Foster saw authoritarian leaders like Hitler as valuable allies in the fight against Bolshevism. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 1426-32  | Added on Monday, November 11, 2013, 04:27 PM

the Truman Doctrine. “Totalitarian regimes imposed on free peoples, by direct or indirect aggression, undermine the foundations of international peace and hence the security of the United States,” the president asserted. “At the present moment in world history, nearly every nation must choose between alternative ways of life. The choice is too often not a free one. One way of life is based upon the will of the majority, and is distinguished by free institutions.… The second way of life is based upon the will of a minority forcibly imposed upon the majority. It relies upon terror and oppression, a controlled press and radio, fixed elections, and the suppression of personal freedoms. I believe that it must be the policy of the United States to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 1433-35  | Added on Monday, November 11, 2013, 04:28 PM

Congress accepted Truman’s worldview and appropriated the $400 million he requested for military aid to countries where Communist influence was seen to be growing. Some historians pinpoint this as the moment when the Cold War began in earnest, as the United States proclaimed that it considered the entire world a battleground between the superpowers. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 1458-60  | Added on Monday, November 11, 2013, 04:33 PM

For much of his life, Foster had believed that the root of conflict and global instability was the failure of nations to cooperate. After the war he abandoned this view. In his new theology, threats to peace came not from the recklessness of nations, but the recklessness of one nation: the Soviet Union. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 1486-89  | Added on Monday, November 11, 2013, 04:37 PM

Occasionally a voice emerged to offer a less apocalyptic view of Soviet intentions. The columnist Walter Lippmann urged Americans to “stop beating our heads against stone walls under the illusion that we have been appointed policeman to the human race,” and warned that Washington’s fixation on the Cold War “is misconceived, and must result in a misuse of American power.” These warnings, however, were overwhelmed by a fast-developing national consensus that the world had been divided between godly forces and others that were evil. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 1494-98  | Added on Monday, November 11, 2013, 04:38 PM

Niebuhr, however, never sought a political role. Instead he remained reflective, and was uncomfortable with Foster’s emerging good-versus-evil view of the world. It contradicted his own belief in moral ambiguity, the danger of self-righteousness, the imperfection of human institutions, and what he called “the similarity between our sin and the guilt of others.” Foster believed the principal threat to the United States came from Moscow; Niebuhr saw it in the egotism of Americans and their leaders. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 1506-10  | Added on Monday, November 11, 2013, 04:39 PM

Vishinsky combined a confrontational style with an absolute insistence on squeezing every bit of advantage for his side, which he believed embodied the future of humanity. During one summit he was so relentlessly demanding that American delegates retreated to regroup. One of them wondered aloud what Vishinsky might have become if he had been born and raised in the United States. “Why, there’s no doubt about it,” General Walter Bedell Smith answered. “He would have been senior partner at Sullivan & Cromwell.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 1550-53  | Added on Monday, November 11, 2013, 04:44 PM

“There were strong objections to having a single agency with the authority both to collect secret intelligence and to process and evaluate it for the President,” according to one history. “The objections were overruled, and CIA became a unique organization among Western intelligence services, which uniformly keep their secret operations separate from their overall intelligence activities.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 1597-1601  | Added on Monday, November 11, 2013, 09:20 PM

These operations were to be “so planned and executed that any US government responsibility for them is not evident to unauthorized persons, and that if uncovered the US government can plausibly disclaim any responsibility for them.” As the CIA evolved in the way Allen wished, Foster also began sensing events moving in his direction. He believed he could direct American diplomacy better than Secretary of State Marshall or anyone else working for “that shirt salesman from Kansas City,” as he called Truman. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 1606-9  | Added on Monday, November 11, 2013, 09:20 PM

At home he found his adversaries not just among Democrats, but also in the group of Republicans who wished the United States to play a less intrusive role in the world. Their leader, Senator Robert Taft of Ohio, who ran against Dewey for the Republican presidential nomination in 1948, rejected the idea that destiny was calling Americans to overspread the globe. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 1612-14  | Added on Monday, November 11, 2013, 09:21 PM

The contest for the Republican presidential nomination in 1948 was not just between Dewey and Taft, but between the “internationalist” and “isolationist” wings of the party. Foster was Dewey’s foreign policy adviser during the campaign, and through Dewey, he pressed his internationalist views. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 1657-60  | Added on Monday, November 11, 2013, 09:25 PM

Three months after Foster took his seat in the Senate, Communists under Mao Zedong won the civil war in China. Foster had known Chiang Kai-shek, leader of the defeated Nationalists, for more than a decade, and was also close to the equally autocratic President Syngman Rhee of South Korea. Both were not simply anti-Communist but Christian, which made Foster especially zealous in their defense. He had once described the two men as “modern-day equivalents of the founders of the Church.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 1681-83  | Added on Monday, November 11, 2013, 09:27 PM

In the end Foster was defeated by a decisive 200,000 votes. “I’m glad that duck lost,” Truman said after hearing the news. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 1719-23  | Added on Monday, November 11, 2013, 09:31 PM

attack—the fact that we had no forewarning of it—only stimulated the already existent preference of the military planners for drawing their conclusions only from the assessed capabilities of the adversary, dismissing his intentions, which could be safely assumed to be hostile. All this tended to heighten the militarization of thinking about the Cold War in general, and to press us into attitudes where any discriminate estimate of Soviet intentions was unwelcome and unacceptable.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 1738-39  | Added on Monday, November 11, 2013, 09:32 PM

“Even if the spy Allen Dulles should arrive in Heaven through someone’s absentmindedness,” Ehrenburg wrote in Pravda, “he would begin to blow up the clouds, mine the stars, and slaughter the angels.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 1848-50  | Added on Monday, November 11, 2013, 09:52 PM

He pledged that “liberating the captive peoples” would be one of his priorities in office, and vowed not to rest “until the enslaved nations of the world have in the fullness of freedom the right to choose their own path.” His running mate, Senator Richard Nixon of California, scorned the Democrats for treating the confrontation with Communism as a “nicey-nice little powder-puff duel.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 1868  | Added on Monday, November 11, 2013, 09:57 PM

The Cold War became a holy war against the infidels, 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 1868-69  | Added on Monday, November 11, 2013, 09:57 PM

a defense of free God-fearing men against the atheistic Communist system. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 1872-74  | Added on Monday, November 11, 2013, 09:58 PM

As it turned out, the image was an illusion. The specter of a powerful Russia was remote from the reality of a country weakened by war, with a shattered economy, an overtaxed civilian and military bureaucracy, and large areas of civil unrest. The illusory image was at least partly due to a failure of intelligence.… 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 1882-83  | Added on Monday, November 11, 2013, 09:59 PM

He also considered Paul Hoffman, the administrator of the Marshall Plan—which covertly funneled 5 percent of its budget to the 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 1882-83  | Added on Monday, November 11, 2013, 09:59 PM

He also considered Paul Hoffman, the administrator of the Marshall Plan—which covertly funneled 5 percent of its budget to the CIA—and 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 1904-8  | Added on Monday, November 11, 2013, 10:03 PM

“Smooth is an inadequate word for Dulles,” Stone wrote. “His prevarications are so highly polished as to be aesthetically pleasurable.… Dulles is a man of wily and subtle mind. It is difficult to believe that behind his unctuous manner he does not take a cynical amusement in his own monstrous pomposities. He gives the impression of a man who lives constantly behind a mask.… It is fortunate for this country, Western Europe and China that he was not at the helm of foreign policy before the war. It is unfortunate that he should be now.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 1921-22  | Added on Monday, November 11, 2013, 10:05 PM

During his OSS days, Allen’s cryptonym had been simply a number, 110. This time he chose a more mysterious one: Ascham. It was the name given to an elite warrior class in ancient Egypt, and is said to mean “those who stand at the left hand of the king.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 1927-29  | Added on Monday, November 11, 2013, 10:06 PM

Because she was a woman, though, she faced discrimination at every stage. Her boss at the Commerce Department frankly told her she had “the best brain in this building,” but that he would not promote her because “I don’t believe in women getting too high up.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 1935-39  | Added on Monday, November 11, 2013, 10:07 PM

Foster was shaped above all by a lifetime working for international banks and businesses, whose interests he had come to identify with those of the United States. His mastery of complex legal and financial codes reflected a rigorously organized mind, but he was not a deep thinker. The few new ideas he developed were modest in scale, dealing with matters like tariffs and exchange mechanisms. His ideology was the defense of the two principles that he believed best served global commerce: free enterprise and American-centered internationalism. He was driven to find and confront enemies, quick to make moral judgments, and not given to subtlety or doubt. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 1943-50  | Added on Monday, November 11, 2013, 10:08 PM

Dwight Eisenhower took office on January 20, 1953. “Forces of good and evil are massed and armed and opposed as rarely before in history,” he declared in his inaugural address. “Freedom is pitted against slavery, lightness against the dark.” Never before had siblings directed the overt and covert sides of American foreign policy. It was an arrangement fraught with danger. The Dulles brothers had shared such common backgrounds, and spent so much time together over so many years, that their minds had come to function as one. They knew, or believed they knew, the same deep truths about the world. Their intimacy rendered discussion and debate unnecessary. There would be no reason for State Department and CIA officers to meet and thrash out the possible advantages and disadvantages of a proposed operation. With a glance, a nod, and a few words, without consulting anyone other than the president, the brothers could mobilize the full power of the United States anywhere in the world. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 1951-54  | Added on Monday, November 11, 2013, 10:09 PM

“It has always surprised me that more of a fuss was not made over the constellation of power resulting from Foster at State and Allen at the CIA,” Mary Bancroft wrote years later. “Undoubtedly the only reason that there was not more criticism of this particular combination was that Eisenhower was in the White House. The American people had placed their faith in Daddy—and Daddy could do no wrong.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 1974-76  | Added on Monday, November 11, 2013, 10:11 PM

Many historians have observed that, as Stephen Ambrose put it, “Eisenhower and Dulles continued the policy of containment. There was no basic difference between their foreign policy and that of Truman and Acheson.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 1985-90  | Added on Monday, November 11, 2013, 10:12 PM

First, historians now know that covert operations were far more important during World War II than outsiders understood at the time. Spectacularly effective ones, including the breaking of German codes, remained secret for decades. As the Allied commander, Eisenhower was of course privy to all of them. Understanding the role they played in winning the war must have left him with a deep appreciation for what covert action can achieve. Eisenhower would also have seen covert action as humanitarian. It was a way to fight high-stakes battles at low cost. Never foreseeing the long-term effects these operations might have, he imagined them as almost bloodless. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 1992-95  | Added on Monday, November 11, 2013, 10:13 PM

And of course in those days, you had this notion of plausible deniability. You could really believe no one would ever know what you had done. If somebody said, ‘Mr. President, I don’t understand why you authorized that operation against Arbenz,’ he would look you in the face and say, ‘I don’t know what you’re talking about.’ That’s the way things were done in those days.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 2000-2007  | Added on Monday, November 11, 2013, 10:14 PM

First was missionary Christianity. “I see the destiny of America embodied in the first Puritan who landed on those shores, just as the human race was represented by the first man,” Alexis de Tocqueville wrote at the beginning of the nineteenth century. This destiny reached apotheosis in the Dulles brothers. They were raised in a parsonage and taught from childhood that the world is an eternal battleground between righteousness and evil. Their father was a master of apologetics, the discipline of explaining and defending religious belief. They assimilated what the sociologist Max Weber described as two fundamental Calvinist tenets: that Christians are “weapons in the hands of God and executors of His providential will” and that “God’s glory demanded that the reprobate be compelled to submit to the law of the Church.” The second force that shaped the brothers was American history. They could only have been awed by its upward arc. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 2010-11  | Added on Monday, November 11, 2013, 10:15 PM

As adults, Foster and Allen were shaped by a third force: decades of work defending the interests of America’s biggest multinational corporations. Although not plutocrats themselves, they spent their lives serving plutocrats. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 2012-13  | Added on Monday, November 11, 2013, 10:15 PM

corporate globalism—what they and other founders of the Council on Foreign Relations called “liberal internationalism.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 2029-32  | Added on Monday, November 11, 2013, 10:17 PM

In his famous Independence Day speech to the House of Representatives on July 4, 1821, Secretary of State John Quincy Adams proclaimed that the United States “goes not abroad in search of monsters to destroy.” The Dulles brothers, however, did. Six impassioned visionaries in Asia, Africa, and Latin America became the monsters they went abroad to destroy. Their campaigns against these six were momentous battles in the global war the United States waged secretly during the 1950s. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 2091-95  | Added on Wednesday, November 13, 2013, 08:50 PM

Mossadegh emerged from an ancient culture enveloped in fatalism, poetry, and a belief that most problems will never be solved because injustice rules the lives of men. A very different culture shaped the Dulles brothers. They grew up as their country soared toward prosperity and global power. Like many Americans of their generation, they were boundlessly optimistic and self-confident. They believed that their country was uniquely blessed, that God wished it to project influence around the world, and that good people would welcome this influence because it was righteous, benevolent, and civilizing. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 2131-33  | Added on Thursday, November 14, 2013, 11:32 AM

Foster remained somber and withdrawn. He rarely ventured out at night, preferring to sit at home working on a speech, reading a detective novel, or playing backgammon with Janet. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 2134-44  | Added on Thursday, November 14, 2013, 11:33 AM

He was an awkward dinner guest, often inelegantly dressed in off-green suits, with distracting habits like stirring his drink with his index finger and stretching his legs to reveal stretches of pale skin. During one dinner, the wife of an undersecretary of the navy noticed him picking melted wax from a candle, squeezing it into a ball, and chewing it. “Now, Mr. Dulles, I scold my children for doing that,” she told him. “It’s bad manners and it messes up the tablecloth.” Foster quickly apologized for his “terrible habit” and later acknowledged the lady’s gift of a box of candles to soothe any hurt feelings. Social graces were not his strength at work either. His confidence in his own judgment was so strong that he felt little need to consult State Department professionals, and he often treated them brusquely. During meetings he doodled incessantly on yellow legal pads, taking breaks to sharpen his pencil with a pocket knife. When lost in thought he made what the columnist Stewart Alsop called “small clicking noises with his tongue.” The extended silences between his sentences were legendary. “His speech was slow,” the future British prime minister Harold Macmillan wrote after one meeting, “but it easily kept pace with his thoughts.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 2159-61  | Added on Thursday, November 14, 2013, 11:36 AM

The columnist Allen Drury called him “a man of notoriously thin skin who is not above trying to get the jobs of newspapermen who criticize his agency.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 2176-78  | Added on Thursday, November 14, 2013, 11:41 AM

Whether this was a sober estimate of Soviet power or a wild exaggeration, it both reflected and intensified the sense of fear that many Americans felt. Foster sought to make nuclear combat seem a real, imminent possibility. He conveyed a terrifying worldview. Most Americans came to share it. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 2183-88  | Added on Thursday, November 14, 2013, 11:46 AM

Even before Eisenhower took office, however, members of his incoming administration had begun discussions with agents of Britain’s Secret Intelligence Service about a plot against Mossadegh. Their interlocutor was Christopher Montague Woodhouse, a former chief of the British intelligence station in Tehran, who made a secret trip to Washington soon after the election. At the State Department and again at the CIA, he argued that Mossadegh should be overthrown not as punishment for seizing Britain’s oil company, but because he had become too weak to resist a possible Soviet-backed coup. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 2189  | Added on Thursday, November 14, 2013, 11:46 AM

“A powerful ally was Frank Wisner, who was then director of [CIA] operations. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 2211-12  | Added on Thursday, November 14, 2013, 11:54 AM

Foster realized that if Mossadegh thrived, leaders of other countries might follow him toward neutralism. If he were to fall, neutralism would seem less tempting. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 2228-29  | Added on Thursday, November 14, 2013, 11:58 AM

The Eisenhower administration came to office pledging to lead the United States out of what Vice President Richard Nixon had called “Dean Acheson’s college of cowardly communist containment.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 2240-43  | Added on Thursday, November 14, 2013, 12:03 PM

Striking against Mossadegh was also tempting because of the political risk of not doing so. Senator Joseph McCarthy and other anti-Communist zealots in Congress were denouncing diplomats they blamed for the “loss” of China. If Iran were somehow to be “lost,” Eisenhower and the Dulles brothers would be accused of having failed to act. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 2244-47  | Added on Thursday, November 14, 2013, 12:05 PM

Losing access to Iranian oil, a foundation of British economic and military power, was difficult for British leaders even to contemplate. They had been forced to surrender India; Kenya was afire with anticolonial passion; and now the Iranians had nationalized their oil industry. One British diplomat warned plaintively that if this momentum was not stopped, “we will be driven back to our island, where we shall starve.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 2265-66  | Added on Thursday, November 14, 2013, 12:09 PM

“If it weren’t for the Cold War,” McGhee mused as the coup was being planned, “there’s no reason why we shouldn’t let the British and the Iranians fight it out.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 2286-88  | Added on Thursday, November 14, 2013, 12:11 PM

By 1953 the CIA had become a truly global organization, six times larger than when it was founded in 1947. Allen commanded fifteen thousand employees in fifty countries, with an annual budget in the hundreds of millions of dollars, no accounting necessary. He had remarkably little to show for it. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 2300-2302  | Added on Thursday, November 14, 2013, 12:19 PM

They asked that the CIA be authorized to do something it had never done before: overthrow a foreign leader. Their target would be Mossadegh. Less than two months after taking office, the brothers were bringing American foreign policy into a new age. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 2391-92  | Added on Thursday, November 14, 2013, 12:49 PM

a morally centered warrior who assumes burdens—even the moral burden of murder—in order to ensure the ultimate triumph of justice. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 2491-94  | Added on Thursday, November 14, 2013, 07:50 PM

Foster never forgot the trauma of Woodrow Wilson’s collapse after his failure to win Senate approval for American entry into the League of Nations. From it he drew the lesson that makers of American foreign policy must work closely with Congress and avoid alienating any of its prominent members. This made him eager, in his own words, “to find a basis for cooperation with McCarthy.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 2562-63  | Added on Thursday, November 14, 2013, 07:58 PM

“Some paradox of our nature,” the essayist Lionel Trilling has observed, “leads us, when once we have made our fellow men the objects of our enlightened interest, to go on to make them the objects of our pity, then of our wisdom, ultimately of our coercion.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Bookmark Loc. 2624  | Added on Thursday, November 14, 2013, 08:06 PM


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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 2623-27  | Added on Thursday, November 14, 2013, 08:07 PM

“He eliminated himself instantly and unequivocally,” Eisenhower wrote in his memoir. “He said, in effect, ‘I have been interested since boyhood in the diplomatic and foreign affairs of our nation. I’m highly complimented by the implication that I might be suited to the position of chief justice, but I assure you that my interests lie with the duties of my present post. As long as you are happy with my performance here, I have no interest in any other.’” Foster’s decision to remain as secretary of state opened the way for the appointment of Earl Warren as chief justice. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 2639-42  | Added on Thursday, November 14, 2013, 08:08 PM

“This fellow preaches like a Methodist minister,” Churchill complained privately. “His bloody text is always the same: that nothing but evil can come out of a meeting with Malenkov. Dulles is a terrible handicap. Ten years ago I could have dealt with him. Even as it is I have not been defeated by this bastard. I have been humiliated by my own decay.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 2660-61  | Added on Thursday, November 14, 2013, 09:36 PM

All three of the concepts that Americans associated most directly with Foster—rollback, the agonizing reappraisal, and massive retaliation—were devoid of serious meaning. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 2756-59  | Added on Thursday, November 14, 2013, 09:59 PM

Early in 1954 he declared that “it is entirely up to Guatemala to decide what kind of democracy she should have,” and demanded that outside powers treat Latin American countries as more than “objects of monopolistic investments and sources of raw materials.” Time called this “the most forthright pro-Communist declaration the President has ever uttered.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 2871-72  | Added on Friday, November 15, 2013, 10:55 AM

Once a reporter asked him what the CIA was. “The State Department for unfriendly countries,” he replied. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 2957-58  | Added on Friday, November 15, 2013, 11:09 AM

Congress passed a bill adding the phrase “under God” to the Pledge of Allegiance, and then another making “In God We Trust” the nation’s official motto. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 2961-67  | Added on Friday, November 15, 2013, 11:11 AM

The CIA had no direct channel to Archbishop Mariano Rossell y Arellano of Guatemala, but its indirect channel was ideal. The most prominent Catholic prelate in the United States, Francis Cardinal Spellman of New York, was not only outspokenly anti-Communist, but also a crafty global power broker with deep contacts throughout Latin America. Among his friends were three dictators—Batista, Trujillo, and Somoza—who detested Arbenz. Spellman had a special interest in Guatemala, not only because Archbishop Rossell y Arellano shared his political views—he admired Francisco Franco and considered land reform “completely communistic”—but also because of Guatemalan history. In the 1870s Guatemala had been the first Latin American country to embrace the principles of anticlericalism: lay education, civil marriage, limits on the number of foreign-born priests, and a ban on political activity by the clergy. The Church had an old score to settle there. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 3002-6  | Added on Friday, November 15, 2013, 11:16 AM

On the morning of June 16, 1954, Foster, Allen, and Eisenhower’s other top national security aides met with the president for breakfast in the family quarters of the White House. Allen reported that all was ready in Guatemala. “Are you sure this is going to succeed?” Eisenhower asked. Allen said it would. “I want all of you to be damn good and sure you succeed,” the president told them. “I’m prepared to take any steps that are necessary to see that it succeeds. When you commit the flag, you commit it to win.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 3030-33  | Added on Friday, November 15, 2013, 11:18 AM

the planes were deployed. Later he told one of his close military comrades, General Andrew Goodpaster, that it was an easy choice. “If you at any time take the route of violence or support of violence,” he said, “then you commit yourself to carry it through, and it’s too late to have second thoughts.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Note Loc. 3033  | Added on Friday, November 15, 2013, 11:18 AM

wow.
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 3065-69  | Added on Friday, November 15, 2013, 11:26 AM

“A combination of the State Department, the Central Intelligence Agency, and the Banana Empire had finally managed to crush this small nation, indefensible and inoffensive, one hundred times smaller than its adversary, and drown in blood a flowering democracy dedicated to the dignity and economic liberation of its people. The next day, John Foster Dulles announced the ‘glorious victory’ and proclaimed his delight at the crime’s consummation.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 3107-9  | Added on Friday, November 15, 2013, 01:30 PM

When the fighting ended with Japan’s surrender in August, the team commander, Major Allison Thomas of the U.S. Army, had a farewell dinner with him and asked him if he was a Communist. “Yes,” Ho replied. “But we can still be friends, can’t we?” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 3143-45  | Added on Friday, November 15, 2013, 01:34 PM

Foster arrived in Geneva with a single goal: to prevent any compromise with Ho. Every other delegation, except for the one representing Vietnam’s old emperor, Bao Dai, favored compromise. Rather than accept the consensus, Foster resolved to lead the United States on a course of its own. In time this would lead it to war in Vietnam. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 3162-64  | Added on Friday, November 15, 2013, 01:40 PM

In 1950, eager to win French support for the American-led war in Korea, Truman put aside his anticolonial impulse and agreed to begin subsidizing France’s war in Vietnam. He sent $100 million. By 1952 this aid had tripled to $300 million. Two years later it was nearly $1 billion. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 3175-76  | Added on Friday, November 15, 2013, 01:42 PM

It is one of the most dangerous, in fact potentially suicidal, things a great nation can do in world affairs: to cut off its eyes and ears, to castrate its analytic capacity, to shut itself off from the truth because of blind prejudice and a misguided dispensation of good and evil. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 3179-85  | Added on Friday, November 15, 2013, 03:07 PM

Late in 1953, Viet Minh attackers surrounded the strategic French outpost at Dien Bien Phu, in Vietnam’s mountainous northwest. All understood that a decisive battle was at hand. If France faced defeat, might the United States send troops to relieve the besieged garrison? When this question was raised at a National Security Council meeting on January 8, 1954, according to the official transcript, President Eisenhower reacted “with vehemence.” “[There’s] just no sense in even talking about United States forces replacing the French in Indochina,” he said. “If we did so, the Vietnamese could be expected to transfer their hatred of the French to us. I cannot tell you … how bitterly opposed I am to such a course of action. This war in Indochina would absorb our troops by divisions.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 3313-16  | Added on Friday, November 15, 2013, 07:36 PM

noted a lack of intellectual engagement. He often turned aside probing discussion by telling a story, or musing about his favorite baseball team, the Washington Senators. His mind was undisciplined. By one account he “seemed almost scatterbrained.” A senior British agent who worked with him for years recalled being “seldom able to penetrate beyond his laugh, or to conduct any serious professional conversation with him for more than a few sentences.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 3229-30  | Added on Friday, November 15, 2013, 10:46 PM

Overseas Press Club in New York on March 29, 1954. His central challenge was to explain to Americans why they must resist Ho. The answer was what he called the “domino theory.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 3434-35  | Added on Friday, November 15, 2013, 11:06 PM

Just hours after this fateful meeting, in faraway Guatemala, President Jacobo Arbenz resigned. On a single weekend—June 26–27, 1954—the second Dulles target fell and covert action against the third began. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 3462-69  | Added on Friday, November 15, 2013, 11:10 PM

Lansdale seized on a provision of the Geneva accord that allowed anyone in North or South Vietnam to move freely to the other part of the country. More than one million Catholics lived in the north. Communists had not treated Catholics well in Indochina, and CIA officers launched a large-scale propaganda campaign aimed at frightening them into abandoning their homes and fleeing to the south. They bribed soothsayers to predict doom in the north, persuaded priests to tell their parishioners that “the Virgin Mary has fled to the south,” and distributed leaflets suggesting that Ho’s regime was plotting anti-Catholic pogroms, had invited Chinese troops into the country who were raping Vietnamese women, and expected an American nuclear attack. Tens of thousands, then hundreds of thousands, responded to this campaign. Carrying their belongings on their backs, they flooded into the harbor town of Haiphong, where U.S. Navy warships were waiting to carry them south. This is said to have been the largest-scale naval evacuation in history. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 3569-71  | Added on Saturday, November 16, 2013, 01:59 PM

Churchill agreed. After one of their meetings he remarked, “Foster Dulles is the only case I know of a bull who carries his own china shop around with him.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 3663-67  | Added on Saturday, November 16, 2013, 02:11 PM

Two meetings of powerful leaders, held thousands of miles apart, reflected profoundly different views of the world. Leaders who gathered at Geneva presented the traditional Cold War narrative: two warring blocs led by Moscow and Washington. Those who convened at Bandung offered a counter-narrative. They saw a world divided not between Communists and anti-Communists, but between nations emerging from colonialism and established powers determined to continue influencing them. The summit at Geneva helped maintain a delicate peace between superpowers. From the Asian-African Conference emerged a kaleidoscope of nationalist passions that would shape the next half century. 
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The Stranger (Albert Camus)
- Highlight Loc. 93-95  | Added on Saturday, November 16, 2013, 07:28 PM

The old people, Mother's friends, were coming in. I counted ten in all, gliding almost soundlessly through the bleak white glare. None of the chairs creaked when they sat down. Never in my life had I seen anyone so clearly as I saw these people; not a detail of their clothes or features escaped me. And yet I couldn't hear them, and it was hard to believe they really existed.
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Infinite Jest (David Foster Wallace)
- Bookmark Loc. 4207  | Added on Saturday, November 16, 2013, 08:23 PM


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Infinite Jest (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 4205-8  | Added on Saturday, November 16, 2013, 08:23 PM

Or that sometime after your Substance of choice has just been taken away from you in order to save your life, as you hunker down for required a.m. and P.M. prayers, you will find yourself beginning to pray to be allowed literally to lose your mind, to be able to wrap your mind in an old newspaper or something and leave it in an alley to shift for itself, without you.
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Infinite Jest (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 4232  | Added on Saturday, November 16, 2013, 08:28 PM

That loneliness is not a function of solitude.
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Infinite Jest (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 4246-47  | Added on Saturday, November 16, 2013, 08:29 PM

That you will become way less concerned with what other people think of you when you realize how seldom they do.
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Infinite Jest (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 4256-57  | Added on Saturday, November 16, 2013, 08:30 PM

That 99% of compulsive thinkers' thinking is about themselves;
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Infinite Jest (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 4263-64  | Added on Saturday, November 16, 2013, 08:31 PM

That the people to be most frightened of are the people who are the most frightened. That it takes great personal courage to let yourself appear weak.
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Infinite Jest (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 4272-73  | Added on Saturday, November 16, 2013, 08:33 PM

That other people can often see things about you that you yourself cannot see, even if those people are stupid.
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Infinite Jest (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 4275-76  | Added on Saturday, November 16, 2013, 08:33 PM

That having a lot of money does not immunize people from suffering or fear. That trying to dance sober is a whole different kettle of fish.
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Infinite Jest (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 4284  | Added on Saturday, November 16, 2013, 08:34 PM

That having sex with someone you do not care for feels lonelier than not having sex in the first place, afterward.
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Infinite Jest (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 4285-86  | Added on Saturday, November 16, 2013, 08:34 PM

That everybody is identical in their secret unspoken belief that way deep down they are different from everyone else. That this isn't necessarily perverse.
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Infinite Jest (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 4287-90  | Added on Saturday, November 16, 2013, 08:34 PM

That God — unless you're Charlton Heston, or unhinged, or both — speaks and acts entirely through the vehicle of human beings, if there is a God. That God might regard the issue of whether you believe there's a God or not as fairly low on his/her/its list of things s/he/it's interested in re you.
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Infinite Jest (David Foster Wallace)
- Highlight Loc. 4294-95  | Added on Saturday, November 16, 2013, 08:35 PM

The shopworn 'Act in Haste, Repent at Leisure' would seem to have been almost custom-designed for the case of tattoos.
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 3684-87  | Added on Saturday, November 16, 2013, 10:09 PM

James Reston of the New York Times wrote that he had become a “supreme expert” in the art of diplomatic blundering. “He doesn’t just stumble into booby traps,” Reston observed. “He digs them to size, studies them carefully, and then jumps.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 3810-14  | Added on Saturday, November 16, 2013, 10:24 PM

During Allen’s first four years as director of central intelligence, Eisenhower repeatedly defended him and yielded to his judgment. He accepted Allen’s advice that the United States continue to support Diem in South Vietnam even though his own personal envoy urged the opposite; he rejected General Doolittle’s suggestion that he fire Allen; and he turned aside Killian’s criticism of Allen’s administrative ability. Following this pattern, he ignored his intelligence board when it recommended that he curb Allen’s authority. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 3984-88  | Added on Sunday, November 17, 2013, 04:11 PM

Omega envisioned a campaign of escalating coercion, but had no fixed goal. At various points, it aimed at forcing Nasser to cut his ties with the Soviet Union, recognize Israel, stop subsidizing nationalists in other Arab countries, and order “a public reorientation of Egypt’s informational media toward advocacy of cooperation and close economic cooperation with the West, including a public statement from Nasser to that effect.” To achieve these goals, the United States would suspend aid programs, refuse arms sales, strengthen pro-American regimes in nearby countries, and work with Britain to counter Nasser’s influence across the Arab world. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Bookmark Loc. 4014  | Added on Monday, November 18, 2013, 10:05 AM


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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 149 | Loc. 3063-67  | Added on Monday, November 18, 2013, 10:07 AM

Less than two weeks later—only four days before JFK was to take office—the Eisenhower-Nixon administration struck again, this time ordering the State Department to implement travel restrictions for U.S. citizens traveling to Cuba. Often overlooked is the fact that two of the major legacies of the U.S. cold war against Cuba that remain today—the travel restrictions and the lack of diplomatic relations—went into effect the last month Vice President Nixon was in office.
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 4040-44  | Added on Monday, November 18, 2013, 10:13 AM

If things went well, they might even secure the breakup of Indonesia. This would leave Sukarno controlling Java, where most of Indonesia’s population lives, but might bring other resource-rich islands under Washington’s influence. “Don’t tie yourself irrevocably to a policy of preserving the unity of Indonesia,” Foster told Hugh Cumming, the Virginia-bred diplomat he chose as ambassador to Indonesia. “The territorial integrity of China became a shibboleth. We finally got a territorially integrated China—for whose benefit? The Communists.… 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 4074-75  | Added on Monday, November 18, 2013, 10:17 AM

Whenever he and Allen presented such a far-reaching plan, all understood that President Eisenhower had approved and that they must vote favorably. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 4079-81  | Added on Monday, November 18, 2013, 10:17 AM

“Allison continued to raise annoying questions throughout the development of the operation,” one CIA officer recalled afterward. “We handled the problem by getting Allen Dulles to have his brother relieve Allison of his post.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 4159-60  | Added on Monday, November 18, 2013, 10:58 AM

When the rocket was finally launched, with millions watching on live television, it hovered above the launchpad for a few moments and then exploded. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 4162-65  | Added on Monday, November 18, 2013, 10:59 AM

They also reinforced a spreading sense that both the president and secretary of state had grown weak and tired. In the twenty-six months since Eisenhower’s heart attack, he had suffered both an attack of ileitis—an intestinal inflammation—and a mild stroke. His speech slowed palpably. In public he sometimes seemed disconnected and adrift. Foster also lost his glow and began to slow down. The world was entering a period of profound change, but he remained frozen in intransigence. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 4258-61  | Added on Monday, November 18, 2013, 11:08 AM

The Chicago Daily News hinted at what was happening—it said that weapons for Indonesian rebels were falling from the sky “like manna from heaven”—but no other newspaper went even that far. Many were spared the necessity of deciding what to print because their correspondents censored themselves. “We did not write about it,” an Associated Press reporter confessed years later. “Maybe it was a kind of patriotism that kept us from doing so.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 4315-17  | Added on Monday, November 18, 2013, 11:13 AM

Then, before dawn on July 14, 1958, nationalist officers in Iraq overthrew their pro-American monarchy. Soon afterward they executed the king, the crown prince, and Prime Minister Nuri as-Said, who was outspokenly pro-Western and Nasser’s most potent Arab enemy. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 4335-36  | Added on Monday, November 18, 2013, 11:15 AM

Senator Wayne Morse of Oregon lamented “the mixing of American blood with Arabian oil in the Middle East.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 4338-41  | Added on Monday, November 18, 2013, 11:17 AM

This episode also illustrated the changing image of Israel in the United States. President Truman had endorsed the creation of Israel in 1948 after overruling both his secretary of state, George Marshall, and his secretary of defense, James Forrestal, who predicted that the existence of a Jewish state would cause endless conflict in the Middle East. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 4347-50  | Added on Monday, November 18, 2013, 11:18 AM

The emergence of Nasser and his nationalist ideology in the mid-1950s, however, led Foster to shift his view. He considered Arab nationalism illegitimate and inherently anti-Western. Soviet leaders, sensing an opening, abandoned Israel and embraced the Arab cause. Foster, who had not previously been sympathetic to Zionism, jumped into the strategic vacuum and steered the United States steadily closer to Israel. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 4350-52  | Added on Monday, November 18, 2013, 11:18 AM

This made Foster and Allen midwives of both relationships that framed America’s approach to the Middle East for the next half century: the one with Saudi Arabia and the one with Israel. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 4393-97  | Added on Monday, November 18, 2013, 11:23 AM

“If there is an out-and-out question as to who began the name-calling between Sukarno and Washington, then I have to admit it was Sukarno,” he wrote in his memoir. “But look here, Sukarno is a shouter. He is emotional. If he is angry, he shoots thunderbolts. But he thunders only at those he loves. I would adore to make up with the United States of America.… Oh, America, what is the matter with you? Why couldn’t you have been my friend?” 
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akmk
- Highlight on Page 49 | Added on Monday, November 18, 2013, 12:09 PM

Marx’sCapitalisnotablueprintfor asocialisteconomy.Itisanattempttogainathoroughunderstandingofcapitalism.Itis necessarytounderstandcapitalisminordertoovercomeit.
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akmk
- Highlight on Page 51 | Added on Monday, November 18, 2013, 12:11 PM

Incapitalistsociety,wealthtakestheformofcommodities,i.e.,almostallthethings whichmakeuptherichesofcapitalistsocietyareproducedforandtradedinmarkets. Theyareproducednotbecausetheyconstitutewealth,butbecausetheycanbesoldat favorableprices.“Evenduringafamine,cornisimportedbecausethecorn-merchant therebymakesmoney,andnotbecausethenationisstarving.”(MarxquotingRicardo inContribution,389/o.)
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akmk
- Highlight on Page 60 | Added on Monday, November 18, 2013, 08:46 PM

Inordertosurvive,humansmustconsumeexteriorthingswhich theymustproducesociallywiththehelpofotherexteriorthings.Ifthesocialcontrolover thesethingsissuchthatonepartofsocietyisforcedtoworkforanotherpartofsociety,this iscalled“exploitation.”
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akmk
- Highlight on Page 61 | Added on Monday, November 18, 2013, 08:48 PM

Thenatureofsuchwants,whetherthey arise,forinstance,fromthestomachorfrom imagination,makesnodifference.2 “Phantasie”istranslatedherewith imagination.Acommoditywhich DieNaturdieserBed¨urfnisse,obsiez.B. demMagenoderderPhantasieentspringen, ¨andertnichtsanderSache.2
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akmk
- Highlight on Page 62 | Added on Monday, November 18, 2013, 08:49 PM

Thisindifferencemakesitpossiblethatsomepeopleareundernourishedandhomelessin themidstofgreatwealthandwaste.Howeverthisindifferenceisalsoaliberationfromthe mediocrityandboredomofastrictlyneeds-basedproduction
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akmk
- Highlight on Page 68 | Added on Monday, November 18, 2013, 08:55 PM

Thingswhichhavethesamequalitycanstilldifferquantitatively.Hegel’sbasicdefinition ofquantityisthatitisacharacteristicofthethingwhichdoesnotdefinethething.Evenif youchangethequantityofathingyoustillhavethesamething.Howeverifthiswasthe wholetruththenonewouldfindeverythinginallquantities.Butelephantsarealwaysbig andmicealwayssmall.Todojusticetothis,Hegelintroducestheconceptof“measure”for therightquantityforagivenquality. ForHegel,themeasures,justlikethequalities,areintrinsictothethings.InMarx’s paradigm,notonlythequalitiesbutalsothemeasuresdependonpractical(social)activity
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akmk
- Highlight on Page 71 | Added on Monday, November 18, 2013, 08:59 PM

Propertiesareintrinsictoathing.Oneshouldconsiderthemassomethingdormant, thething’spotential.Thesepropertieswakeupandmanifestthemselvesonlywhen thethingisplacedinarelationwithotherthings. •Theusefulnessofathing(inthefirsteditionofCapital,18:2,Marxwritesmoreexplicitly:usefulnessforhumanlife)isthemanifestationofitspropertiesinoneparticularrelation,namely,initsrelationtohumans.Theusefulnessofathingisthereforenot intrinsictothethingitself,butitisarelationshipbetweenthething’spropertiesand humanneeds.Itdependsnotonlyonthethingbutalsoonhumans.“Asheepwould hardlyconsiderittobeoneofits‘useful’qualitiesthatitcanbeeatenbyhumanbeings”[mecw24]538:6/o.Athingisusefulifitspropertiesareabletoservehuman needs.Sincehumanneedsdependonsocialfactors,suchasfashions,technology,and customs,usefulnessinheritsthisdependence. •Thesentence“theusefulnessofathingmakesitause-value”isthedefinitionof“usevalue.”Theuse-valueofathingisitsusefulness—which,aswasjustexplained,is arelativeconcept—consideredasapropertyofthethingitself.Theuse-valueofa thingisthereforenotoneofthepropertiesofthething,buttherelationshipbetween 311.TheCommodity thesepropertiesandhumanneedsorwantsthatisattributedtothethingasifitwasa propertyofthething.(Themodernconceptof“utilityfunction”attributesthissame relationshiptothehumanratherthanthething.)
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akmk
- Highlight on Page 75 | Added on Monday, November 18, 2013, 09:01 PM

ToparaphraseMarx’sargument:whatpeoplereallywantistheuse-valueofthethings, notthethingsthemselves,buttheycanonlybenefitfromtheseuse-valueswhentheyhave possessionofthethingsthemselves.Thisisthebasisforthesocialrulesinacommodity societyregulatingwhocanhaveaccesstowhichthings
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akmk
- Highlight on Page 96 | Added on Tuesday, November 19, 2013, 11:18 AM

Sincethismaybeanunfamiliarkindofreasoning,Iwillgivehereanexamplewhere somethinghappenedtomepersonallywhichpromptedmetoapplythesamelogicina differentcontext.OnceIwasdrivingmycarintheeveninghours,andsomecarfacingme intheoppositelaneblinkeditslightsatme.FirstIthought:thismusthavebeensomeone whoknewme,i.e.,Iassumedthatthereasonfortheblinkingwassomethingbetweenthe driveroftheothercarandmyself,somethingrelative.ButsinceitwasgettingdarkIcouldn’t makeoutwhowassittingintheothercar.Onlyafterothercarsblinkedtheirlightsatme, too,didIrealizeIhadforgottentoturnonmyownheadlights.
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akmk
- Highlight on Page 106 | Added on Tuesday, November 19, 2013, 11:27 AM

Inotherwords:exchange,inwhichthecommoditiesaretreatedas equals,canonlythenplaytheimportantroleinthecapitalisteconomywhichitdoesplay,if 661.1.Use-ValueandValue thecommoditiesarenotmadeequalthroughtheexchangebutalreadyequalbeforebeiung exchanged.
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 4474-79  | Added on Tuesday, November 19, 2013, 11:49 AM

Nixon’s violence-torn trip through Latin America, the collapse of Archipelago, the overthrow and murder of pro-American leaders in Iraq, and the marine landing in Lebanon were more than enough to occupy both beleaguered brothers during the spring and summer of 1958. Then, at the end of August, China resumed shelling the disputed islands of Quemoy and Matsu. Three months later, Khrushchev gave a speech asserting that it was time for all foreign powers to withdraw their troops from Berlin. He said that if the United States wished to continue occupying a sector of the city, it should negotiate with the government of East Germany, which the United States did not recognize. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 4511-13  | Added on Tuesday, November 19, 2013, 11:53 AM

Americans had come to view Foster the way children might view a strict old schoolmaster. At the end of his life he seemed frozen into immobility, an anachronism, a prisoner of the past. When he was gone, though, the nation felt bereft. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 4540-42  | Added on Tuesday, November 19, 2013, 11:56 AM

Although Eisenhower was near-apoplectic at this prospect, he directed his anger at Castro, not the Soviets. In fact, as his anti-Castro fervor was rising, he decided to invite Nikita Khrushchev to Washington—something that would have been inconceivable while Foster was alive. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 4581-84  | Added on Tuesday, November 19, 2013, 07:58 PM

Eisenhower had hoped to end his term with Soviet-American relations improving. Instead they were nearly as frigid as when he took office. “The episode humiliated Khrushchev and discredited his relatively moderate policies,” George Kennan wrote. “It forced him to fall back, for the defense of his own political position, on a more strongly belligerent anti-American tone of public utterance.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 4591-94  | Added on Tuesday, November 19, 2013, 07:59 PM

The Congo is said to be the richest piece of geography on earth. When King Leopold II of Belgium appropriated it in 1885, he called it “a splendid piece of cake.” During their seventy-five-year rule, Belgians made immense fortunes in the Congo. Millions of Congolese died through massacre or in slave labor. It was the bloodiest episode in the history of European colonialism. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 4601-6  | Added on Tuesday, November 19, 2013, 08:01 PM

Perhaps never has a country been granted independence with less preparation. Belgium had refused to educate its Congolese subjects; in 1960, by one count, there were just seventeen college graduates in a population of thirteen million. Not a single Congolese had substantial experience in government or public administration. There were no Congolese doctors, lawyers, or engineers. The economy was almost entirely in foreign hands. Citizens were spread out across a country the size of Western Europe, and represented a bewildering array of tribes, cultures, and languages. There was neither an educated elite nor a middle class. Since Belgian military commanders refused to promote native soldiers above the rank of sergeant, there was not even a single Congolese officer. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 4789-90  | Added on Tuesday, November 19, 2013, 08:26 PM

Allen could not have failed to present Devlin’s cable. Years later, congressional investigators pinpointed this as the day when Eisenhower “circumlocutiously” ordered Lumumba assassinated. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 4871-73  | Added on Tuesday, November 19, 2013, 08:33 PM

It was at this life-or-death moment—Lumumba in brooding confinement while the CIA plotted to kill him—that Louis Armstrong arrived in the Congo. Rather than playing for an audience that included Lumumba, he played for one that included Devlin and Ambassador Timberlake. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 4911-12  | Added on Tuesday, November 19, 2013, 08:36 PM

This was the spy trade as Allen liked to imagine it, brutal at times but essential to world peace—and always with a neat ending. Neither Bond nor his superiors ever worry about the long-term consequences of their acts, and there never are any. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 4915-16  | Added on Tuesday, November 19, 2013, 08:37 PM

The list of places where he helped direct covert operations is an intelligence abecedarian’s dream: Albania, Berlin, China, Guatemala, Hungary, Indonesia, Iran, Korea, Poland, Romania. He was never the same after Hungary. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 4955-58  | Added on Tuesday, November 19, 2013, 08:41 PM

In late 1960, the Sino-Soviet split burst into public view when Khrushchev abruptly withdrew all Soviet advisers from China, which had emerged as the more radical of the two countries. This development intensified interest in covert action there. Allen welcomed it. His plan to foment civil war in China by attacking from Burma had failed but, undaunted, he decided to try again a thousand miles away, in Tibet. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 5017-19  | Added on Wednesday, November 20, 2013, 11:57 AM

The task proved so disgusting and so arduous that both Belgians had to get drunk in order to complete it, but in the end no trace was left of Patrice Lumumba and his companions. Lumumba was thirty-six years old.… 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 5046-49  | Added on Wednesday, November 20, 2013, 12:02 PM

Lumumba’s murder stunned the world and set off a wave of anti-Western passion in Africa and beyond. In the decades that followed, the Congo became a hell of repression, poverty, corruption, and violence. There is much to support the view that this killing was, as the Belgian scholar Ludo De Witte has suggested, “one of the twentieth century’s most important political assassinations.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 5063-66  | Added on Wednesday, November 20, 2013, 12:05 PM

A television interviewer, Eric Sevareid, asked him if he had come to believe that any of his covert operations were unnecessary. He named just one. “I think that we overrated the danger in, let’s say, the Congo,” Allen said. “It looked as though they were going to make a serious attempt at takeover in the Belgian Congo. Well, it didn’t work out that way at all. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 5093-96  | Added on Wednesday, November 20, 2013, 12:07 PM

“I candidly confess that I have ever looked on Cuba as the most interesting addition which could ever be made to our system of States,” Jefferson wrote. “The control which, with Florida, this island would give us over the Gulf of Mexico, and the countries and isthmus bordering on it, as well as all those whose waters flow into it, would fill up the measure of our political well-being.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 5114-16  | Added on Wednesday, November 20, 2013, 12:11 PM

Three months later Castro made his tumultuous trip to the United States. The nascent counterculture embraced him. Allen Ginsberg and Malcolm X came to his hotel in Harlem. Supporters cheered outside. One carried a sign reading MAN, LIKE US CATS DIG FIDEL THE MOST—HE KNOWS WHAT’S HIP AND WHAT BUGS THE SQUARES. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 5176-80  | Added on Wednesday, November 20, 2013, 12:21 PM

One of Castro’s closest comrades, the Argentine-born guerrilla Che Guevara, had been in Guatemala in 1954 and witnessed the coup against Arbenz. Later he told Castro why it succeeded. He said Arbenz had foolishly tolerated an open society, which the CIA penetrated and subverted, and also preserved the existing army, which the CIA turned into its instrument. Castro agreed that a revolutionary regime in Cuba must avoid those mistakes. Upon taking power, he cracked down on dissent and purged the army. Many Cubans supported his regime and were ready to defend it. All of this made the prospect of deposing him daunting indeed. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 5195-98  | Added on Wednesday, November 20, 2013, 12:24 PM

“The thing we should never do in dealing with revolutionary countries, in which the world abounds, is to push them behind an iron curtain raised by ourselves,” Walter Lippmann warned in a column after the withdrawal of the Sugar Kings. “On the contrary, even when they have been seduced and subverted and are drawn across the line, the right thing to do is to keep the way open for their return.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 5200-5201  | Added on Wednesday, November 20, 2013, 12:25 PM

History is littered with the names of small places that suddenly flash to the center of world attention. So it was with Laos in the late 1950s. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 5219-24  | Added on Wednesday, November 20, 2013, 12:27 PM

Much debate surrounds this briefing. Kennedy’s opponent, Vice President Richard Nixon, later suggested that it might have cost him the presidency. Within the Eisenhower administration, Nixon was actively promoting the plot against Castro, but he was sworn to secrecy. He suspected that Kennedy realized this after Allen’s briefing. In campaign speeches, Kennedy boldly vowed never to tolerate “a hostile and militant Communist satellite” or “a potential enemy missile or submarine base only ninety miles from our shores.” Nixon could not reply. “Are they falling dead over there?” Nixon asked an aide in frustration over what he saw as the CIA’s failure to act. “What in the world are they doing that takes months?” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 5235-36  | Added on Wednesday, November 20, 2013, 12:29 PM

Since no American intelligence officer had ever been sent to kill a foreign leader, Bissell had to conjure a way to strike at Castro. His idea was either brilliant or ridiculous: hire the Mafia. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 5243-47  | Added on Wednesday, November 20, 2013, 12:30 PM

After Kennedy won the presidential election in November, Eisenhower might have frozen the anti-Castro operation, or at least asked Allen to test Kennedy’s interest. Instead he expanded it. He approved what Bissell later called a “change in concept”; rather than smuggle small teams of infiltrators into Cuba, the CIA would launch a full-scale invasion, perhaps with support from the U.S. military. Eisenhower’s national security adviser, Gordon Gray, suggested staging a phony Cuban attack on the American base at Guantánamo Bay to use as a pretext for war. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 5256-59  | Added on Wednesday, November 20, 2013, 12:31 PM

Eisenhower approved covert action against Castro early in 1960, but Lumumba’s sudden emergence in the Congo distracted him. When he received news that Lumumba had been captured, he realized he had won his African battle. Immediately he turned back to Cuba. He summoned Allen and Bissell to the White House and ordered them to repeat in Cuba what the CIA had just achieved in the Congo. “Take more chances and be aggressive,” he told them. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 5268-74  | Added on Wednesday, November 20, 2013, 12:32 PM

“During the 21 December 1960 meeting of the Special Group, Allen Dulles briefed the attendees on a meeting that he had participated in the previous day in New York with a group of American businessmen,” according to a CIA account that remained secret for nearly half a century. “In attendance at this meeting were the vice president for Latin America of Standard Oil of New Jersey, the chairman of the Cuban-American Sugar Company, the president of the American Sugar Domino Refining Company, the president of the American & Foreign Power Company, the chairman of the Freeport Sulphur Company and representatives from Texaco, International Telephone and Telegraph, and other American companies with business interests in Cuba. The tenor of the conversation was that it was time for the US to get off dead center and take some direct action against Castro.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 5283-86  | Added on Wednesday, November 20, 2013, 12:33 PM

On New Year’s Day a powerful bomb exploded in Havana. “It is the American Embassy that is paying the terrorists to place bombs in Cuba!” Castro told a cheering crowd the next night. Then he said he would no longer allow the United States to station more than eleven diplomats at its embassy in Havana. Eisenhower responded by shutting the embassy entirely and breaking diplomatic relations with Cuba. Castro warned Cubans that this meant an invasion was imminent. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 5337-38  | Added on Wednesday, November 20, 2013, 07:16 PM

Senator J. William Fulbright of Arkansas, the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, counseled him to treat Castro as “a thorn in the flesh, but not as a dagger in the heart.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 5352-53  | Added on Wednesday, November 20, 2013, 07:17 PM

Yet another possibility: Bissell assumed the Mafia would finally get its act together and take out Castro before, or coincident with, the invasion.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 5353-60  | Added on Wednesday, November 20, 2013, 07:18 PM

Bissell ignored one last, poignant warning. It came on Sunday morning, April 9, just eight days before the exile army was supposed to storm ashore at the Bay of Pigs. Bissell was at his home in the Cleveland Park section of Washington when his doorbell rang. Outside were Jacob Esterline, the CIA officer he had put in day-to-day charge of the operation, and Colonel Jack Hawkins, its senior military planner. They were evidently overwrought after a night of agonizing. Bissell ushered them in, and they poured out their hearts. They told him what he already knew: the new landing beach was isolated, with no local population to support the invaders and few escape routes; there would not be enough air cover to prevent Castro from counterattacking; the secrecy that was an essential part of the original plan had evaporated. Given these new conditions, they told Bissell, the invasion was certain to end in “terrible disaster.” If Bissell did not cancel it, they would resign. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 5383-86  | Added on Wednesday, November 20, 2013, 07:21 PM

“Well, how is it going?” he asked an aide who met his plane late that night in Baltimore. “Not very well, sir,” came the reply. “Oh, is that so?” The two men chatted on the ride to Allen’s home in Georgetown. When they arrived, Allen invited his aide in for a drink. Over whiskey, he shifted the subject away from Cuba and began rambling aimlessly. The aide later used a single word to describe this moment: “unreal.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 5395-96  | Added on Wednesday, November 20, 2013, 07:23 PM

Later that day Kennedy told an aide, “I probably made a mistake keeping Allen Dulles.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 5422-23  | Added on Wednesday, November 20, 2013, 07:37 PM

“Under a parliamentary system of government, it is I who would be leaving office,” he told Allen. “But under our system it is you who must go.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 5463-65  | Added on Wednesday, November 20, 2013, 07:43 PM

Johnson told friends in Congress that the Kennedy assassination had “some foreign complications, CIA and other things.” Placing Allen on the Warren Commission ensured that these “complications” would remain secret. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 5532-33  | Added on Wednesday, November 20, 2013, 07:49 PM

“Once you touch the biographies of human beings,” Walter Lippmann observed while the Dulles brothers were in power, “the notion that political beliefs are logically determined collapses like a pricked balloon.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 5550-53  | Added on Wednesday, November 20, 2013, 07:52 PM

Foster and Allen never imagined that their intervention in foreign countries would have such devastating long-term effects—that Vietnam would be plunged into a war costing more than one million lives, for example, or that Iran would fall to violently anti-American zealots, or that the Congo would descend into decades of horrific conflict. They had no notion of “blowback.” Their lack of foresight led them to pursue reckless adventures that, over the course of decades, palpably weakened American security. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 5554-56  | Added on Wednesday, November 20, 2013, 07:52 PM

the two men so fully reinforced each other. Their worldviews and operational codes were identical. Deeply intimate since childhood, they turned the State Department and the CIA into a reverberating echo chamber for their shared certainties. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 5587-89  | Added on Wednesday, November 20, 2013, 07:55 PM

Governing a land devastated by two world wars, they feared a resurgence of German and Japanese strength. They felt threatened by the United States, that alone among the combatants emerged from the war wealthier and armed with the atomic bomb. Soviet officials did not have pre-conceived plans to make Eastern Europe communist, to support the Chinese communists, or to wage war in Korea.… 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 5590-91  | Added on Wednesday, November 20, 2013, 07:55 PM

US words and deeds greatly heightened ambient anxieties and subsequently contributed to the arms race and the expansion of the Cold War into the Third World.… 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 5596-99  | Added on Wednesday, November 20, 2013, 07:56 PM

Documents from foreign archives, according to this review, suggest that “rather than congratulate themselves on the Cold War’s outcome, Americans must confront the negative as well as the positive consequences of U.S. actions and inquire more searchingly into the implications of their nation’s foreign policies.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 5609-13  | Added on Wednesday, November 20, 2013, 07:57 PM

Foster’s inability to empathize with masses of people in a changing world robbed the United States of a historic chance. He conveyed a harsh, snarling image that alienated millions and contributed to generations of anti-Americanism. Although Foster did not live to see his reputation decline, Allen did. His last and best-known operation, the Bay of Pigs invasion, was an epic disaster that humiliated him and his country before the world. He lost his job and dropped from public life. Few missed him. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 5628-31  | Added on Wednesday, November 20, 2013, 07:59 PM

The passage of years also revealed Allen’s partial responsibility for the epic “mole hunt” that shook the CIA for more than a decade. It was during the last months of his directorship, in 1961, that his counterintelligence chief, James Jesus Angleton, launched what became an obsessive search for Soviet agents inside the CIA. This drama unfolded out of public view, but it unhinged the agency and, according to one officer, “caused havoc” for years. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 5647-49  | Added on Wednesday, November 20, 2013, 08:03 PM

Allen imagined himself as a modern incarnation of Sir Francis Walsingham, the chief of Queen Elizabeth’s feared spy network in the sixteenth century, who promoted English power through deft combinations of intrigue and violence. The truth was more prosaic. Allen spent much time in a world of self-reinforcing fantasy. He created an image for himself and came to believe it. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 5660-62  | Added on Wednesday, November 20, 2013, 08:05 PM

When Foster warned Americans that an enemy with “slimy, octopus-like tentacles” was threatening them with the “black plague of Soviet communism,” they heard and were afraid. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 5681-85  | Added on Wednesday, November 20, 2013, 08:08 PM

Researchers have learned that people’s brains are programmed to favor information that confirms what they already believe. Contradictory information threatens cognitive dissonance. The brain rebels against it. Social scientists have long used examples from the Cold War to illustrate the syndromes of groupthink, thought suppression, denial projection, structural blindness, and even mass hysteria. In 1960 the psychologist Charles Osgood wrote that the pull toward consistency “can plague big minds as well as little, in high places as well as low.” He called his first piece of evidence “Specimen 1: International Affairs.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 5700-5702  | Added on Wednesday, November 20, 2013, 08:10 PM

We are often confident even when we are wrong.… Declarations of high confidence mainly tell you that an individual has constructed a coherent story in his mind, not necessarily that the story is true. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 5702-4  | Added on Wednesday, November 20, 2013, 08:10 PM

Certain beliefs are so important for a society or group that they become part of how you prove your identity.… The truth is that our minds just aren’t set up to be changed by mere evidence. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 5714-16  | Added on Wednesday, November 20, 2013, 08:12 PM

Early astronomers found the chaos of stars overwhelming, and came up with the idea of constellations as a way of imposing a design on the firmament. Like them, Foster and Allen were drawn to structure, order, and predictability. Their deepest impulses drove them to find patterns in a kaleidoscopic world. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 5753-55  | Added on Wednesday, November 20, 2013, 08:19 PM

Their view of freedom was above all economic: a country whose leaders respected private enterprise and welcomed multinational business was a free country. This too reflected a widely shared American belief. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 5762-63  | Added on Wednesday, November 20, 2013, 08:19 PM

Senator Fulbright once complained that Foster “misleads public opinion, confuses it, [and] feeds it pap.” Yet many Americans devoured his narrative. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 5768-73  | Added on Wednesday, November 20, 2013, 08:24 PM

We like to do things, not understand things. Reality does not limit our ambition. In fact, we are sometimes tempted to believe we can reshape reality to fit our needs. This is another national trait that Foster and Allen perfectly embodied. Their approach to Vietnam was one example. In the mid-1950s Winston Churchill advised his American friends to recognize that Ho Chi Minh was unbeatable, accept his victory, and try to make the best of it. This the Dulles brothers could not do—because they were Americans. Churchill had on his side only negative, depressive, defeatist Old World reality. Foster and Allen counted on something they considered more powerful: the genius of America. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 5800-5803  | Added on Wednesday, November 20, 2013, 08:30 PM

The story of the Dulles brothers is the story of America. Their determination to project power was the same impulse that pushed settlers across prairies and over mountains, wrested rich territories from Mexico, crushed Native American resistance, and drew the United States into wars from Central America to Siberia. It remains potent. As long as Americans believe their country has vital interests everywhere on earth, they will be led by people who believe the same. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 5803-5  | Added on Wednesday, November 20, 2013, 08:30 PM

Foster and Allen tell Americans much about ourselves. Not all of it is comforting. Perhaps that is part of the reason they have faded into such obscurity. Forgetting their geopolitical sins allows the United States to forget its own. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 2288-91  | Added on Friday, November 22, 2013, 12:21 AM

All three of his main operations in Eastern Europe, aimed at stirring anti-Communist resistance in Poland, Ukraine, and Albania, collapsed in defeat. His analysts did not foresee Stalin’s death or its first major consequence, the emergence of Nikita Khrushchev as the new Soviet leader. He sought to use Burma and Thailand as staging grounds for guerrilla warfare against “Red China,” but his secret armies won no victories. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 2434-38  | Added on Friday, November 22, 2013, 12:33 AM

As the United States was setting out to depose a non-Communist government in Iran, it faced a sudden opportunity to strike inside the Soviet bloc. On June 16, 1953, several thousand construction workers in East Berlin walked off their jobs rather than accept new government work rules. Their protest spread. Crowds besieged government buildings. As word spread through the city, people raced to the scene. One was the chief of the State Department’s Berlin Desk, Eleanor Lansing Dulles. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 2514-20  | Added on Friday, November 22, 2013, 12:36 AM

Allen quickly sent Bundy on “personal leave” and announced that he was out of town, a maneuver McCarthy denounced as a “most blatant attempt” to defy the will of Congress. A couple of days later, Allen drove to Capitol Hill for a meeting with McCarthy and other Republicans on his investigating committee. “Joe, you’re not going to have Bundy as a witness,” Allen said. The senators were startled, but Allen held fast and departed cheerfully. Later that day he called Vice President Nixon and asked him to use his influence to calm McCarthy. Nixon did so. Never again did any of McCarthy’s investigators seek to question a CIA officer. Some quietly cheered Allen’s successful defiance, though Walter Lippmann warned that it would strengthen “the argument that the CIA is something apart.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 2706-8  | Added on Friday, November 22, 2013, 12:52 AM

Then, at the end of 1953, one of Allen’s men in Berlin, assigned to photograph letters purloined from the East Berlin post office, came across plans for a new underground switching station near the East-West border. Allen shared this discovery with his British counterpart, Sir John Sinclair, and they agreed to dig together. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 2741-44  | Added on Friday, November 22, 2013, 12:55 AM

“In Czechoslovakia, the government appointed a Communist interior minister, and then one day there was a reshuffle and suddenly the Communists were in power,” one CIA veteran recalled years later. “The lesson we drew was that you can’t let any Communist into power in any position, because somehow that would be used to take over the government. And if a country didn’t follow that rule, it became our enemy.” 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 2767-70  | Added on Friday, November 22, 2013, 12:57 AM

This did not stop Allen from encouraging the anti-Figueres plotters, but they failed for two reasons. First, Allen was preoccupied with deposing Arbenz in nearby Guatemala; second, since there was no army in Costa Rica, he had no instrument through which to carry out a coup. Nonetheless, this episode reflected something disheartening about the policies Foster and Allen pursued in America’s “backyard.” They embraced the region’s dictators while working to undermine its few democracies. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 2772-75  | Added on Friday, November 22, 2013, 12:57 AM

One of the oddest aspects of the Dulles brothers’ approach to Latin America was that as they assaulted the leaders of Guatemala and Costa Rica, they happily accepted a president of Bolivia who was in some ways more radical than either one. The Bolivian leader, Victor Paz Estenssoro, came to power in 1952 after a violent rebellion supported by armed workers and powerful Marxist factions—rather than through an election, as Arbenz and Figueres had. 
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The Brothers: John Foster Dulles, Allen Dulles, and Their Secret World War (Stephen Kinzer)
- Highlight Loc. 2779-80  | Added on Friday, November 22, 2013, 12:58 AM

A State Department spokesman justified American aid to Bolivia with the odd explanation that the Paz government was “Marxist rather than Communist.” As he spoke, the Eisenhower administration was tightening its noose around Guatemala. 
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December

Edgar Allan Poe: Complete Tales and Poems (Over 100 Works, including The Raven, The Tell-Tale Heart, The Pit and the Pendulum, with Exclusive Bonus Features) (Edgar Allan Poe and Maplewood Books)
- Highlight Loc. 4927-28  | Added on Thursday, December 05, 2013, 11:43 PM

A wrong is unredressed when retribution overtakes its redresser. It is equally unredressed when the avenger fails to make himself felt as such to him who has done the wrong.
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The Poetical Works of John Milton (John Milton)
- Bookmark Loc. 1825  | Added on Thursday, December 05, 2013, 11:57 PM


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The Poetical Works of John Milton (John Milton)
- Highlight Loc. 1824-27  | Added on Thursday, December 05, 2013, 11:57 PM

And chiefly Thou O Spirit, that dost prefer Before all Temples th' upright heart and pure, Instruct me, for Thou know'st; Thou from the first Wast present, and with mighty wings outspread 20 Dove-like satst brooding on the vast Abyss And mad'st it pregnant: What in me is dark Illumine, what is low raise and support; That to the highth of this great Argument I may assert th' Eternal Providence, And justifie the wayes of God to men.
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The Poetical Works of John Milton (John Milton)
- Highlight Loc. 1831-47  | Added on Thursday, December 05, 2013, 11:59 PM

Th' infernal Serpent; he it was, whose guile Stird up with Envy and Revenge, deceiv'd The Mother of Mankinde, what time his Pride Had cast him out from Heav'n, with all his Host Of Rebel Angels, by whose aid aspiring To set himself in Glory above his Peers, He trusted to have equal'd the most High, 40 If he oppos'd; and with ambitious aim Against the Throne and Monarchy of God Rais'd impious War in Heav'n and Battel proud With vain attempt. Him the Almighty Power Hurld headlong flaming from th' Ethereal Skie With hideous ruine and combustion down To bottomless perdition, there to dwell In Adamantine Chains and penal Fire, Who durst defie th' Omnipotent to Arms. Nine times the Space that measures Day and Night 50 To mortal men, he with his horrid crew Lay vanquisht, rowling in the fiery Gulfe Confounded though immortal: But his doom Reserv'd him to more wrath; for now the thought Both of lost happiness and lasting pain Torments him; round he throws his baleful eyes That witness'd huge affliction and dismay Mixt with obdurate pride and stedfast hate: At once as far as Angels kenn he views The dismal Situation waste and wilde, 60 A Dungeon horrible, on all sides round As one great Furnace flam'd, yet from those flames No light, but rather darkness visible Serv'd only to discover sights of woe, Regions of sorrow, doleful shades, where peace And rest can never dwell, hope never comes That comes to all; but torture without end Still urges, and a fiery Deluge, fed With ever-burning Sulphur unconsum'd: Such place Eternal Justice had prepar'd 70 For those rebellious, here their Prison ordain'd In utter darkness, and their portion set As far remov'd from God and light of Heav'n As from the Center thrice to th' utmost Pole.
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The Poetical Works of John Milton (John Milton)
- Highlight Loc. 1860-68  | Added on Friday, December 06, 2013, 12:03 AM

All is not lost; the unconquerable Will, And study of revenge, immortal hate, And courage never to submit or yield: And what is else not to be overcome? That Glory never shall his wrath or might 110 Extort from me. To bow and sue for grace With suppliant knee, and deifie his power Who from the terrour of this Arm so late Doubted his Empire, that were low indeed, That were an ignominy and shame beneath This downfall; since by Fate the strength of Gods And this Empyreal substance cannot fail, Since through experience of this great event In Arms not worse, in foresight much advanc't, We may with more successful hope resolve 120 To wage by force or guile eternal Warr Irreconcileable, to our grand Foe, Who now triumphs, and in th' excess of joy Sole reigning holds the Tyranny of Heav'n.
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The Poetical Works of John Milton (John Milton)
- Highlight Loc. 1881-83  | Added on Friday, December 06, 2013, 11:01 AM

Fall'n Cherube, to be weak is miserable Doing or Suffering: but of this be sure, To do ought good never will be our task, But ever to do ill our sole delight, 160 As being the contrary to his high will Whom we resist.
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The Poetical Works of John Milton (John Milton)
- Highlight Loc. 1915-24  | Added on Friday, December 06, 2013, 11:06 AM

Is this the Region, this the Soil, the Clime, Said then the lost Arch Angel, this the seat That we must change for Heav'n, this mournful gloom For that celestial light? Be it so, since hee Who now is Sovran can dispose and bid What shall be right: fardest from him is best Whom reason hath equald, force hath made supream Above his equals. Farewel happy Fields Where Joy for ever dwells: Hail horrours, hail 250 Infernal world, and thou profoundest Hell Receive thy new Possessor: One who brings A mind not to be chang'd by Place or Time. The mind is its own place, and in it self Can make a Heav'n of Hell, a Hell of Heav'n. What matter where, if I be still the same, And what I should be, all but less then hee Whom Thunder hath made greater? Here at least We shall be free; th' Almighty hath not built Here for his envy, will not drive us hence: 260 Here we may reign secure, and in my choyce To reign is worth ambition though in Hell: Better to reign in Hell, then serve in Heav'n.
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The Poetical Works of John Milton (John Milton)
- Bookmark Loc. 1912  | Added on Friday, December 06, 2013, 01:56 PM


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The Poetical Works of John Milton (John Milton)
- Highlight Loc. 1945-52  | Added on Friday, December 06, 2013, 02:02 PM

He call'd so loud, that all the hollow Deep Of Hell resounded. Princes, Potentates, Warriers, the Flowr of Heav'n, once yours, now lost, If such astonishment as this can sieze Eternal spirits; or have ye chos'n this place After the toyl of Battel to repose Your wearied vertue, for the ease you find 320 To slumber here, as in the Vales of Heav'n? Or in this abject posture have ye sworn To adore the Conquerour? who now beholds Cherube and Seraph rowling in the Flood With scatter'd Arms and Ensigns, till anon His swift pursuers from Heav'n Gates discern Th' advantage, and descending tread us down Thus drooping, or with linked Thunderbolts Transfix us to the bottom of this Gulfe. Awake, arise, or be for ever fall'n. 330
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The Poetical Works of John Milton (John Milton)
- Highlight Loc. 1952-65  | Added on Friday, December 06, 2013, 02:03 PM

They heard, and were abasht, and up they sprung Upon the wing, as when men wont to watch On duty, sleeping found by whom they dread, Rouse and bestir themselves ere well awake. Nor did they not perceave the evil plight In which they were, or the fierce pains not feel; Yet to their Generals Voyce they soon obeyd Innumerable. As when the potent Rod Of Amrams Son in Egypts evill day Wav'd round the Coast, up call'd a pitchy cloud 340 Of Locusts, warping on the Eastern Wind, That ore the Realm of impious Pharoah hung Like Night, and darken'd all the Land of Nile: So numberless were those bad Angels seen Hovering on wing under the Cope of Hell 'Twixt upper, nether, and surrounding Fires; Till, as a signal giv'n, th' uplifted Spear Of their great Sultan waving to direct Thir course, in even ballance down they light On the firm brimstone, and fill all the Plain; 350 A multitude, like which the populous North Pour'd never from her frozen loyns, to pass Rhene or the Danaw, when her barbarous Sons Came like a Deluge on the South, and spread Beneath Gibraltar to the Lybian sands. Forthwith from every Squadron and each Band The Heads and Leaders thither hast where stood Their great Commander; Godlike shapes and forms Excelling human, Princely Dignities, And Powers that earst in Heaven sat on Thrones; 360 Though of their Names in heav'nly Records now Be no memorial, blotted out and ras'd By thir Rebellion, from the Books of Life.
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The Poetical Works of John Milton (John Milton)
- Highlight Loc. 1977-79  | Added on Friday, December 06, 2013, 02:08 PM

First Moloch, horrid King besmear'd with blood Of human sacrifice, and parents tears, Though for the noyse of Drums and Timbrels loud Their childrens cries unheard, that past through fire To his grim Idol.
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The Poetical Works of John Milton (John Milton)
- Highlight Loc. 1989-91  | Added on Friday, December 06, 2013, 02:10 PM

For Spirits when they please Can either Sex assume, or both; so soft And uncompounded is their Essence pure, Not ti'd or manacl'd with joynt or limb, Nor founded on the brittle strength of bones, Like cumbrous flesh; but in what shape they choose
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The Poetical Works of John Milton (John Milton)
- Highlight Loc. 1993-95  | Added on Friday, December 06, 2013, 02:11 PM

For those the Race of Israel oft forsook Their living strength, and unfrequented left His righteous Altar, bowing lowly down To bestial Gods; for which their heads as low Bow'd down in Battel, sunk before the Spear Of despicable foes.
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The Poetical Works of John Milton (John Milton)
- Highlight Loc. 2003-7  | Added on Friday, December 06, 2013, 02:13 PM

Next came one Who mourn'd in earnest, when the Captive Ark Maim'd his brute Image, head and hands lopt off In his own Temple, on the grunsel edge, 460 Where he fell flat, and sham'd his Worshipers: Dagon his Name, Sea Monster, upward Man And downward Fish: yet had his Temple high Rear'd in Azotus, dreaded through the Coast Of Palestine, in Gath and Ascalon, And Accaron and Gaza's frontier bounds.
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The Poetical Works of John Milton (John Milton)
- Highlight Loc. 2016-22  | Added on Friday, December 06, 2013, 02:16 PM

Belial came last, then whom a Spirit more lewd 490 Fell not from Heaven, or more gross to love Vice for it self: To him no Temple stood Or Altar smoak'd; yet who more oft then hee In Temples and at Altars, when the Priest Turns Atheist, as did Ely's Sons, who fill'd With lust and violence the house of God. In Courts and Palaces he also Reigns And in luxurious Cities, where the noyse Of riot ascends above thir loftiest Towrs, And injury and outrage: And when Night 500 Darkens the Streets, then wander forth the Sons Of Belial, flown with insolence and wine. Witness the Streets of Sodom, and that night In Gibeah, when hospitable Dores Yielded thir Matrons to prevent worse rape.
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The Poetical Works of John Milton (John Milton)
- Highlight Loc. 2063-66  | Added on Friday, December 06, 2013, 02:21 PM

cruel his eye, but cast Signs of remorse and passion to behold The fellows of his crime, the followers rather (Far other once beheld in bliss) condemn'd For ever now to have their lot in pain, Millions of Spirits for his fault amerc't Of Heav'n, and from Eternal Splendors flung 610 For his revolt, yet faithfull how they stood, Thir Glory witherd.
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The Poetical Works of John Milton (John Milton)
- Highlight Loc. 2087-92  | Added on Friday, December 06, 2013, 02:25 PM

He spake: and to confirm his words, out-flew Millions of flaming swords, drawn from the thighs Of mighty Cherubim; the sudden blaze Far round illumin'd hell: highly they rag'd Against the Highest, and fierce with grasped arm's Clash'd on their sounding shields the din of war, Hurling defiance toward the vault of Heav'n. There stood a Hill not far whose griesly top 670 Belch'd fire and rowling smoak; the rest entire Shon with a glossie scurff, undoubted sign That in his womb was hid metallic Ore, The work of Sulphur. Thither wing'd with speed A numerous Brigad hasten'd.
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The Poetical Works of John Milton (John Milton)
- Highlight Loc. 2092-99  | Added on Friday, December 06, 2013, 02:26 PM

As when bands Of Pioners with Spade and Pickaxe arm'd Forerun the Royal Camp, to trench a Field, Or cast a Rampart. Mammon led them on, Mammon, the least erected Spirit that fell From heav'n, for ev'n in heav'n his looks and thoughts 680 Were always downward bent, admiring more The riches of Heav'ns pavement, trod'n Gold, Then aught divine or holy else enjoy'd In vision beatific: by him first Men also, and by his suggestion taught, Ransack'd the Center, and with impious hands Rifl'd the bowels of thir mother Earth For Treasures better hid. Soon had his crew Op'nd into the Hill a spacious wound And dig'd out ribs of Gold. Let none admire 690 That riches grow in Hell; that soyle may best Deserve the pretious bane.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight on Page 374 | Loc. 4460-62  | Added on Monday, December 09, 2013, 06:46 PM

At last, indeed, he received from the conspirators the bloody purple of Gallienus: but he had been absent from their camp and counsels; and however he might applaud the deed, we may candidly presume that he was innocent of the knowledge of it. When Claudius ascended the throne, he was about fifty-four years of age.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight on Page 374 | Loc. 4484-88  | Added on Monday, December 09, 2013, 07:13 PM

The emperor expiated on the mischiefs of a lawless caprice, which the soldiers could only gratify at the expense of their own blood; as their seditious elections had so frequently been followed by civil wars, which consumed the flower of the legions either in the field of battle, or in the cruel abuse of victory. He painted in the most lively colors the exhausted state of the treasury, the desolation of the provinces, the disgrace of the Roman name, and the insolent triumph of rapacious barbarians. It was against those barbarians, he declared, that he intended to point the first effort of their arms.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight on Page 374 | Loc. 4504-11  | Added on Monday, December 09, 2013, 07:16 PM

We still posses an original letter addressed by Claudius to the senate and people on this memorable occasion. "Conscript fathers," says the emperor, "know that three hundred and twenty thousand Goths have invaded the Roman territory. If I vanquish them, your gratitude will reward my services. Should I fall, remember that I am the successor of Gallienus. The whole republic is fatigued and exhausted. We shall fight after Valerian, after Ingenuus, Regillianus, Lollianus, Posthumus, Celsus, and a thousand others, whom a just contempt for Gallienus provoked into rebellion. We are in want of darts, of spears, and of shields. The strength of the empire, Gaul, and Spain, are usurped by Tetricus, and we blush to acknowledge that the archers of the East serve under the banners of Zenobia. Whatever we shall perform will be sufficiently great." The melancholy firmness of this epistle announces a hero careless of his fate, conscious of his danger, but still deriving a well-grounded hope from the resources of his own mind.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight on Page 374 | Loc. 4647-48  | Added on Monday, December 09, 2013, 08:58 PM

Fear has been the original parent of superstition, and every new calamity urges trembling mortals to deprecate the wrath of their invisible enemies.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight on Page 374 | Loc. 4866-67  | Added on Tuesday, December 10, 2013, 11:43 AM

"Surely," says he, "the gods have decreed that my life should be a perpetual warfare. A sedition within the walls has just now given birth to a very serious civil war.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight on Page 374 | Loc. 4884-89  | Added on Tuesday, December 10, 2013, 11:47 AM

However Aurelian might choose to disguise the real cause of the insurrection, his reformation of the coin could furnish only a faint pretence to a party already powerful and discontented. Rome, though deprived of freedom, was distracted by faction. The people, towards whom the emperor, himself a plebeian, always expressed a peculiar fondness, lived in perpetual dissension with the senate, the equestrian order, and the Prætorian guards. Nothing less than the firm though secret conspiracy of those orders, of the authority of the first, the wealth of the second, and the arms of the third, could have displayed a strength capable of contending in battle with the veteran legions of the Danube, which, under the conduct of a martial sovereign, had achieved the conquest of the West and of the East.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight on Page 374 | Loc. 4915-18  | Added on Tuesday, December 10, 2013, 11:53 AM

Such was the unhappy condition of the Roman emperors, that, whatever might be their conduct, their fate was commonly the same. A life of pleasure or virtue, of severity or mildness, of indolence or glory, alike led to an untimely grave; and almost every reign is closed by the same disgusting repetition of treason and murder. The death of Aurelian, however, is remarkable by its extraordinary consequences. The legions admired, lamented, and revenged their victorious chief. The artifice of his perfidious secretary was discovered and punished.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight on Page 374 | Loc. 4931-38  | Added on Tuesday, December 10, 2013, 11:56 AM

Should the soldiers relapse into their accustomed seditions, their insolence might disgrace the majesty of the senate, and prove fatal to the object of its choice. Motives like these dictated a decree, by which the election of a new emperor was referred to the suffrage of the military order. The contention that ensued is one of the best attested, but most improbable events in the history of mankind. The troops, as if satiated with the exercise of power, again conjured the senate to invest one of its own body with the Imperial purple. The senate still persisted in its refusal; the army in its request. The reciprocal offer was pressed and rejected at least three times, and, whilst the obstinate modesty of either party was resolved to receive a master from the hands of the other, eight months insensibly elapsed; an amazing period of tranquil anarchy, during which the Roman world remained without a sovereign, without a usurper, and without a sedition.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight on Page 374 | Loc. 5010-11  | Added on Tuesday, December 10, 2013, 12:22 PM

All that had yet passed at Rome was no more than a theatrical representation, unless it was ratified by the more substantial power of the legions.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight on Page 374 | Loc. 5200-5204  | Added on Tuesday, December 10, 2013, 06:55 PM

We cannot, on this occasion, forget the desperate courage of about fourscore gladiators, reserved, with near six hundred others, for the inhuman sports of the amphitheatre. Disdaining to shed their blood for the amusement of the populace, they killed their keepers, broke from the place of their confinement, and filled the streets of Rome with blood and confusion. After an obstinate resistance, they were overpowered and cut in pieces by the regular forces; but they obtained at least an honorable death, and the satisfaction of a just revenge.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight on Page 374 | Loc. 5293-96  | Added on Tuesday, December 10, 2013, 07:05 PM

Carinus, the elder of the brothers, was more than commonly deficient in those qualities. In the Gallic war he discovered some degree of personal courage; but from the moment of his arrival at Rome, he abandoned himself to the luxury of the capital, and to the abuse of his fortune. He was soft, yet cruel; devoted to pleasure, but destitute of taste; and though exquisitely susceptible of vanity, indifferent to the public esteem.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight on Page 374 | Loc. 5320-26  | Added on Tuesday, December 10, 2013, 07:07 PM

If we confine ourselves solely to the hunting of wild beasts, however we may censure the vanity of the design or the cruelty of the execution, we are obliged to confess that neither before nor since the time of the Romans so much art and expense have ever been lavished for the amusement of the people. By the order of Probus, a great quantity of large trees, torn up by the roots, were transplanted into the midst of the circus. The spacious and shady forest was immediately filled with a thousand ostriches, a thousand stags, a thousand fallow deer, and a thousand wild boars; and all this variety of game was abandoned to the riotous impetuosity of the multitude. The tragedy of the succeeding day consisted in the massacre of a hundred lions, an equal number of lionesses, two hundred leopards, and three hundred bears.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Highlight on Page 374 | Loc. 5399-5403  | Added on Tuesday, December 10, 2013, 07:17 PM

The troops, so lately returned from the Persian war, had acquired their glory at the expense of health and numbers; nor were they in a condition to contend with the unexhausted strength of the legions of Europe. Their ranks were broken, and, for a moment, Diocletian despaired of the purple and of life. But the advantage which Carinus had obtained by the valor of his soldiers, he quickly lost by the infidelity of his officers. A tribune, whose wife he had seduced, seized the opportunity of revenge, and, by a single blow, extinguished civil discord in the blood of the adulterer.
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History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Volume 1 (Edward Gibbon)
- Bookmark on Page 374 | Loc. 5403  | Added on Wednesday, December 11, 2013, 10:52 AM


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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight Loc. 245-48  | Added on Wednesday, December 11, 2013, 11:36 AM

And credit is due to Fidel Castro, because as much as his personality dominated the revolution and everything in Cuba for so long, what was also evident from this visit is that he has left in place an institutionalized state and government that, even if inefficient and lacking in transparency, can and does function without him. The revolution, it turns out, is not a product of charisma and repression alone.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 1 | Loc. 300-302  | Added on Wednesday, December 11, 2013, 11:44 AM

pressure for abolition gradually built as Great Britain first abolished the slave trade (1807), then abolished the institution of slavery altogether (1830s). Yet slavery in Cuba would only be partially eliminated in 1868.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 3 | Loc. 310-12  | Added on Wednesday, December 11, 2013, 11:46 AM

Between roughly 1810 and 1825, Spain’s colonial empire fell apart, the victim of a substantially declining power base, domestic unrest within Spain, imperial overstretch, and a spate of powerful independence movements led by such dynamic leaders as Simon Bolivar, José de San Martín, and Miguel Hidalgo.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 3 | Loc. 321-24  | Added on Wednesday, December 11, 2013, 11:48 AM

many criollos recognized that their own economic clout rested on the institution of slavery. As a result, elites looked with great trepidation to the example of Haiti, where just a few years earlier, Toussaint L’Ouverture had initiated a rebellion that eventually led to the proclamation of a “negro republic.” Fears of unleashing a restless slave population and contending with massive social upheaval tempered the desirability of independence, at least for a time.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Bookmark on Page 4 | Loc. 326  | Added on Wednesday, December 11, 2013, 11:49 AM


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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 4 | Loc. 325-29  | Added on Wednesday, December 11, 2013, 11:49 AM

In 1823, Secretary of State and future president John Quincy Adams called both Cuba and Puerto Rico “natural appendages of the North American continent.” He reasoned, “There are laws of political as well as physical gravitation; and if an apple, severed by the tempest from its native tree, can not choose but to fall to the ground, Cuba, forcibly disjoined from its unnatural connection with Spain and incapable of self-support, can gravitate only toward the North American Union, which, by the same law of nature can not cast her off from its bosom.”
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 5 | Loc. 346-49  | Added on Wednesday, December 11, 2013, 11:52 AM

Perhaps the most well known are the handful of filibustering expeditions led by a former general in the Spanish Army, Narcisco López, often with U.S. citizens as mercenaries. Following his capture and execution, López’s supporters throughout the U.S. South established a secret society that would plot to participate in several additional conspiracies.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 5 | Loc. 349-50  | Added on Wednesday, December 11, 2013, 11:55 AM

By the 1860s, clamors for independence and abolition had grown to a fever pitch, especially in the aftermath of the U.S. Civil War.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 6 | Loc. 354-56  | Added on Wednesday, December 11, 2013, 11:55 AM

After 10 years of inconclusive conflict, rebels and the Spanish agreed to end the war with the 1878 Pact of Zanjón, an agreement that granted amnesty to those who had participated in the conflict and freedom to those slaves who had fought in the rebel army.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 6 | Loc. 358  | Added on Wednesday, December 11, 2013, 11:55 AM

Slavery was formally abolished (at all levels and without exception) in 1886.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 7 | Loc. 369-71  | Added on Wednesday, December 11, 2013, 11:58 AM

Martí was also wary of U.S. designs—annexationist or otherwise. “I know the monster, because I have lived in its lair,” he wrote, “and my weapon is only the slingshot of David.”
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 7 | Loc. 374-75  | Added on Wednesday, December 11, 2013, 11:58 AM

He argued for education as the basic motor for development throughout Latin America—a concept that would be a foundation of the Cuban Revolution’s social policies under Fidel Castro.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 10 | Loc. 415  | Added on Wednesday, December 11, 2013, 02:22 PM

“You furnish the pictures, and I’ll furnish the war,” Hearst famously said to one of his cartoonists covering the conflict.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 10 | Loc. 425-30  | Added on Wednesday, December 11, 2013, 02:25 PM

The war was over rather quickly. From the time the United States declared war in late April 1898 to the signing of an armistice in August, hardly three months had passed. During this short period, U.S. forces destroyed the Spanish navy and routed Spanish forces in its other colonial possessions: Puerto Rico and the Philippines. The United States and Spain signed a final peace treaty in December 1898 in Paris. Just as Cuban independence forces had been blocked from occupying key cities once the Spanish were defeated, they were not permitted to participate in the Paris negotiations. The American flag, not the Cuban flag, was raised over Havana. General Gómez, who once trusted American intentions, had been betrayed.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 18 | Loc. 540-42  | Added on Wednesday, December 11, 2013, 06:56 PM

Batista emerged victorious in the 1940 elections and, despite his continuing and increasingly strong political accommodation with the Communists (among those leftists who had so strongly resisted the United States during the Machado years), forged deeper economic and security ties with an ideologically pragmatic Washington as the United States entered World War II.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 19 | Loc. 549-51  | Added on Wednesday, December 11, 2013, 06:57 PM

Grau’s second presidency was a grave disappointment, as public sector corruption returned in a way not seen since the 1920s. Opposition soon grew in the form of the Ortodoxo Party, founded in 1947 under the leadership of charismatic former student activist and frenetic nationalist Eduardo Chibás. A young lawyer, Fidel Castro, would soon become an active participant in Ortodoxo affairs.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 19 | Loc. 553-55  | Added on Wednesday, December 11, 2013, 06:58 PM

By middecade, U.S. capital controlled over 40% of the Cuban sugar industry, 23% of all nonsugar industry, 90% of all telephone and electric services, and 50% of Cuba’s railway services (which were heavily utilized by the sugar industry). Havana, long a tourist destination for Americans, experienced a boom in the sex and gambling industries, both of which were promoted by the American mob as well as Cuban locals.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 19 | Loc. 561-65  | Added on Wednesday, December 11, 2013, 07:00 PM

With the elections of 1952 approaching, the strength of the Ortodoxos worried both Cuban conservatives and the ever-influential United States. Batista entered the field as well, having remained an imposing figure in Cuban politics from a seat in the Senate, which he assumed in 1948. Behind the scenes, Batista and other conspirators in the military were convinced that the nation was descending into political and economic chaos once again. In early March 1952, with Batista’s own chance at victory slim in the elections three months down the line, the military launched a coup. Constitutional rule in Cuba thus ended.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 20 | Loc. 572-73  | Added on Thursday, December 12, 2013, 10:40 AM

Among a new generation of revolutionaries, the 1952 coup crystallized the view that brittle democratic institutions, polarization, and corruption had made the path of electoral politics a dead end. Among these was Fidel Castro.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 21 | Loc. 590-91  | Added on Thursday, December 12, 2013, 10:42 AM

The suicidal and spectacular nature of the Moncada attack, the power of the speech, and its concluding words, “Condemn me, it does not matter. History will absolve me,” put Fidel Castro on Cuba’s national political map.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 22 | Loc. 605-9  | Added on Thursday, December 12, 2013, 10:45 AM

In March 1957, joined by another clandestine group associated with Carlos Prío, the Organización Auténtica (OA), the Directorio staged an attack on the presidential palace in Havana in an effort to assassinate Batista and thus bring down his regime. Most of the individuals involved in the palace attack were killed, including Echeverría. In the aftermath, with assistance from the FBI, Batista’s repressive forces blanketed Havana with a dragnet of informants, police, and security agents who mopped up most of the Directorio’s network.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 24 | Loc. 625-27  | Added on Thursday, December 12, 2013, 10:50 AM

Seeing the Cuban Revolution as much more than the work of a handful of bearded rebels isolated in the mountains with their peasant supporters is critical to understanding how much popular and broad-based support Castro’s army possessed when it triumphed on January 1, 1959.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 24 | Loc. 632-34  | Added on Thursday, December 12, 2013, 10:50 AM

the guerrilla foco came to be cast as the formative experience of the revolutionary, the womb that gestated the “new Cuban man,” that near-superhuman individual, free of material wants and bourgeois false consciousness, whom Che Guevara would mythologize and attempt to reproduce throughout Cuban society.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 25 | Loc. 642-45  | Added on Thursday, December 12, 2013, 10:52 AM

(Fiorini, whom Cuban intelligence came to believe had been working as an American agent during the insurrection, later worked with the CIA to overthrow Castro, and was involved in assassination plots against him. When Nixon finally became president, Nixon employed Fiorini more directly: Fiorini/Garcia was the same Frank Sturgis who staged the Watergate burglary that would destroy Nixon’s presidency.)
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 26 | Loc. 665-67  | Added on Thursday, December 12, 2013, 10:56 AM

But many of Cuba’s leading revolutionaries had been educated at American universities; grew up on Hemingway, Cab Calloway, Ivory soap, and Coca Cola; and did not yet imagine, as the outsider Che Guevara may well have, a Cuban future without the United States.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 27 | Loc. 677-83  | Added on Thursday, December 12, 2013, 10:57 AM

Batista’s departure to exile amid overwhelming rebel support on New Year’s Eve of 1958 marked the end of nearly 25 years on the political stage. Over the course of his career, several different Batistas had emerged. First was a young officer, caught in the throws of political turmoil during the 1930s. Second was the Populist leader who during the late 1930s and early 1940s ushered in a social democracy and permitted space for left-wing, including Communist, activists—all consistent with international politics in the era of the Great Depression and the Popular Front during World War II. Finally, as the Cold War hardened to a freeze in the early 1950s, Batista emerged as an anti-Communist strongman, in the same vein as many other Latin American dictators at the time. Above all, he was a survivor and a political animal, one who had helped construct Cuba’s liberal 1940 order and helped destroy it 12 years later.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 30 | Loc. 718-21  | Added on Thursday, December 12, 2013, 11:02 AM

In an era where Darwin and the precursors of eugenics were en vogue among biologists, Europeans, and U.S. politicians alike, the Cuban independence movement’s strong ideology of “antiracism”—coupled with the leadership of Afro-Cuban heroes like Antonio Maceo—stood in sharp contrast to dominant international attitudes at the time. Yet as with much in Cuba’s history, practical realities failed to live up to lofty ideals.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 34 | Loc. 788-93  | Added on Thursday, December 12, 2013, 07:25 PM

Cuban culture also profoundly influenced aspects of American culture, despite being seemingly outmatched in size or reach. This was most apparent in the arena of music. Just as American jazz left an enduring mark on Cuban music, inspiring the emergence of big-band mambo in the 1950s, for example, Cuban rumba, mambo, and cha-cha-cha shaped everything from U.S. commercial kitsch (Perry Como’s 1954 hit “Papa Loves Mambo” comes to mind) to avant-garde “Cu-bop” jazz pioneered by Dizzy Gillespie and Stan Kenton. Cuban band leaders like Pérez Prado and Xavier Cugat toured the United States extensively, driving dance crazes across the country.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 39 | Loc. 851-58  | Added on Thursday, December 12, 2013, 07:33 PM

In the immediate aftermath of the triumph, Guevara took control of the Fortaleza San Carlos de la Cabaña, a Spanish colonial fort just outside of Havana that had become a military barracks and prison. Together with Raul Castro, Che oversaw the rounding up and executions of roughly 160 Batista officers as chief prosecutor for a series of “war tribunals.” Like other similar events in Latin America’s future, these show trials took place in Havana’s main sports stadium and were even broadcast on television. Foreign observers and the international press were alarmed by the revolutionaries’ brand of ad hoc justice, as were important sectors of Cuban society, some of which had been supportive of the revolution to begin with. Yet by and large, the executions not only aroused little popular opposition but in fact also garnered significant support from a Cuban public that had been victimized, traumatized, and perhaps desensitized by the Batista regime’s repression over the previous decade.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 42 | Loc. 897-98  | Added on Thursday, December 12, 2013, 07:36 PM

Once it became clear to him that the United States intended to overthrow the Cuban Revolution, Fidel publicly declared himself a Socialist.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 44 | Loc. 921-24  | Added on Thursday, December 12, 2013, 07:41 PM

Cubans by and large saw their own democratic order and party system as deeply corrupt, self-immolating, and in many cases beholden to foreign interests. Consequently, revolutionary leaders would resist reinstituting the principal tenets of this order. Likewise, restrictions on free speech, the press, and other civil rights were justified as necessary to secure the government’s hegemony against implacable internal and foreign enemies.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 44 | Loc. 930-31  | Added on Thursday, December 12, 2013, 07:42 PM

constricted. By July 1965, the PCC had been created and Fidel was named its first secretary. The one-party nature of the Cuban revolutionary state was thus firmly cemented.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 45 | Loc. 941-43  | Added on Thursday, December 12, 2013, 07:45 PM

By the end of the 1960s, Cuba’s revolutionary government had entirely overhauled Cuban society. Nationalizations early in the decade put sugar mills, oil refineries, utilities, transportation companies, most land, and small businesses into the hands of the state.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 47 | Loc. 976-80  | Added on Thursday, December 12, 2013, 07:50 PM

By 1962 (when the Cuban Missile Crisis halted the early immigration wave), roughly 200,000 Cubans had left. A second notable wave began in 1965, when Cuban authorities’ decision to permit emigration from the port of Camarioca induced confusion and chaos. United States and Cuban authorities quickly agreed to a program of twice-daily “Freedom Flights” between Havana and Miami. A steady out-migration thus continued over the course of the decade, peaking in 1968 immediately following the expropriation of virtually all remaining, and by then almost entirely locally owned, small businesses.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 48 | Loc. 982-83  | Added on Thursday, December 12, 2013, 07:51 PM

By the time the Freedom Flights ended in 1973, roughly 260,500 Cubans had sought exile in the United States. Both the Catholic Church and the U.S. government played instrumental roles during the exodus.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 11 | Loc. 436-40  | Added on Friday, December 13, 2013, 02:22 PM

Many Cubans, however, still trusted in the Teller Amendment and recognized the need for U.S. assistance in rebuilding the economy. Indeed, during the occupation, influxes of American capital and investment further tied Cuba’s sugar and other industries to those of the U.S. economy. Although McKinley kept open the door to possible annexation, pressure by anti-imperialists at home and the abiding power of Cuban nationalism prevented an outright takeover. Indeed, when the United States permitted municipal elections on the island, annexationist candidates lost across the board.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 11 | Loc. 443-46  | Added on Friday, December 13, 2013, 02:22 PM

Soon afterward, the U.S. Congress passed the Platt Amendment, an attempt to place limits on Cuba’s sovereignty. In addition to constraining Cuba’s ability to conduct its own foreign affairs and international financial matters, the amendment granted the United States the right to intervene in Cuba for the “preservation of Cuban independence” and the adequate “protection of life, property, and individual liberty.”
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Bookmark on Page 48 | Loc. 982  | Added on Friday, December 13, 2013, 02:38 PM


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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 70 | Loc. 1327-30  | Added on Friday, December 13, 2013, 07:10 PM

Moscow began purchasing part of Cuba’s sugar crop. Indeed, between 1965 and 1970, the Soviet Union agreed to purchase over 24 million tons of Cuban sugar. As the decade progressed, the Soviet Union began providing Cuba with discounted oil (which Cuba was then allowed to resell on the world market for profit) as well as supplying the island with a wide variety of mechanical parts that could no longer be obtained once the U.S. embargo had gone into effect in 1960.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 71 | Loc. 1336-38  | Added on Friday, December 13, 2013, 07:11 PM

By the mid-1970s, it was estimated that Soviet-funded projects accounted for 10% of Cuba’s total GNP, and by the end of the 1980s, the annual Soviet subsidy had reached between $4 billion and $6 billion according to most estimates.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 77 | Loc. 1428-30  | Added on Friday, December 13, 2013, 07:23 PM

When all was said and done, Cuba had expropriated over 300,000 acres of U.S. property, all U.S.-owned tobacco enterprises, all U.S. banks, and all other U.S. business interests. Cuba offered compensation pegged to the often undervalued claims the companies had filed in their most recent tax returns.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 79 | Loc. 1453-57  | Added on Friday, December 13, 2013, 07:26 PM

Within a matter of months, Eisenhower would instruct the CIA and the State Department to move much more aggressively against Castro. By March of 1960, shortly after the first Soviet delegation led by Deputy Prime Minister Anastas Mikoyan arrived in Havana, plans to cut off Cuba’s sugar quota were already under way. At the same time, Eisenhower authorized planning for the Bay of Pigs invasion, and CIA deputy director Richard Bissell by August 1960 decided to use the U.S. mafia to try and assassinate Castro as part of the invasion plan, while also drawing up a spate of covert operations, including plans for industrial sabotage and political destabilization against the island.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 80 | Loc. 1473-77  | Added on Friday, December 13, 2013, 07:32 PM

Arbenz, who like a generation of Latin American left-leaning leaders wanted to bring a measure of modernity to his country’s institutions and dignity to its population, may well have wanted Guatemala to remain genuinely neutral in the East-West conflict. Yet for Washington in 1954, especially in America’s historic sphere, neutrality was as good as fullblown communism. By comparison to Arbenz, Fidel Castro not only moved much more aggressively against his own country’s political and economic elite but also more boldly challenged U.S. property interests and Washington’s presumptive hegemony over Cuban affairs.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 80 | Loc. 1480-82  | Added on Friday, December 13, 2013, 07:36 PM

Though there were some analysts and covert ops agents in the CIA who understood the difference between the two countries, at the center and top of Washington’s national security circles, one little Latin American country was really no different than the other.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 81 | Loc. 1488-90  | Added on Friday, December 13, 2013, 07:36 PM

If the first mistake—underestimating Castro’s domestic political support—was strategic, the second was related, but tactical in nature. Almost nothing about the U.S. role in the operation was covert, and little about the invasion a surprise.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 81 | Loc. 1495-98  | Added on Friday, December 13, 2013, 07:37 PM

Castro’s victory was helped by the fact that the Bay of Pigs, 202 km to the southeast of Havana, was a most inhospitable and overexposed place to stage an amphibious landing; Brigade 2506 members had to make their way through a virtually impenetrable mangrove swamp onto beaches covered with sharp coral shards, several hundred yards from the protective cover of trees.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 82 | Loc. 1511-14  | Added on Friday, December 13, 2013, 07:39 PM

Covert operations against Cuba continued in one form or another over the succeeding two decades. The 1975 Church Committee interim report, for example, presented evidence that the CIA was specifically involved in at least eight attempts to assassinate Fidel Castro between 1960 and 1965. Cuban government sources, meanwhile, put the total for assassination attempts by individuals and entities receiving support from the U.S. government in the hundreds.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 83 | Loc. 1516-17  | Added on Friday, December 13, 2013, 07:40 PM

In the 1960s, Operation Mongoose, a sabotage and destabilization campaign carried out on the island with the blessing of Robert Kennedy after his brother’s assassination, involved Cuban exiles as a key resource.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 83 | Loc. 1524-30  | Added on Friday, December 13, 2013, 07:41 PM

In 1976, a handful of disparate groups formed an umbrella organization, Coordination of United Revolutionary Organizations (CORU). Among its leaders were two already notorious anti-Castro operatives with ties to the CIA, Luis Posada Carriles and Orlando Bosch. Both men were enlisted to carry out acts of sabotage against the Cuban government, and both became known in U.S. and Cuban intelligence circles as the intellectual authors of a terrorist plot (not explicitly a CIA operation, although evidence shows the agency was aware of its likelihood) that successfully blew up Cubana Airlines Flight 455 heading from Cuba to Barbados in 1976, killing all 73 on board, including the entire membership of the Cuban National Fencing Team. Individuals and groups associated with Posada, Bosch, and CORU kept up their violent conspiracies against the Cuban regime well into the 1990s, including several foiled plots to assassinate Fidel Castro.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 84 | Loc. 1537-38  | Added on Friday, December 13, 2013, 07:42 PM

On October 22, 1962, John F. Kennedy appeared on national television to announce that the Soviet Union had placed nuclear missiles in Cuba.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 84 | Loc. 1540-41  | Added on Friday, December 13, 2013, 07:45 PM

Kennedy announced a naval blockade of the island and warned against the consequences of a “worldwide nuclear war in which even the fruits of victory would be ashes in our mouths.”
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 85 | Loc. 1550  | Added on Friday, December 13, 2013, 07:49 PM

Tensions reached their highest when the Soviets shot down a U-2 spy plane over Cuba on October 26, the most dangerous day of the crisis.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 85 | Loc. 1554-61  | Added on Friday, December 13, 2013, 07:51 PM

Another key component of the understanding was Khrushchev’s demand with respect to U.S. actions toward Cuba. In a formal letter to Kennedy, the Soviet premier had demanded that the United States sign a formal accord at the United Nations, to “respect the inviolability of Cuban borders, [respect] its sovereignty,” and not “interfere in [Cuba’s] internal affairs.” Moreover, the letter demanded that the United States not “permit [its] territory to be used as a bridgehead for the invasion of Cuba, and restrain those who would plan to carry [out] an aggression against Cuba, either from U.S. territory or from the territory of other countries neighboring to Cuba.” In his response, Kennedy did acknowledge and seem to accept the basic principle that the United States would not invade Cuba. Nonetheless, just as the Soviets probably never intended on fully complying with their commitment to on-site inspection, so too did the United States interpret its pledges as nonbinding.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 86 | Loc. 1565-67  | Added on Friday, December 13, 2013, 07:53 PM

For the world, the end of the crisis brought enormous relief. For Kennedy, it was a moment of tremendous political and geopolitical strength. Indeed, Kennedy’s success at forcing the Soviets to withdraw the missiles went down in history as a major piece of the Camelot lore, reinforcing an image of heroic masculinity and strategic brilliance.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 86 | Loc. 1568-70  | Added on Friday, December 13, 2013, 07:53 PM

Fidel Castro was devastated to find himself but a tool in the Cold War, left without a voice in the conflict’s resolution. To Fidel, the episode was a replay of the 1898 Treaty of Paris, when Cuba’s independence fighters were not permitted to participate in the final negotiations that set the conditions for Spanish withdrawal and the beginning of American primacy in Cuba.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 88 | Loc. 1594-98  | Added on Friday, December 13, 2013, 07:58 PM

by October 1960, following successive nationalizations of U.S. property and business within Cuba, the United States had implemented a partial trade embargo. This policy remained in place until the fall of 1961, when the U.S. Congress passed the Foreign Assistance Act, prohibiting U.S. aid to Cuba and authorizing the president to create a “total embargo” on all trade with the island. By February 1962, the United States had indeed imposed a complete economic embargo with the single exception of licensed sales of food and medicine (an exception that lasted until the mid-1960s).
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 88 | Loc. 1601-4  | Added on Friday, December 13, 2013, 07:58 PM

In early 1963, Americans were also prohibited from traveling to the island directly from the United States or engaging in any commercial or financial transactions with Cuba. Meanwhile, only Cubans wishing to seek political refugee status could enter the United States legally. This changed, however, with the passage of the 1966 Cuban Adjustment Act, a landmark law that granted all Cuban migrants the right to “adjust” their status to that of U.S. permanent resident after residing one year within the United States.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 90 | Loc. 1632-33  | Added on Friday, December 13, 2013, 08:05 PM

Eager to maintain executive privilege over foreign policy, in March 1975 Kissinger signaled that the United States would stand back were the OAS to lift its collective diplomatic and commercial embargo of the island.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 95 | Loc. 1703-7  | Added on Monday, December 16, 2013, 10:29 AM

By 1979, the international climate circumscribed the likelihood of a further opening and strengthened hard-liners in the Carter White House who opposed rapprochement with Havana. Not only had the Carter presidency become weakened by the Iranian hostage crisis and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, but also more Cuban troops were flowing into Africa, Fidel Castro had assumed leadership of the Non-Aligned Movement, and the Sandinistas had succeeding in ousting the Somoza regime in Nicaragua.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 96 | Loc. 1713-17  | Added on Monday, December 16, 2013, 10:32 AM

By early 1980, Jimmy Carter was fighting with Ted Kennedy for the Democratic presidential nomination and deflecting a heavy barrage of attacks from the GOP. Republicans argued that his geopolitical weakness had not only allowed the Iranian revolution to jeopardize American interests and the strategic balance in the Middle East but also given the Soviets space to get away with a nuclear buildup that threatened NATO allies in Europe. Closer to American shores, Castro’s communism seemed to be once again stoking the flames of revolution in Central America, Carter’s opponents contended, and revealing the limits of the White House human rights agenda.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 98 | Loc. 1746-48  | Added on Monday, December 16, 2013, 10:38 AM

In the end, Castro knowingly foisted an unwanted influx of migrants on to the United States at a time when the economy was reeling and Carter was already in deep political trouble. In this way, Carter’s vacillation and fundamental misreading of Cuban domestic politics helped deliver Ronald Reagan the White House in the 1980 election.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 98 | Loc. 1750-52  | Added on Monday, December 16, 2013, 10:39 AM

Ronald Reagan’s presidency revived the Cold War. The Soviets became the “evil empire,” their satellites the cause of subversion, and third-world conflict a product of a monumental ideological struggle rather than the result of cumulative grievances exploited or exacerbated by the superpowers.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 98 | Loc. 1756-59  | Added on Monday, December 16, 2013, 10:40 AM

In the spirit of Jeanne Kirkpatrick’s pragmatic defense of U.S. ties to authoritarian (as opposed to totalitarian) governments that were aligned with U.S. interests, Latin America policy under Reagan would continue ties with South America’s anti-Communist military regimes (such as that of Augusto Pinochet in Chile), move aggressively against the leftist insurgency brewing in El Salvador, and unleash a major effort (first covert, then not so much) to overthrow the Sandinista government in Nicaragua.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 101 | Loc. 1794-97  | Added on Monday, December 16, 2013, 10:46 AM

Richard Allen, Reagan’s first national security advisor, recommended that Mas Canosa and his colleagues closely study the American-Israel Political Action Committee (AIPAC, an organization of American Jews that lobbied Congress for policies that support Israel). By using AIPAC as a model, Allen advised, Cuban Americans could build an organization that would transform Cuban exiles from mere proxies for the U.S. government into citizens with a legitimate stake in their country’s policy toward their homeland.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 104 | Loc. 1833-34  | Added on Monday, December 16, 2013, 10:54 AM

By 2007, U.S. taxpayers had contributed over $500 million to radio and TV broadcasts that few if any Cubans actually hear or see.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 126 | Loc. 2156-57  | Added on Monday, December 16, 2013, 11:00 AM

Cuba had closely and skeptically watched the introduction of glasnost and perestroika in the late 1980s,
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 126 | Loc. 2163-68  | Added on Monday, December 16, 2013, 11:02 AM

the new post–Cold War reality did not really set in for Cuba until 1991. That year, following a series of meetings with U.S. Secretary of State James Baker, Gorbachev announced that the Soviet Union would end its $4 billion to $5 billion annual subsidy to the Cuban economy and begin withdrawing its advisors and troops from the island. This declaration kicked off the darkest period in Cuban revolutionary history. Just as in 1962, when Kennedy and Khrushchev cut a deal to end the Cuban Missile Crisis without consulting Fidel, the Americans and Soviets had once again excluded the Cuban side in their negotiations, deciding unilaterally to remove the Cuban thorn from their diplomatic sides
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 127 | Loc. 2174-76  | Added on Monday, December 16, 2013, 11:06 AM

Facing a virtually overnight external shock that would cause the economy to contract by 34% between 1990 and 1993, Fidel declared that the island was entering a “Special Period in Times of Peace.” This seemingly innocuous euphemism translated into devastating consequences.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 128 | Loc. 2183-85  | Added on Monday, December 16, 2013, 11:07 AM

With such widespread economic devastation, the Communist collapse created a small window of breathing room in which the Cuban leadership allowed the introduction of changes that began, in limited but still significant ways, to reflect a new international reality. In 1992, for example, the National Assembly of People’s Power approved a new constitution to replace the Soviet-era 1976 document.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 128 | Loc. 2185-87  | Added on Monday, December 16, 2013, 11:08 AM

Four features especially demonstrated an awareness that the era of the Cold War and Soviet patronage had ended. First, the 1992 constitution disavowed the formerly atheistic nature of the Cuban state by recognizing the freedom of religion.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 128 | Loc. 2188-89  | Added on Monday, December 16, 2013, 11:08 AM

Second, references to Soviet-style ideology and language regarding Marxism-Leninism and the Communist Party were significantly toned down;
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 128 | Loc. 2190-91  | Added on Monday, December 16, 2013, 11:08 AM

Third, the new constitution made some gestures—albeit far short of a full-scale “transition”—toward the decentralization and expansion of popular participation.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 129 | Loc. 2193-94  | Added on Monday, December 16, 2013, 11:08 AM

Fourth, in order to begin creating an improved investment climate, the new constitution explicitly recognized the ability of foreign joint ventures to legally own property.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 130 | Loc. 2210-11  | Added on Monday, December 16, 2013, 07:45 PM

In essence, the island’s government did not fall because the Cuban Revolution was not imposed by outside powers; it was homegrown.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 131 | Loc. 2234-38  | Added on Monday, December 16, 2013, 07:56 PM

This discussion was approached in what can only be described as a gingerly manner, because even in the direst circumstances of the early 1990s, Fidel never let anyone forget his profound allergy to the profit, accumulation, avarice, and social inequality inherent in the market. Yet, there were others close to Fidel, like his brother Raul, or the man who came to be known as the economy czar, Carlos Lage, who understood that some experimentation with the market might actually save the revolution from the dire potential consequences of Fidel’s penchant for orthodoxy.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 132 | Loc. 2245-48  | Added on Monday, December 16, 2013, 07:58 PM

By legalizing possession of the dollar in 1993 and allowing it to operate alongside the traditional Cuban peso, the Cuban central bank may have tacitly acknowledged the power of the black market, but it was also able to mop up at least some dollars circulating in the underground economy. It opened casas de cambio where Cubans could exchange pesos for dollars and vice versa,
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 133 | Loc. 2259-60  | Added on Monday, December 16, 2013, 07:59 PM

Despite these limited small business and agricultural reforms, the scarcity of money and other resources during the Special Period caused a significant degree of material hardship.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 133 | Loc. 2266-68  | Added on Monday, December 16, 2013, 08:00 PM

Rice, beans, and bread remained staples, but over the course of the 1990s and into the 2000s, more fruits, vegetables, and fare for the omnivore returned to the diet. Public education campaigns extended from how to cook and eat in the Special Period to how to stop smoking, drink less, and—as the economy recovered and weight gain replaced weight loss—get enough exercise.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 134 | Loc. 2278-86  | Added on Monday, December 16, 2013, 08:03 PM

As with other reforms, Cuba’s new “openness” to foreign investment was contingent on these investments taking place in a regulatory and financial context the Cuban government could directly control. Cuba’s tourism, mining, energy, telecommunications, and biotechnology industries, along with tobacco, rum, citrus, and fishing, were the primary sectors open to foreign investment, with capital from Spain, Canada, France, the UK, Germany, Brazil, Israel, Italy, and Mexico among the first to enter. Under Cuba’s employment laws, companies requiring Cuban labor were prohibited from directly hiring Cuban workers; instead, they were and are still today required to purchase Cuban labor from a state institution in dollars. Cuban workers are then paid in Cuba’s less valuable domestic currency. Such practices have drawn criticism for depriving workers of direct payment or autonomous collective bargaining power. Over time, however, some pay structures allowed for Cubans to be paid partly in domestic currency and partly in dollars or other foreign currencies (although under-the-table, illegal tips in hard currency were also still widespread in many workplaces).
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 135 | Loc. 2297-2301  | Added on Monday, December 16, 2013, 08:05 PM

in an effort to shelter some visitors from these practices, authorities began prohibiting Cubans themselves from going to beaches and hotels designated for foreign tourists, a practice that earned the resentment of Cubans at home and accusations of “tourism apartheid” abroad. Seen in historical perspective, the resurgence of tourism was certainly necessary economically but also deeply ironic. After all, in the 1960s, the revolution had sought to wipe tourism off the map, seeing the industry as an outpost of the American mob and a disparaging sign of the island’s neocolonial status.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 136 | Loc. 2303-5  | Added on Monday, December 16, 2013, 08:05 PM

In the wake of the Cold War, facing sharp budget cuts and a slackening international profile, the Ministry of Defense gradually evolved into the strategic and financial hub for the island’s tourism, real estate, sugar, and other agricultural industries.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 137 | Loc. 2324-26  | Added on Monday, December 16, 2013, 08:09 PM

the state reasserted a degree of control over those sectors that had seen substantial liberalization. State enterprises were banned from operating in dollars and were required to switch to the CUC in 2003 (a parallel currency to the dollar with no international value, created in 1994 to boost the island’s dollar-driven economy).
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The Friends of Eddie Coyle: A Novel (George V. Higgins)
- Highlight on Page 21 | Loc. 373-76  | Added on Wednesday, December 18, 2013, 02:19 PM

I like a goddamned revolver.” “I got what you want, then,” the stocky man said. “I got eight of them. Five Smiths, a Colt Python and two Rugers. Forty-one mags, the Rugers. That fucking mag looks just like a cannon, so help me. Got a mouth on her like the Sumner Tunnel. You could hold up a bank all by yourself with that thing.” 
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The Friends of Eddie Coyle: A Novel (George V. Higgins)
- Highlight on Page 34 | Loc. 538-40  | Added on Friday, December 20, 2013, 12:09 AM

“Then two nights ago I get five of these Micmacs come in, real Indians, for a change, and they have a little firewater and begin to break up some of the furniture. So me and a few friends hadda use the pipe on them. 
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The Friends of Eddie Coyle: A Novel (George V. Higgins)
- Highlight on Page 34 | Loc. 540-44  | Added on Friday, December 20, 2013, 12:10 AM

“So this broad hollers at me there, just a few minutes ago, about the everlasting flames, and I consider myself a fairly intelligent guy and all that, pretty good judgment, I get drunk once in a while now and then, but I got this strong idea I would like to go up with that piece of pipe under my coat and say: Well, what do I do about those fellows from Detroit, you want to tell me that? The Indians too. Jesus going to punish me for that? And then whack her once or twice across the snout to bring her to her senses.” 
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The Friends of Eddie Coyle: A Novel (George V. Higgins)
- Highlight on Page 34 | Loc. 547-58  | Added on Friday, December 20, 2013, 12:11 AM

“Anyway,” he said, “I still got a certain amount of my sanity left and I didn’t have the pipe with me, so I don’t say anything to her and I don’t bop her a couple, like I would like to. You can’t reason with these people, you know. They get that idea in their heads, all they can do is stand there and bellyache Gospel at you, enough to drive a man out of what little mind he’s got left. “I knew this guy, met him when I was at Lewisburg on that federal thing back there three, four years ago. Forget what he was in there for, B and E in a federal building, maybe, post office job. Anyway, not a bad guy. Big, used to box some. He comes from down around New Bedford there. So we strike up a friendship. “I get out first,” Dillon said. “I come back here. I let him know where I am. So when they parole him, he goes home to live with his wife and her mother but he knows where I am if he needs to get ahold of me. And it wasn’t very long before he needed to. Because those two women went right to work driving him out of his mind. Dumb Portuguese types, you know, and what did they do when he was in jail but they decide they don’t want to be Catholics any more, they’re going to be, what is it, Jehovah’s Witnesses. Beautiful. Guy comes home, knows the construction business pretty good, gets himself a job, every night he comes home, there’s maybe a ballgame on or something, they want him to go out and stand on the sidewalk in front of the supermarket, peddling Jesus to every poor bastard that comes around to get a pound of fish. 
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The Friends of Eddie Coyle: A Novel (George V. Higgins)
- Highlight on Page 36 | Loc. 567-68  | Added on Friday, December 20, 2013, 12:12 AM

I tell you, them two women preached that poor bastard right back into the can. You can’t reason with people like that, doesn’t do any good at all to talk to them.” 
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The Friends of Eddie Coyle: A Novel (George V. Higgins)
- Highlight on Page 36 | Loc. 570-74  | Added on Friday, December 20, 2013, 12:12 AM

“That’s the thing that bothers you, you know? It’s just, well, there’s some things you can help and some kinds of things you can’t do anything about, is all. Knowing the difference, as long as you can tell the difference, you’re in pretty good shape. That was what kind of bothered me about that big broad with the bullhorn there, was that just for a minute or so it was like I didn’t know the difference. You get so you’re in that position, you’re not going to be able to do very much about anything.” 
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The Friends of Eddie Coyle: A Novel (George V. Higgins)
- Highlight on Page 36 | Loc. 575-79  | Added on Friday, December 20, 2013, 12:13 AM

“I heard a guy on television the other night,” Dillon said. “He was talking about pigeons. Called them flying rats. I thought that was pretty good. He had something in mind, going to feed them the Pill or something, make them extinct. Trouble is, he was serious, you know? There was a guy that got shit on and probably got shit on again and then he got mad. Ruined his suit or something, going to spend the rest of his life getting even with the pigeons because they wrecked a hundred-dollar suit. Now there isn’t any percentage in that. 
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The Friends of Eddie Coyle: A Novel (George V. Higgins)
- Highlight on Page 42 | Loc. 654-55  | Added on Friday, December 20, 2013, 03:29 PM

“Mr. Partridge,” the man nearest him said. His features were frighteningly distorted by the nylon. 
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The Friends of Eddie Coyle: A Novel (George V. Higgins)
- Highlight on Page 78 | Loc. 1138-44  | Added on Friday, December 20, 2013, 09:54 PM

“Get out,” he said. “No,” the kid said, “up the hill there.” “Right,” Jackie Brown said. “Get out and go up the hill there, and get your friends and the rifles, and come back down here and we’ll do business. Here, not there.” “Why?” the kid said. “Because I think you need exercise,” Jackie Brown said. “I’m afraid of horses. I like the moonlight. And I’m not so fucking stupid as to drive this car into the woods to find two other guys with machine guns who know I’ve got money. This life’s hard, but it’s harder if you’re stupid. 
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The Friends of Eddie Coyle: A Novel (George V. Higgins)
- Highlight on Page 88 | Loc. 1267-75  | Added on Friday, December 20, 2013, 10:15 PM

“What’s in the fucking bags?” Jackie Brown said. “Three of them’re full of bread,” the stocky man said. “The rest’ve got meat and potatoes and some beer and vegetables, that kind of thing.” “What’re you giving me?” Jackie Brown said. “The bread,” the stocky man said. “Man can always use a little bread. You can feed the goddamned pigeons or something. Go find some squirrels. Squirrels love bread.” “Your wife make you do the shopping too?” Jackie Brown said. “My friend,” the stocky man said, “you don’t have much time and I’m kind of in a hurry myself. I don’t have time to explain married life to you, and besides, you wouldn’t believe me anyway. I didn’t believe it when they told me, and you wouldn’t believe it if I told you. Let’s stick to business.” 
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The Friends of Eddie Coyle: A Novel (George V. Higgins)
- Highlight on Page 92 | Loc. 1309-10  | Added on Friday, December 20, 2013, 10:18 PM

Coyle paused again. “You’re welcome,” he said, “always a pleasure to do a favor for a friend with a good memory.” 
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The Friends of Eddie Coyle: A Novel (George V. Higgins)
- Highlight on Page 92 | Loc. 1310-15  | Added on Friday, December 20, 2013, 10:19 PM

Eddie Coyle replaced the handset in the receiver carefully. He opened the door of the booth and found a stout woman, about fifty, staring at him. “It took you long enough,” she said. “I was calling my poor sick mother,” he said. “Oh,” she said, her face immediately relaxing into an expression of sympathy. “I’m sorry. Has she been ill long?” Eddie Coyle smiled. “Fuck you, lady,” he said, “and the horse you rode in on.” 
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The Friends of Eddie Coyle: A Novel (George V. Higgins)
- Highlight on Page 177 | Loc. 2524-33  | Added on Saturday, December 21, 2013, 01:35 PM

“Good,” Dillon said, “I’m glad to hear that. You just drive. I was you, I’d drive to Belmont, and I’d pick roads where I could go pretty fast without making anybody suspicious. I’d come out on Route 2, and I’d look for a gray Ford convertible in the parking lot of the West End Bowling Alleys. I wouldn’t let nothing disturb me. When I got to the alleys, I’d pull up beside the Ford and get out and get in the Ford and wait for me, and then I’d head back for Boston.” “Somebody said something about some money,” the kid said. “If I was you,” Dillon said, “I’d look hard for that convertible. You drive that convertible back to Boston and let me off and if I was you I’d look in that glove compartment for about a thousand bucks before I dropped that car off in the nigger district.” “Is it gonna be hot?” the kid said. “Does a bear shit in the woods?” Dillon said. 
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The Friends of Eddie Coyle: A Novel (George V. Higgins)
- Highlight on Page 182 | Loc. 2600-2603  | Added on Saturday, December 21, 2013, 09:40 PM

“And in another year or so,” Clark said, “he’ll be in again, here or someplace else, and I’ll be talking to some other bastard, or maybe even you again, and we’ll try another one and he’ll go away again. Is there any end to this shit? Does anything ever change in this racket?” 
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The Friends of Eddie Coyle: A Novel (George V. Higgins)
- Highlight on Page 182 | Loc. 2604-5  | Added on Saturday, December 21, 2013, 09:40 PM

Don’t take it so hard. Some of us die, the rest of us get older, new guys come along, old guys disappear. It changes every day.” 
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The Friends of Eddie Coyle: A Novel (George V. Higgins)
- Highlight on Page 1 | Loc. 106-7  | Added on Saturday, December 21, 2013, 09:45 PM

In most novels, talk is the salt and plot is the meal. In The Friends of Eddie Coyle, talk is the meal. It’s also the plot, the characters, the action, the whole shebang. 
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2014

January

Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 140 | Loc. 2370-74  | Added on Friday, January 03, 2014, 11:32 AM

In the wake of the Cold War, Cuba became not only one of the last remaining Communist regimes on earth but also one of the few to resist broader economic liberalization. As a result, during a decade where globalization was a buzzword and the spread of global mass commercial culture was celebrated by some intellectuals and denigrated by others, Cuba became a kind of historical artifact, seeming to echo or reinforce idyllic visions of a decommercialized past. Such conceptions fueled not only a significant portion of Cuba’s draw as a tourist destination but also a renewed attraction to Cuban artists and music.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 140 | Loc. 2374-79  | Added on Friday, January 03, 2014, 11:33 AM

Moreover, beginning in 1987, a crack in the U.S. information embargo opened up when Congress passed what came to be known as the Berman amendment, for Congressman Howard Berman of California. Crafted to protect the First Amendment rights violated by the ban on American travel to Cuba, the new law allowed Americans to import “informational material,” interpreted as not only printed material but also any form of creative expression, including music, visual art, sculpture, etc. These liberalized cultural exchange policies under the Clinton administration, coupled with the growing power of digital technology, increased access to a veritable treasure trove of past and present Cuban art that had by and large not received significant Western attention.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 146 | Loc. 2452-53  | Added on Tuesday, January 07, 2014, 10:56 AM

Today, Cuba spends 43% of its national budget on health, education, and social security.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 147 | Loc. 2468-71  | Added on Tuesday, January 07, 2014, 10:58 AM

The UN has recognized the extremely low infection rate in Cuba and in 2006 hailed the island’s program as “among the most effective in the world.” Notably, in Cuba only 29 children have become infected with HIV in the past 20 years as Cuba has effectively prevented mother-to-child transmission of HIV, mainly due to the government’s universal provision of antiretroviral therapy, which became broadly available in 2001.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 147 | Loc. 2477-80  | Added on Tuesday, January 07, 2014, 10:59 AM

Those looking for the end of the Cold War to transform Cuba into a western liberal democracy were sorely disappointed. Organized opposition parties and groups remained proscribed, free speech and assembly continued to be repressed, and, although their numbers had vastly diminished, political prisoners still languished in Cuban jails. (By the end of the 1990s, the number of political prisoners hovered in the range of 200 to 300.)
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 148 | Loc. 2491-93  | Added on Tuesday, January 07, 2014, 11:02 AM

Yet in light of decades of American attempts to unseat the regime, receiving funds from external sources (or simply the perception of being willing to do so) cast a pall of suspicion over their activities, leading to accusations that they were mere lackeys of foreign interests.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 150 | Loc. 2518-20  | Added on Tuesday, January 07, 2014, 11:08 AM

In 2002, Payá presented 11,000 signatures backing the Varela Project to the National Assembly of People’s Power in Cuba, coinciding with former president (and human rights champion) Jimmy Carter’s historic trip to the island.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 149 | Loc. 2500-2503  | Added on Tuesday, January 07, 2014, 11:08 AM

In March of 2003, for example, human rights activists were dealt one of their most significant blows since the end of the Cold War when authorities arrested some 75 independent journalists, prodemocracy organizers, and other dissidents. In what became known as the “black spring,” Cuban officials targeted those individuals allegedly collaborating with or receiving funds from the U.S. government, Cuban American groups, and/or international organizations agitating for more democracy and human rights.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 157 | Loc. 2618-21  | Added on Tuesday, January 07, 2014, 11:19 AM

Cuban authorities viewed the controversy over Elián not only as an indicator of all that was sour in U.S. policy toward Cuba but also as an opportunity to goad the Cuban American community into potentially damaging missteps in its quest to keep the embargo in place. Yet Fidel wasn’t the only one who saw Elián’s story and his ultimate fate as a potent symbol.
==========
Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 158 | Loc. 2640-44  | Added on Tuesday, January 07, 2014, 11:21 AM

With Attorney General Janet Reno’s authorization, federal agents stormed the Little Havana house in a surprise, predawn raid, seized the boy, and quickly ferreted him away to his father. After two months in Washington waiting out a courts appeal process and under 24-hour protection by the ATF, Elián and his father returned to Cuba as national heroes. The entire episode inflicted great damage, first and foremost to the boy and his family, while dealing a withering blow to those in the exile community who attempted to exploit his odyssey.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 161 | Loc. 2692-94  | Added on Tuesday, January 07, 2014, 11:27 AM

Yet by and large, in foreign policy, the White House was preoccupied with the consequences of German reunification, the first Gulf War in Iraq, the breakup of the Soviet Union into over a dozen separate countries, and bailing out Moscow. Moreover, the first Bush administration did not put a premium on schadenfreude, at least in public.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 162 | Loc. 2701-4  | Added on Tuesday, January 07, 2014, 11:35 AM

Proclaiming that the time had come to “put the hammer down on Fidel Castro,” Clinton endorsed the Cuban Democracy Act, a piece of legislation conceived initially by Mas and sponsored by New Jersey Congressmen Robert Toricelli. Against his better judgment and to no political or electoral benefit of his soon to be one-term presidency, George H.W. Bush endorsed the bill and then signed it into law in October 1992, just before his defeat in the November elections.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 164 | Loc. 2725-26  | Added on Tuesday, January 07, 2014, 11:38 AM

As a result of these complex and politicized regulations, actual sales seldom transpired. Indeed, Cuba would claim that the embargo was directly responsible for the death or illness of patients for whom Cuba was unable to purchase key equipment and medicines.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 165 | Loc. 2739-41  | Added on Tuesday, January 07, 2014, 11:39 AM

Equally significant, the bill retained nearly full executive privilege over the embargo; if he saw fit, the president could still do away with most sanctions with the stroke of a pen.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 167 | Loc. 2774-77  | Added on Tuesday, January 07, 2014, 11:45 AM

Yet even more to the point, because the agreements involved government-to-government cooperation, they compromised many exile leaders’ beliefs in a strategy of complete isolation from the Castro government. In their view, the migration agreements conferred sovereign status on a regime considered illegitimate by the exile leadership.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Note on Page 167 | Loc. 2777  | Added on Tuesday, January 07, 2014, 11:46 AM

and because the exile community is based in FL... they have disproportionate influence over national politics
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 168 | Loc. 2786-89  | Added on Tuesday, January 07, 2014, 11:48 AM

Upon coming to office, the Clinton administration moved to signal its embrace of democratic movements, parties, and institutions in Latin America, distancing itself from the Cold War preference for stable authoritarian regimes. Yet when the Republicans swept the 1994 midterm elections (only months after the balsero crisis came to an end), none other than Jesse Helms, a hard-core anti-Communist crusader, became chair of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, signaling that the Cold War was far from over.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 173 | Loc. 2864-67  | Added on Thursday, January 09, 2014, 11:23 AM

the president conceded a degree of executive authority that not even Jesse Helms had expected possible. Helms-Burton codified all existing provisions of the embargo. While the president would retain some authority to tinker with some restrictions on the margins, by and large the executive branch gave up its authority to lift or impose sanctions, turning over to Congress a substantial portion of its power to shape policy toward the island.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 173 | Loc. 2876-77  | Added on Thursday, January 09, 2014, 11:26 AM

If ever Castro needed justification for the government’s siege mentality, or proof that he and the revolution were all that protected Cuban citizens from a return to the injustices of the Batista past, Helms-Burton was it.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 176 | Loc. 2908-9  | Added on Thursday, January 09, 2014, 11:35 AM

With an eye on the 2000 election, however, the White House ruled out any bolder ventures, lest they damage Al Gore’s chances at the presidency.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 178 | Loc. 2943-47  | Added on Thursday, January 09, 2014, 11:45 AM

The pope’s visit to Cuba in 1998 provided the opportunity for reform-minded CANF members, including Mas Santos, to steer the organization away from his father’s rigid isolationist approach by supporting family ties and dissidents on the island. After Mas Canosa, new Cuban American voices and organizations gained some political space in Miami and in Washington. By slowly adapting to a new reality of family ties and more forcefully promoting the potential of a viable opposition on the ground within Cuba, the CANF was able to retain a shot at relevance under a new generation’s leadership.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 178 | Loc. 2951-52  | Added on Thursday, January 09, 2014, 11:45 AM

The Elián González episode, followed by the contested 2000 election, dashed any expectation that the end of Clinton’s presidency would bring dramatic moves by the White House toward Cuba.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 179 | Loc. 2956-58  | Added on Friday, January 10, 2014, 11:30 AM

Gore knew he would be hard pressed to sustain Clinton’s impressive gains in Cuban American votes in 1996. And he didn’t: Gore lost Florida to Bush by 537 votes, but he lost Cuban American votes by a much wider margin, winning just under 20% to Bush’s 80%, a more than 15% decline relative to the Democrats’ win in 1996.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 179 | Loc. 2958-60  | Added on Friday, January 10, 2014, 11:30 AM

Nothing dramatized the political backlash of the Elián affair as much as the spectacle of Cuban Americans participating among the crowd of demonstrators in December 2000 who succeeded in forcing, literally, an end to the Miami-Dade recount, and ultimately to Al Gore’s shot at the presidency.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 180 | Loc. 2981-85  | Added on Friday, January 10, 2014, 11:36 AM

they were intent on plugging a leaky embargo even though public opinion (whether nationally, in the business community, or among Cuban Americans) was clearly supportive of the Clinton-era openings. Moreover, the president himself (whose brother, Governor Jeb Bush of Florida, had developed deep political and business ties with Cuban exile leaders) had campaigned on a promise to bring down Fidel. Nonetheless, prior to September 11, 2001, the new government paid scarce attention to Cuba.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 186 | Loc. 3061-64  | Added on Friday, January 10, 2014, 07:08 PM

In 1990, following intensive lobbying from the Florida congressional delegation, the first President Bush pardoned long-time anti-Castro terrorist Orlando Bosch, one of the two principal intellectual architects of the 1976 explosion of the Cubana Airline passenger flight that killed all 73 people on board. In 2005, his co-conspirator, Luis Posada Carriles, crossed into Texas from Mexico, and after a period of one month in detention, was released. Both now live in the Miami area.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Bookmark on Page 187 | Loc. 3079  | Added on Friday, January 10, 2014, 07:10 PM


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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 187 | Loc. 3078-83  | Added on Friday, January 10, 2014, 07:10 PM

The Bush administration largely ignored Venezuela’s extradition request, arguing that Caracas failed to present enough evidence. More likely, given the amount of declassified documentation available on the case, Bush officials bowed to pressure from Posada supporters who claim he would be tortured if returned to Chávez’s Venezuela. Yet neither has the United States endeavored to hold Posada accountable for his crimes. Although the Patriot Act permits the United States to indefinitely detain “excludable aliens” who are authors of terrorist attacks, Posada now lives, and is occasionally and publicly celebrated, in Miami, though generally by an aging group of his peers rather than by the majority of Cuban Americans.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 187 | Loc. 3086-88  | Added on Friday, January 10, 2014, 07:11 PM

As the United States entered the new millennium, Elián fatigue, embargo fatigue, and widespread annoyance with the domestic politics of the Cuba issue had helped create a bipartisan consensus in favor of dramatic policy change.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 189 | Loc. 3107-10  | Added on Friday, January 10, 2014, 07:14 PM

Havana reasoned that allowing the groups to continue to function could also give an in-road to an enemy whose designs may well turn belligerent. Thus, in the eyes of Cuban officials, the national security prerogatives of cracking down on domestic opposition activists were well worth the near-universal international backlash Cuba was likely to (and did) incur. It is no surprise that the “black spring” arrests of 75 dissidents occurred in March 2003, the day before Bush formally declared war on Iraq.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 191 | Loc. 3133-35  | Added on Friday, January 10, 2014, 07:16 PM

Yet as allegations of torture surfaced and the legality of the detentions came into question, Guantánamo became, as it did for many of America’s global critics, a symbol of American imperial hubris, one which in the Cuban case also allowed Havana to highlight the island’s own history of grievances over American violations of its sovereignty.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 195 | Loc. 3205-6  | Added on Friday, January 10, 2014, 07:35 PM

After the Cold War came to an end, Castro viewed the emerging liberal democratic capitalist order in Latin America as a threat to social justice and a potential recipe for the political marginalization of the left.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 198 | Loc. 3246-48  | Added on Friday, January 10, 2014, 07:42 PM

Between November 2005 and the end of 2006, Latin Americans went to the national polls in 12 countries. Left and center-left leaders were elected or reelected in 8 of the 12—Brazil, Chile, Bolivia, Ecuador, Nicaragua, Honduras, Venezuela, and Uruguay—and came within striking distance of victory in Peru and Mexico.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 198 | Loc. 3249-51  | Added on Friday, January 10, 2014, 07:43 PM

these impressive electoral outcomes (and close losses) signaled an increasingly empowered electorate’s demands for public policies to address vast inequality, poverty, social exclusion, and rampant crime.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 199 | Loc. 3265-68  | Added on Friday, January 10, 2014, 07:46 PM

through well-funded and fiscally competent institutions, a government’s primary role is to deliver the building blocks of opportunity, dignity, and social rights to populations long excluded from the region’s wealth and resources. By the end of his presidency, even George W. Bush indirectly conceded this point by attempting to frame U.S. policy toward the region as helping Latin Americans achieve social justice, appropriating language once the preserve of Cuba and the region’s Left.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 199 | Loc. 3270-71  | Added on Friday, January 10, 2014, 07:46 PM

while Cuba’s international message continues to resonate, its domestic model is largely seen as an anachronistic holdover from a prior era.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 201 | Loc. 3293-97  | Added on Friday, January 10, 2014, 07:49 PM

When in April 2002 Chávez was briefly ousted in a coup, the White House and the U.S. embassy in Caracas issued statements indicating that they looked forward to working with the new government. The president of the congressionally funded International Republican Institute even praised the coup attempt. Leaders throughout Latin America were justifiably appalled at Washington’s seeming approval of a fundamentally undemocratic act. Indeed, just months earlier in September 2001, Colin Powell had stood with Latin Americans to sign the OAS’s Inter-American Democratic Charter, which explicitly banned coups from the region’s political playbook.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 203 | Loc. 3319  | Added on Friday, January 10, 2014, 07:51 PM

while interests remain permanent, alliances never are.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 203 | Loc. 3321-24  | Added on Friday, January 10, 2014, 07:51 PM

With a population of just over 11 million, Cuba’s GDP (roughly $45 billion in 2007) falls closest to neighbors like the Dominican Republic or Ecuador. GDP per capita is comparable to that of Guatemala or Honduras. But unlike any of these countries, Cuba has attempted to shield most of its population from the dynamism and pressures of globalization,
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 203 | Loc. 3330-32  | Added on Friday, January 10, 2014, 07:53 PM

Although agriculture has been somewhat decentralized and private farmers’ markets are now ubiquitous, Cuba still imports over 80% of the food consumed by Cubans and foreign tourists, with a sizeable percentage from the United States since 2001.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 206 | Loc. 3364-65  | Added on Friday, January 10, 2014, 07:57 PM

With the prisons at Guantánamo a daily reminder of the human consequences of one country rewriting the international rules of war, Cuba was able to deflect attention from its own prisons and political prisoners onto those jailed by a foreign power on its own territory.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 216 | Loc. 3501-2  | Added on Friday, January 10, 2014, 08:13 PM

Though some in the Bush administration dismissed these changes as simply “cosmetic,” other reforms are far less susceptible to this charge.
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February

Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Note on Page 566 | Loc. 11753  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:02 AM

antiwar emonstrations
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Note on Page 565 | Loc. 11726  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:03 AM

hoovers deathand his files
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Note on Page 564 | Loc. 11710  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:03 AM

espionage and anti narcotics plans
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Note on Page 563 | Loc. 11693  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:04 AM

helms nixon reationship warms
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Note on Page 563 | Loc. 11677  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:04 AM

hels pursues spy movies for hunt and cia pr
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Note on Page 562 | Loc. 11660  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:04 AM

helms and hunt
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Note on Page 560 | Loc. 11628  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:05 AM

mccord security cia exiles involve.emt bay of pigs
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Note on Page 559 | Loc. 11613  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:06 AM

fiorini sturgis knew hunt from bay of pigs well before wqatergate
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Note on Page 560 | Loc. 11619  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:06 AM

sturgis met hunt during cia almeida assassination plot
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Note on Page 561 | Loc. 11647  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:07 AM

martinez cia reorting on hunt white house connections activities
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Note on Page 569 | Loc. 11803  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:08 AM

fall and rise o jimmy hoffa book
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Note on Page 571 | Loc. 11857  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:09 AM

chilean embassy plumbers burglary numero uno
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Note on Page 573 | Loc. 11898  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:10 AM

mccrd still oyal to cia. said wh was bugging embassy. knewwhen to burgle and whre.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Note on Page 575 | Loc. 11931  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:11 AM

fiorini and rosselli both say chilean embassy burglary was abt cuban dosier
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Note on Page 576 | Loc. 11960  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:12 AM

dossier mid 1960-71
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 578 | Loc. 12000-12003  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:14 AM

All Helms would have needed to do initially was to communicate to Nixon that he needed to see him about “the Bay of Pigs thing”—meaning the CIA-Mafia plots—and that would have gotten the President’s immediate attention. That also helps to explain why that term came up on Nixon’s tapes when Hunt’s name surfaced in the Watergate affair, and the term was then thrown back at Helms, to get him to force the FBI to back off on the Watergate investigation.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 579 | Loc. 12007-10  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:14 AM

It’s not hard to imagine Hunt’s reaction when he heard about the Cuban Dossier, since he’d been involved in attempts to kill Fidel from 1960 to 1965. The same is true for his assistant, Bernard Barker—and for Barker’s longtime boss, Santo Trafficante. The godfather would not only have no objection to Barker and Fiorini’s involvement in trying to get a copy of the Dossier, but would probably have encouraged their participation as a way to know what was going on.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 579 | Loc. 12019-22  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:15 AM

Nixon would still privately be insisting that legitimate “national security” concerns were behind the Watergate break-ins and the cover-up. Nixon was specifically talking about the highly incriminating “Smoking Gun” tape, in which the President talked about the Watergate cover-up and the “Bay of Pigs thing,” and the fact that “Hunt, ah, he knows too damn much, and he was involved.”
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 580 | Loc. 12029-33  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:16 AM

Nixon never explained—to his aides or in public—just what those “national security reasons” were, and how they related to Hunt and the “Bay of Pigs thing.” Ongoing CIA operations are exempt from some disclosure requirements to Congress, an important consideration since both houses were controlled by the Democratic Party. (Ongoing operations only have to be disclosed to four members, two leaders from each party in each house of Congress, and the CIA’s descriptions can be so vague and general as to be virtually meaningless.)
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 580 | Loc. 12035-43  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:17 AM

But there was an important, ongoing CIA operation that could have been endangered if it were listed in the Cuban Dossier, or if it were uncovered because public exposure of the Dossier led to more investigations. That ongoing operation had involved Richard Helms since its inception, and had also involved E. Howard Hunt and Bernard Barker. It was the JFK-Almeida coup plan, or, rather, what was left of the operation, which was the CIA’s ongoing support for Commander Juan Almeida’s wife and at least two children outside of Cuba. Plus the fact that Commander Almeida—in some ways the No. 3 official in Cuba—could still be favorably disposed to helping the United States if anything should happen to Fidel Castro (who had already ruled longer than most Latin American dictators). There was also the fact that Almeida could always be blackmailed into helping the United States (because of his work for JFK), even if he didn’t want to do so willingly. Hunt and Barker had even handled the $50,000 payment to Almeida in 1963, when they had helped arrange for his wife and two children to first leave Cuba under a seemingly innocent pretext.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 582 | Loc. 12068-70  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:22 AM

The search for the Cuban Dossier explains why the burglars at the Chilean embassy and the Watergate were all former CIA agents, officers, or assets experienced in anti-Castro operations. The only exception was G. Gordon Liddy, who helped Hunt supervise the Watergate break-ins from across the street.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 582 | Loc. 12077-78  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:24 AM

Memos concerning Rosselli’s 1974 Watergate Committee staff interview about the CIA-Mafia plots were considered so sensitive that they were kept secret for decades, and are published in this book for the first time.57
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 582 | Loc. 12079-86  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:24 AM

Richard Nixon’s national security rationale/excuse for the Chilean embassy and Watergate break-ins would initially be effective in forcing CIA Director Richard Helms to ask the FBI not to fully investigate the final Watergate break-in. It also kept Nixon’s taped admission about his knowledge of the Chilean Embassy break-in secret until 1999. That was good for Nixon, since in 1976, he provided a written answer to the Senate Church Committee denying any such knowledge, saying that     I do not remember being informed while President, that at any time during my Administration an agency or employee of the United States Government, acting without a warrant, engaged in a surreptitious or otherwise unauthorized entry into the Chilean Embassy in the United States.58
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 584 | Loc. 12112-15  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:27 AM

in May 1972, just prior to the initial unsuccessful Watergate break-in, Hunt and Barker’s team cased and made plans to bug “the offices of McGovern’s two top aides, Frank Mankiewicz and Gary Hart.” (Five years earlier, Mankiewicz had secretly investigated JFK’s assassination for Robert Kennedy, while Hart would soon be part of the Senate Church Committee that first exposed the CIA-Mafia plots.)
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 584 | Loc. 12115-19  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:28 AM

Mankiewicz’s and Hart’s offices on Memorial Day 1972 and told him that photographing documents would be part of the mission. Lukas also pointed out that Barker and the other Watergate burglars were “mentioned in connection with a May 16 burglary of a prominent Democratic law firm in the Watergate, whose members included . . . Sargent Shriver, [Senator Edward] Kennedy’s brother-in-law.” That burglary was discovered when an early-arriving employee “noticed the entry door was . . . taped so the door would not lock,” similar to what happened on the final two Watergate burglaries.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 585 | Loc. 12123-29  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:28 AM

After the Plumbers failed to obtain a complete copy of the Cuban Dossier at the Chilean embassy, there would be a significant change in mission for the upcoming burglary of the Democratic National Committee headquarters at the Watergate. No longer would it be primarily a small bugging operation; now, having a larger crew photographing documents would become its primary goal. One can only imagine the reaction of Nixon, or Helms, if they heard that the Cuban Dossier started in 1960 with a CIA plot to kill Fidel involving a “gangster,” or that the Dossier continued until the December 1971 attempt to kill Fidel in Chile. Hunt had told Fiorini the Dossier was approximately one hundred pages long, yet they only had a piece of it, so they had no way of knowing what was on the other pages that could harm the CIA’s reputation or Nixon’s reelection campaign.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 586 | Loc. 12143-46  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:29 AM

Some writers have speculated that Watergate was all about the $100,000 cash contribution from Howard Hughes to Nixon, via Bebe Rebozo, and what DNC Chairman Larry O’Brien might have known about the payment. But there had already been two Jack Anderson articles about the $100,000, and it would have been hard—if not impossible—for Larry O’Brien to use that issue against Nixon without opening himself up to charges about his own lucrative work for Hughes.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 588 | Loc. 12186-90  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:31 AM

The fact that Nixon, Helms, and Hunt were willing to risk several break-ins in the span of just a few weeks shows a level of desperation missing from most Watergate accounts. However, the possibility of the CIA-Mafia plots becoming public during the campaign was simply too great to ignore. Ultimately, in trying to obtain a full copy of the Dossier and learn what the Democrats knew, Nixon would cost himself the Presidency, Helms would end his career, and Hunt would go to prison.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 590 | Loc. 12222-27  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:34 AM

There were several reasons for targeting Spencer Oliver’s Watergate office and phone. Former Associated Press reporter Robert Parry pointed out that Oliver’s father “worked with Robert R. Mullen, whose Washington-based public relations firm [still officially] employed Hunt,” even as most of Hunt’s time was consumed by his work for Nixon. The Mullen firm, and new owner Robert Bennett, worked extensively for Howard Hughes, and “Oliver’s father had represented Hughes.” That meant in addition to the secret Cuban Dossier, Oliver could have information damaging to Nixon that his father could have gotten from Hughes or his representatives.8
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 593 | Loc. 12298-305  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 04:23 PM

The first break-in wasn’t scheduled until May 26—so why did Hunt have the men fly into Washington on May 22? It’s possible the extra time was needed to get their cover stories straight, and to make sure the men knew what additional information to look for at the Watergate and McGovern headquarters. As Fiorini told St. George, in addition to their main goal of looking for the Cuban Dossier, they were also keeping their eyes open for other material to photograph, some related to the Dossier and some not: “any document with money on it . . . anything that had to do with Howard Hughes . . . damaging rumors about Republican leaders [and] everything that could be leaked to the press with a damaging effect to the McGovern people.” Those items would be icing on the cake, but they weren’t the kinds of things for which Nixon would have risked his Presidency.15
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 594 | Loc. 12315-18  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 04:24 PM

The “cover” for the burglary was going to be a supposed “board meeting” banquet and film screening for Ameritas, a real estate company affiliated with Barker. The small banquet would be held in the basement of the Watergate Hotel, which had access—via a corridor and a courtyard—to a garage and stairwell in the Watergate office building where the DNC headquarters was located.17
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 595 | Loc. 12340-49  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 04:27 PM

The next night, the Plumbers tried a different approach: going in through the main Watergate office building entrance, signing the register (using aliases) indicating they were going to the Federal Reserve offices on the eighth floor, then walking down two flights of stairs to the DNC offices. McCord was with Fiorini and the exiles, while Hunt and Liddy waited with Baldwin across the street. Eugenio Martinez thought the plan strained credibility—what were so many men doing going to the Federal Reserve office at midnight, on Saturday, during the Memorial Day weekend? Still, all went according to plan, until Virgilio Gonzalez was unable to open the doors to the DNC offices with the lock-picking tools he had brought.21 Hunt was furious when he learned of the failure, and he demanded that Gonzalez fly back to Miami, get his tools, and return by Sunday night, for a third attempt. Martinez thought that Hunt was being too hard on Gonzalez, but when he complained, Barker relayed a blunt message from Hunt: “You are an operative. Your mission is to do what you are told and not to ask questions.”
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 596 | Loc. 12359-64  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 04:28 PM

On Sunday night, May 28, 1972, the burglars tried a different route into the Watergate, and they finally were successful. While Hunt, Liddy, and Baldwin waited in the Howard Johnson’s motel across the street, this time the burglars entered the Watergate office building through the garage, with McCord taping open “the basement stairwell door.” Emery wrote that “once on the sixth floor, Gonzalez . . . used a pressure wrench to twist the lock on the rear door to the DNC and they were in.” As McCord placed the bugs, “Barker and Martinez started photographing documents, while . . . Pico and De Diego served as corridor lookouts.”24
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 597 | Loc. 12382-87  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 04:30 PM

either McCord’s sense of caution or the former CIA security officer’s possible growing reluctance to be part of such clearly illegal political spying. The break-in at the Chilean embassy was standard CIA fare; in some ways it was a typical CIA security operation to ensure that Agency secrets weren’t in the wrong hands. But the DNC break-in was something else, a grossly illegal political operation with a thin national security cover of protecting CIA secrets and Agency assets like Commander Almeida. After the successful May 28 break-in, Liddy planned for McCord to develop the two rolls of film. But after a week, McCord had made no progress, which could be another sign of his unease about the whole project. Liddy then gave the film to Hunt and asked if Barker could get it developed.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 598 | Loc. 12388-91  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 04:30 PM

The fact that McCord was supposed to use his contact to develop the Watergate film raises interesting questions. Who developed the film from the Chilean embassy break-in? The CIA? And who was McCord’s contact who was supposed to develop the Watergate film? Someone with Agency contacts? Those questions would only deepen after Barker had the film developed.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 599 | Loc. 12406-13  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 04:32 PM

While making those plans, and dealing with Artime in Miami on the narcotics operation, Hunt gave the DNC film from the third Watergate burglary attempt to Barker to get developed. Hunt later said that somehow Barker didn’t understand the film was from the Watergate job, so Barker took it to a local camera shop to have the film developed and enlargements made. Why Barker wouldn’t realize—or even assume—the two rolls were from the Watergate mission has never been clear. As Hunt and Barker later told the story, once Barker realized it was the Watergate film, he became frantic. To the Hunt/Barker account, Martinez added a scene where an anxious Barker came to his real estate office, where Martinez just happened to be talking to two other Watergate burglars, Fiorini and De Diego. The three supposedly rushed to Rich’s Camera Shop, where the other two covered “each door to the shop” while Barker tipped the owner “$20 or $30” when the owner said about the photos: “It’s real cloak-and-dagger stuff, isn’t it?”29
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 600 | Loc. 12425-30  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 04:33 PM

The Watergate burglars could have stolen some documents and photographed them later in the Howard Johnson’s motel room. But few papers—and none of importance—could have been taken, since the DNC staff didn’t realize anything had been taken from the office. Some authors, like Hougan, think that McCord could have switched the film canisters and had the real photos developed by the CIA, while giving Liddy and Hunt innocuous files photographed at the Howard Johnson’s. Given McCord and Hunt’s relationship and mutual CIA background, that seems unlikely. Hougan also thinks it’s possible that Hunt himself switched the film, perhaps sending the real film to Richard Helms in “the packages that Hunt was sending to CIA headquarters.”31
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 600 | Loc. 12431-32  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 04:33 PM

The bottom line for the whole affair is that the photos Hunt gave to Liddy, which Liddy gave to Nixon’s aides, were not the photos Barker had taken at the DNC offices.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 600 | Loc. 12441-42  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 04:34 PM

The faked photos, given by Liddy to Nixon’s aides, were destroyed after the Watergate arrests, leaving the camera shop owner’s consistent testimony—about an unusual task and photos that stood out among his usual work—as the only definitive account.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 601 | Loc. 12461-68  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 04:36 PM

In June 1972, Richard Helms was all too aware of press reports about the drug trafficking activities of so many of his former—and some said current—agents and assets. The negative publicity for the Agency was the opposite of the positive spin Helms had tried to achieve just a month earlier, when pitching the TV show based on Hunt’s spy novels. More drug activities by CIA personnel were going to be exposed in The Politics of Heroin in Southeast Asia, a soon-to-be-published book by Alfred McCoy, who had just testified to Congress about the heroin problem. Helms had turned to Nixon to help stop Victor Marchetti’s CIA exposé, but to stop McCoy’s book, Helms unleashed high-ranking CIA official Cord Meyer in June 1972. Meyer tried to prevail upon the head of McCoy’s publisher, Harper & Row, to halt publication of the book because it was “a threat to national security.” Over the protests of McCoy, Harper & Row actually submitted the thoroughly documented book to the CIA for a pre-publication review.35
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 603 | Loc. 12493-502  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 04:40 PM

Liddy gave Baldwin’s typed summaries to Nixon aide Jeb Magruder, and they eventually covered two hundred calls. Information gets murky after that, in part because of “the federal wiretap statute,” which criminalizes not just listening to a bugged conversation or reading a transcript, but even looking at a summary of the conversation or a memo written about that summary. Because any of those activities is a felony, many Nixon aides, officials, and their assistants have given conflicting accounts about who saw or read the DNC call summaries. Magruder says he passed them on to John Mitchell, and Liddy says he gave some to Mitchell, but Mitchell denies ever seeing them, or knowing about any bugging. Yet Mitchell made what Emery considers a “damning” remark about bugging in general on June 14, when Mitchell was talking to Charles Colson about a Democratic strategy meeting. Mitchell said, “tell me what room they are in and I will tell you everything that is said in that room.” Other Nixon aides who logically should have seen the summaries denied having done so. For example, H.R. Haldeman hedged when he testified to the Senate Watergate Committee that “to the best of my knowledge I did not see any material produced by the bugging,” but when questioned about it in court, “he refused to reply ‘on advice of counsel.’”39
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 606 | Loc. 12542-44  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 09:47 PM

Nixon seemed to want as much intelligence on his opponents as possible. For example, “the Nixon tapes show that the President urged Colson at this time to get the Secret Service to spy on McGovern. Confidential information was subsequently picked up by an agent on the Senator’s detail and passed to the White House.”43
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 606 | Loc. 12560-65  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 09:49 PM

Hunt says Liddy told him his superiors “wanted the McGovern office operation completed, too,” either “the same night” or “the night after Watergate.” When Hunt remarked that hitting both the Watergate and McGovern’s office sounded like a lot of work in a short amount of time for his crew, Liddy replied that “The Big Man [Mitchell] says he wants the operation.” Given everything that’s known about the relationship between Nixon and Mitchell, it’s hard to imagine Mitchell would order two risky operations, potentially in one night, without at least the tacit approval of Nixon. Even the usually circumspect Hunt wrote that “Watergate . . . was a political intelligence-gathering operation from start to finish, possibly personally ordered by the president himself.”
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 608 | Loc. 12590-93  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 09:51 PM

If Hunt’s accounts about his worries and doubts about the operation are true, why didn’t he just refuse, or quit his White House position, since he was still receiving a full-time salary from the Mullen Company? If the pressure for the final mission was coming from Nixon or Helms—or both—the answer is clear. Hunt couldn’t say no; he only had his salary at the Mullen Company because of Helms, who would have also wanted Hunt to stay in the White House. As with the previous Watergate mission, there is no way Hunt—or Martinez—would have participated if Helms hadn’t wanted him to.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 608 | Loc. 12594-95  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 09:51 PM

Helms and Nixon stood to lose far more than Hunt if the CIA-Mafia plots were exposed, and Nixon would lose more than Helms. Hence, the operation had to go forward, and quickly, despite the risks and doubts.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 609 | Loc. 12617-19  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 09:53 PM

Martinez was getting ready to write a letter of resignation when Barker told him about the new Watergate mission, saying they were to leave for Washington on June 16. Even though Martinez said he “had just gotten my divorce that day,” he complied with Barker’s request and went to Washington with the others.2
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 610 | Loc. 12638-45  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 09:55 PM

The DNC break-in was originally scheduled to begin at 10 pm on Friday night, June 16, to allow enough time for the break-in at McGovern campaign headquarters a few hours after midnight. However, by 11:30 pm, a light was still burning at the sixth-floor offices of the DNC, so the decision was made to wait until after the midnight guard inspection before beginning the break-in attempt. McCord had already taped open a stairwell door in the garage, by using the same ruse as in the previous successful attempt in May: He’d signed in (using an alias) at the main entrance of the Watergate building as if going to the Federal Reserve office on the eighth floor, and, once there, he had walked down the stairwell to the parking garage, where he’d taped the door. In contrast to latter accounts, Jim Hougan’s research showed that McCord didn’t tape the door locks horizontally, so the tape was obvious, but vertically, so it was almost impossible to see.6
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 611 | Loc. 12646-57  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 09:56 PM

the various accounts by all of the participants in the break-in, and the cover-up, multiply by almost exponential proportions. As Fred Emery points out, many accounts about the various events are often “totally at odds.” Often, a single participant told different stories about a single event at different times, first as part of the cover-up, then a different version to investigators or at hearings, followed by yet another version in later books or articles, and still another version years or decades later in lawsuits or interviews. The reasons participants gave these different versions include avoiding prosecution, diverting blame, or simply presenting themselves in the best possible light. In addition, the burglars were probably given cover stories by Hunt at the very start of the operation, to use in case any problem arose. After the arrests, all of the participants—the burglars and those in the White House—had months to coordinate further cover stories with each other, and to update those stories to match evidence as it emerged.7 Attempts by journalists and historians to reconcile all of those varying stories with the actual evidence and documentation consumed much of the first two decades of Watergate research, and they continue today. However, as Emery pointed out in his 1994 book and BBC documentary series, many of those discrepancies are “impossible to reconcile” and in any event “are not, in the end, very important.”
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 612 | Loc. 12670-81  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 09:59 PM

Once the men had climbed the stairs to the sixth floor, locksmith Virgilio Gonzalez had problems opening the locked rear door to the DNC offices. Fiorini decided they should remove the entire door, a drastic step that again shows a sense of urgency or desperation. (Fiorini had not only been told by Hunt about the secret Cuban Dossier, but as a participant in the CIA-Mafia plots, Fiorini might have worried he might be named in the Dossier.) When McCord joined the men at 1:40 AM, he was worried that by removing the door they were making too much noise. But the door was finally dislodged, and they were able to enter the DNC offices.9 In the Watergate building’s garage, guard Frank Wills checked the doors again as ordered by his supervisor and was surprised to find the locks had been re-taped. Realizing it couldn’t be the work of a maintenance man at that hour, he called the Washington, D.C., police at 1:47 AM. A police call went out at 1:52 AM, and a squad car with three plainclothes officers responded. Officer Carl Shoffler, who had almost shoulder-length hair as part of his undercover work, told the dispatcher they were only a block and a half away, and they were soon at the Watergate, talking to Frank Wills. At that moment, the burglars had likely not yet even finished removing the door to the DNC offices.10
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 613 | Loc. 12688-703  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 10:00 PM

Hunt and Liddy tried to radio a warning to Barker, but there was a problem. Frank Fiorini later told Andrew St. George that Barker’s     job was to keep his ear to that goddamn walkie-talkie, listening to our lookout across from the Watergate in case there was any outside problem . . . But Barker [was] too cheap to install a fresh battery in the thing before an operation; no, he keeps the old battery going week after week by never turning up the volume . . . the night we got arrested, the minute we get safely inside the [Democratic National Committee office at the Watergate,] Macho turns the volume of his walkie-talkie all the way down . . . saving the battery. He also kept us from picking up the first warning calls from the lookout across the street [who] saw the unmarked police car arrive, saw the cops begin turning up the lights on one floor after another . . . we suspected nothing until finally Barker heard the footsteps of the cops pounding outside our door and [he finally] turned up his walkie-talkie. Hunt was stationed in another section of the Watergate complex and his voice came in, squeaky with tension, “Alert! Alert! Do you read me? Clear out immediately” . . . but by then it was too late: the cops were in the corridor. Barker saved his damn walkie-talkie battery and blew our team.* 12 At approximately 2:30 AM on June 17, 1972, Shoffler and the other officers entered the Watergate offices, finding the burglars hiding “behind a desk in the secretarial cubicle adjacent to Larry O’Brien’s office.” McCord radioed to Baldwin, “They got us.”13
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 615 | Loc. 12743-52  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 10:04 PM

With Hoover no longer running the FBI, cooperation had started to resume between the Agency and the Bureau, which might help to explain the missing evidence.19 For example, Hougan points out that on June 17, 1972, “[James] McCord would be arrested and booked under a Hunt alias, ‘Edward Martin,’ producing a phony ID on which the birth date was identical with Howard Hunt’s own.” What’s also interesting is “that the identification papers in McCord’s possession at the time of his arrest . . . disappeared from police and prosecution files. The false ID was issued by the CIA to Howard Hunt, and vanished immediately after McCord’s fingerprinting by Washington police.”20 The disappearance of the CIA-supplied McCord/Hunt ID was no accident. Hougan found that “a file on Hunt’s activities” using the Edward Martin alias and “maintained ‘outside the normal CIA filing system,’ was [later] requested from the CIA by the [Senate Watergate] committee.”
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- Highlight on Page 619 | Loc. 12815-26  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 10:10 PM

There, Woodward happened to encounter one of the two attorneys that E. Howard Hunt had arranged for his crew. When Judge James A. Belson asked the defendants “what they did for a living,” one said they are “‘anti-Communists’ . . . and the others nodded in agreement.” James McCord was the first to be questioned by the Judge, who asked for his occupation. McCord replied, “Security consultant.” Woodward wrote that “in a low voice, McCord said that the was recently retired from government service . . . sending a strong message that he wanted this to be between the judge and him.” However, since “it was an open courtroom,” Woodward said that he “moved to the front row and leaned as far into the conversation as possible without joining in.”28 Woodward wrote that the Judge asked, “Where in government?”     McCord’s “barely audible” reply was “CIA.”         The judge flinched.         Holy shit, I said half aloud. It was like a 10,000-volt jolt of electricity. I was amazed.
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- Highlight on Page 620 | Loc. 12835-44  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 10:11 PM

Bob Woodward then called “the White House—and asked for Howard Hunt. There was no answer but the operator said helpfully he might be in the office of Charles Colson, Nixon’s special counsel. Colson’s secretary said Hunt was not there but might be at a public relations firm where he worked as a writer.”     I called the firm, reached Hunt, and asked why his name was in the address books of two of the Watergate burglars.         “Good God!” Hunt shouted, [then] said he had no comment and slammed down the phone.30 The next call Woodward made was to “the president of the public relations firm, Robert F. Bennett.”
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 620 | Loc. 12845-46  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 10:12 PM

“‘I guess it’s no secret that Howard was with the CIA,’ Bennett said blandly.”31
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 620 | Loc. 12849-52  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 10:13 PM

Woodward went to work on his next story, which would reveal Hunt’s CIA past and his connection to the Watergate break-in. But after that article, despite the dramatic revelations of the Agency connections of McCord and Hunt, the CIA side of Watergate would soon fade into the background of Woodward’s Watergate reporting, and his subsequent books.32
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 621 | Loc. 12865-72  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 10:14 PM

It wasn’t just the Post—and the Star and also Newsweek—that Bennett was feeding stories and information to in order to protect his CIA proprietary firm. In the first CIA memo quoted above, from three weeks after the Watergate arrests, his case officer said that “Mr. Bennett related that he has now established a ‘back door entry’ to the Edward Bennett Williams law firm which is representing the Democratic Party . . . to kill off any revelation by Ed Williams of Agency association with the Mullen firm.” At that time, Edward Bennett Williams was working with his partner Joseph Califano on the DNC’s lawsuit against CREEP for the break-in.35 Robert Bennett was probably just one of many CIA assets that Richard Helms had the Agency use to move the news media away from a focus on the CIA.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 622 | Loc. 12891-93  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 10:16 PM

Later that day, still on June 17, Liddy used “his White House pass” to get into “the Situation Room in the basement of the West Wing.” There, Liddy “placed a scrambler call through the White House switchboard to [Jeb] Magruder,” who was in California.38
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 624 | Loc. 12923-28  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 10:19 PM

John Dean and a colleague, wearing surgical gloves to avoid leaving fingerprints, picked over the contents of [Hunt’s] White House safe . . . papers they found . . . would eventually be burned by Nixon’s compliant acting FBI Director, Pat Gray.” John Mitchell told Jeb Magruder “maybe you ought to have a little fire at your home,” and Magruder complied. Even Mitchell destroyed “his campaign correspondence with Nixon and Haldeman,” which could have included information on a wide range of illegal matters. After Haldeman told his aide to “make sure our files are clean,” more files were shredded. It’s impossible to know what paper trails, or evidence of other crimes, literally went up in smoke or through the shredder.42
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 625 | Loc. 12956-59  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 10:21 PM

Monday, June 19, 1972, was the first in a series of increasingly important days in the Watergate cover-up. That morning, Nixon’s Press Secretary, Ron Ziegler, proclaimed that the Watergate break-in was nothing more than “a third rate burglary,” a term some still use today. Ziegler also cautioned the press, saying that “certain elements may try to stretch this beyond what it is,” and much of the press corps took his caution seriously.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 626 | Loc. 12977-82  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 10:23 PM

“bugging of U.S. citizens in internal security cases must be first authorized by a court-ordered warrant.” Basically, Nixon and Mitchell had argued that if the President wanted someone bugged, the President had the “inherent power” to do so, which the Supreme Court rejected. Hence any contact with the bugging results was now even more clearly a felony, which helps to explain why so many White House aides and officials who probably saw bugging transcripts later denied doing so. The Supreme Court’s ruling also meant that any “national security” justification Nixon felt he could use to ultimately cover his political bugging was no longer valid, a concept that Nixon would still be struggling to accept until his resignation.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 628 | Loc. 13015-21  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 10:26 PM

In Watergate lore, however, June 20, 1972, is mainly remembered as the date of the infamous “eighteen-and-a-half-minute” gap in one of Richard Nixon’s White House tapes, which later investigations proved was a deliberate erasure. Many authors have speculated as to why that portion of that particular tape, a conversation between Nixon and H.R. Haldeman, was erased when other very incriminating tapes were not, such as the June 23, 1972, “Smoking Gun” tape, whose release forced Nixon’s resignation. A close look at all of Nixon’s activities that day, and what he would have been talking about to aides, helps to show why that tape was probably erased—and why it isn’t the only record of Nixon’s talks that day that is missing.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 629 | Loc. 13037-42  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 10:28 PM

Nixon may have decided to tell John Ehrlichman a little about the CIA-Mafia plots, because after his time alone, Nixon met with him. Nixon later wrote that Watergate wasn’t talked about at the meeting, but Ehrlichman says it was briefly discussed, along with wiretapping. As Summers points out, “no tape of that meeting has ever been produced. The tape of the President’s next meeting that morning, with Haldeman,” contains the eighteen-and-a-half-minute gap. Prosecution and White House experts “would later conclude that the tape’s long stretch of buzzing, clicks, and pops reflected a series of overlapping erasures. Someone had manually set the machine to erase at least five times, suggesting that tape was intentionally wiped.”
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 630 | Loc. 13053-59  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 10:29 PM

In a matter that has never been explained, Dan Moldea found that just “fifty-three minutes” after the eighteen-and-a-half-minute gap, “Nixon placed a long-distance call to . . . an associate of Anthony Provenzano . . . that lasted only one minute.” Provenzano had been part of both Nixon-Mafia-Hoffa bribes, for Jimmy Hoffa’s December 1971 release and also in September 1960 (at the same time the CIA-Mafia plots with Johnny Rosselli were beginning).56 Nixon and Haldeman had another conversation four hours after the one with the eighteen-and-a-half-minute gap, which Nixon started by asking, “Have you gotten any further on that Mitchell operation?” That remark demonstrates that Nixon felt John Mitchell was really running, at a high level, the Plumbers operation.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 631 | Loc. 13068-78  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 10:31 PM

That evening, “Nixon spoke on the telephone with John Mitchell,” the first officially documented “contact between the two since the Watergate arrests.” Nixon said they discussed Watergate, and Mitchell essentially apologized, saying that he was “terribly chagrined that the activities of anybody attached to his committee should have been handled in such a manner and that he only regretted that he had not policed all of the people more effectively.” However, no recording was made of the call, supposedly “because the call had been placed on a line from the president’s private quarters, one that was not hooked into the recording system”—at least, that was what Nixon later told one of his attorneys. Eventually, it was discovered “that Nixon had made a note of the [unrecorded Mitchell] conversation on the Dictabelt machine on which he recorded his daily diary.” Even in Nixon’s own summary of his conversation with Mitchell, “there is a forty-two-second break in the dictation,” and the Watergate Special Prosecution Force stated that Nixon’s “Dictabelt appears to have been tampered with” at the time of the break. The tampering was likely because Mitchell’s apology—or Nixon’s comment about it on the Dictabelt—might have included a reference to the fact Nixon had ordered a reluctant Mitchell to approve the whole political espionage plan in the first place.58
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 632 | Loc. 13092-97  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 10:32 PM

Nixon’s evening call to Haldeman then veered into “the Bay of Pigs thing” again, in a way that left Haldeman perplexed. The President ordered Haldeman to “tell Ehrlichman this whole group of Cubans is tied to the Bay of Pigs.” A confused Haldeman asked, “The Bay of Pigs? What does that have to do with this?” Nixon simply said, “Ehrlichman will know what I mean.” This might help to explain Nixon’s unrecorded call to Ehrlichman earlier that day. Recall that Ehrlichman had taken the lead in trying to get Helms to give Nixon the Bay of Pigs material starting in 1969, soon after Nixon’s Assistant Attorney General had checked out the Justice Department’s file on the CIA-Mafia plots involving Johnny Rosselli.61
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 633 | Loc. 13112-19  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 10:59 PM

A review of all of Nixon’s known comments and meetings yields clues about what might have been talked about during the eighteen-and-a-half-minute gap on June 20. The press’s naming of Hunt, particularly his leading role in the Bay of Pigs operation, seems to have been a concern for Nixon that day. In addition, two of the unrecorded calls from that day involved Mitchell, who knew about the CIA-Mafia plots, and Ehrlichman, who apparently knew more about the Bay of Pigs matter—a euphemism for the CIA-Mafia plots—than Haldeman. The call to the Provenzano associate less than an hour after the eighteen-and-a-half-minute gap also raises the possibility that the gap concerned one or both of the Nixon-Mafia-Hoffa bribes, which were known by John Mitchell. So, it appears likely that the eighteen-and-a-half-minute gap—like other conversations that day—involved some discussion about Hunt and something about the Bay of Pigs (which to Nixon meant the CIA-Mafia plots); it could have also included a reference or allusion to one or both of the Nixon-Mafia-Hoffa bribes.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 636 | Loc. 13177-87  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 11:05 PM

On June 23, 1972, in three meetings, Richard Nixon and H.R. Haldeman discussed the Watergate cover-up extensively on what has come to be known as the “Smoking Gun” tape. Nixon was very receptive to using the CIA to block the FBI investigation because he knew secrets about the CIA, Hunt, and Richard Helms that his aides like Haldeman and Dean didn’t know or only suspected. In a way, we’re lucky that the “Smoking Gun” tape exists at all, and that it involved a conversation with Haldeman—as opposed to the more-informed Mitchell, who already knew about the CIA-Mafia plots. Nixon, not wanting to spread the knowledge of those plots further than it already had been disseminated, kept having to repeatedly imply things about Helms, Hunt, and the plots to Haldeman, leaving a revealing audio trail. Dean and Gray’s suggestion was to use the protection of a possible Mexican CIA operation as the excuse to have the CIA limit the FBI investigation, but Nixon quickly went in a very different and telling direction. Nixon’s comments on the tape about the CIA weren’t fully appreciated when it was finally made public on August 5, 1974, because just the fact that it showed Nixon was actively involved in the cover-up forced the President to resign three days later, on August 8. In addition, the CIA-Mafia plots wouldn’t become widely known and documented until the year after the tape’s release, and the CIA would continue to withhold important information about the plots for decades after that.70
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 637 | Loc. 13194-211  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 11:07 PM

    PRESIDENT NIXON: All right, fine . . . you call him in, I mean you just—well, we protected Helms from one hell of a lot of things.     PRESIDENT NIXON: Of course, this Hunt will uncover a lot of things. You open that scab, there’s a hell of a lot of things and that we just feel that it would be very detrimental to have this thing go any further. This involves these Cubans, Hunt, and a lot of hanky-panky that we have nothing to do with ourselves.     PRESIDENT NIXON: When you get these people [Helms and Walters] say: “Look, the problem is that this will open the whole, the whole Bay of Pigs thing and the President just feels that . . . The President’s belief is that this is going to open the whole Bay of Pigs thing up again. And, because these people are plugging for, for keeps and that they should call the FBI in and say that we wish for the good of the country, don’t go any further into this case,” period . . .     PRESIDENT NIXON: Hunt . . . knows too damn much and he was involved, we have to know that. And that it gets out . . . this is all involved in the Cuban thing, that it’s a fiasco, and it’s going to make the FB—ah CIA—look bad, it’s going to make Hunt look bad, and its likely to blow the whole, uh, Bay of Pigs thing, which we think would be very unfortunate for the CIA and for the country at this time, and for American foreign policy and he’s [Helms] just gotta tell ’em “lay off.”     PRESIDENT NIXON: I would just say, “Look it’s because of the Hunt involvement.”72 Clearly, Nixon has his own agenda here, one to pressure Helms by using Hunt’s involvement in “the whole, uh, Bay of Pigs thing.”
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 638 | Loc. 13211-13  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 11:07 PM

Of course, Hunt’s leading role in the actual Bay of Pigs invasion and even his cover identity as “Eduardo” had already been announced in The New York Times three days earlier, so that wasn’t a secret any more. What was left to “blow” about “the whole Bay of Pigs thing” that involved Helms (and Nixon) except the CIA-Mafia plots?
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 639 | Loc. 13226-31  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 11:09 PM

Nixon apparently wanted Helms to help him solve two problems. First, to use the CIA to limit the FBI’s investigation. The second problem was that Nixon no longer had a way to find out more about—or stop the leak of—the Cuban Dossier and anything it might say about Nixon’s role in the CIA-Mafia plots. That could still be devastating if it came out before the election, especially if it caused journalists and investigators to look for other ties between Nixon and the mob. Nixon seemed to want Helms to take responsibility for the Cuban Dossier matter as well, and appears to be trying to convey that through Haldeman.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 640 | Loc. 13237-41  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 11:10 PM

As for Nixon’s comment that “we protected Helms from one hell of a lot of things,” Nixon later said he was referring to his help for Helms regarding suppressing parts of Victor Marchetti’s book. But Nixon didn’t say “one thing” on the tape, he said “one hell of a lot of things,” which led investigators to wonder what else Nixon could have been referring to. Helms’s Chilean and domestic spying operations had all been done for Nixon, so those hardly seem like instances in which Nixon “protected” Helms. Congressional investigator Michael Ewing looked at the matter in a report for the House Select Committee on Assassinations in the late 1970s.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 642 | Loc. 13283-88  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 11:14 PM

Helms went along with Nixon’s request, writing a memo to Walters saying that the CIA was requesting the FBI to “confine themselves to the personalities already arrested . . . and that they desist from expanding the investigation into other areas which may well, eventually, run afoul of our operations.” In later years, Richard Helms would make a point of telling journalists that he had never succumbed to pressure to get the FBI to back off from its Watergate investigation, something repeated by many journalists and several historians. But the record clearly shows Helms did call off the FBI, at least for a time.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 645 | Loc. 13343-48  | Added on Monday, February 03, 2014, 09:34 PM

In a June 30, 1972, meeting, the President told Haldeman “About this fellow [Hunt]—I mean, after all, the gun [found in Hunt’s White House office safe] and the wiretapping doesn’t bother me a bit with this fellow. He’s in the Cuban thing, the whole Cuban business.” In transcripts of Nixon’s taped conversations days after the Plumbers’ arrests, when Colson told Nixon on July 1, 1972, that Hunt had “certainly done a lot of hot stuff . . . Oh, Jesus. He pulled a lot of very fancy stuff in the sixties,” that was followed by a notice from the National Archives: “[Withdrawn item. National security.]” After the censored portion, Nixon then said, “If anything ever happens to him, be sure that he blows the whistle, [on] the whole Bay of Pigs.”4
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 645 | Loc. 13349-54  | Added on Monday, February 03, 2014, 09:35 PM

In addition to the hush money flowing to Hunt and the others from Kalmbach and White House operatives, there was also another channel of money. Nixon had wanted Bebe Rebozo to set up a fund for “the boys,” but it had to be done in a deniable way that could not be traced to the President. That task fell to Manuel Artime, an office tenant in Rebozo’s mob-built shopping center. Lukas wrote that Artime “formed an informal committee to aide the Miami defendants.” He pointed out since Artime was “a leader of the Cuban exile community and the godfather of Hunt’s youngest son, he was an ideal man to assume the role” of a hush money paymaster without arousing suspicion.5
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 646 | Loc. 13359-63  | Added on Monday, February 03, 2014, 09:36 PM

Artime’s assistant at the time, Milian Rodriguez, said that the amounts Artime distributed to Barker and the others were much larger than most investigators realized. As documented by PBS, Milian Rodriguez later used the skills he first learned with Artime by handling the Watergate hush money to become one of Miami’s largest drug traffickers. Artime would have to testify to the Watergate grand jury, but he would never be charged for his Watergate involvement or for his drug trafficking (documented in earlier chapters).6
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 646 | Loc. 13364-67  | Added on Monday, February 03, 2014, 09:36 PM

It was initially difficult to get the Watergate defendants’ attorneys to take the envelopes stuffed with cash. Finally, after two weeks, Hunt’s second attorney—William Bittman—“accepted a bizarre delivery of $25,000 in an envelope left on a ledge in the downstairs lobby of” his law firm. Bittman had been a Mafia prosecutor for Robert Kennedy’s Justice Department before leaving in 1967 to enter private practice.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 646 | Loc. 13367-68  | Added on Monday, February 03, 2014, 09:36 PM

Liddy had no qualms about accepting the hush money, and a money drop for him was arranged “at National Airport, where the cash was in a luggage locker.”7
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 646 | Loc. 13369-71  | Added on Monday, February 03, 2014, 09:36 PM

Hunt’s wife, Dorothy, gave the White House money courier “a five-month ‘budget’ for all seven men involved [that] totaled $450,000,” while Hunt sent Colson a personal note saying that “re-electing the President” was of “overwhelming importance [and] you may be confident that I will do all that is required of me toward that end.”
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 650 | Loc. 13446-49  | Added on Monday, February 03, 2014, 09:43 PM

British researcher John Simkin compiled a list of the mistakes committed by each of those involved with the burglaries, which showed that while McCord committed seven critical errors, so had G. Gordon Liddy, who had no connection to the CIA. Simkin listed Barker as committing six critical errors, along with eight by Hunt. Fiorini himself committed several key errors, including the final taping of the garage stairwell door and insisting the burglary go forward even if it required the time-consuming step of removing the rear door to the DNC offices.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 652 | Loc. 13483-84  | Added on Monday, February 03, 2014, 09:45 PM

In that same conservation with Dean, Nixon revealed his own thinking that played a role in the Watergate scandal, when he said that “Espionage and sabotage is illegal only if against the government.”19
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 655 | Loc. 13548-50  | Added on Monday, February 03, 2014, 09:49 PM

However, Walter Sheridan didn’t release or leak any of the Hoffa information during the campaign, and it’s not known why. In addition, Walter Sheridan was spectacularly unsuccessful in bringing media attention to the Watergate story.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 655 | Loc. 13554-55  | Added on Monday, February 03, 2014, 09:50 PM

Regardless of the reason, a huge opportunity was lost for Watergate and the Nixon-Mafia-Hoffa relationship to become issues in the final months of the 1972 campaign.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 663 | Loc. 13709-10  | Added on Tuesday, February 04, 2014, 04:40 PM

Now that Nixon had won reelection and faced no more campaigns, his fears about whatever Helms could release about his past were greatly diminished.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 664 | Loc. 13729-31  | Added on Thursday, February 06, 2014, 11:13 AM

his firing of CIA Director Richard Helms meant that the dark undercurrent of crime and corruption just below the surface of Nixon’s carefully crafted public image would soon start to become exposed.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 664 | Loc. 13733-38  | Added on Thursday, February 06, 2014, 11:14 AM

His approval rating in a Gallup poll was 68 percent, and three days after he took his second oath of office, his peace deal for Vietnam became final. The settlement was reached after a massive bombing campaign of North Vietnam that Nixon had begun in December, along with intense pressure from Nixon on President Thieu, still the U.S.-backed dictator of South Vietnam. Lyndon Johnson had died the day before the peace deal took effect, and Nixon could claim public credit for ending what he liked to depict as Johnson’s war. Henry Kissinger was awarded a joint Nobel Peace Prize for his efforts (with North Vietnam’s Le Duc Tho), an honor Nixon might have shared had he not withdrawn his name from consideration.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 665 | Loc. 13743-44  | Added on Thursday, February 06, 2014, 11:14 AM

Alexander Haig returned to the Pentagon, as the Army’s Vice Chief of Staff, where he was said to have been “catapulted by Nixon over the heads of two hundred senior officers.”
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 665 | Loc. 13745-47  | Added on Thursday, February 06, 2014, 11:15 AM

As a result of all those shifts, John Dean became a “central figure” in Nixon’s second-term White House. After only having three meetings with Nixon in the first eight months of 1972, Dean would soon have “31 meetings and telephone calls with Nixon” in less than a one-month span, starting in late February.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 666 | Loc. 13767-72  | Added on Thursday, February 06, 2014, 11:17 AM

In a bizarre scenario that brought together Watergate and Nixon’s Hoffa bribes, “on February 10-11, 1973 . . . two meetings were held simultaneously on the grounds” of the La Costa Country Club in Southern California: one for Nixon’s aides plotting their Watergate cover-up strategy and the other between Teamsters President Frank Fitzsimmons and several Mafia leaders. One of the owners of the 5,600-acre posh La Costa resort was mobster Moe Dalitz, who had sold Howard Hughes his first Las Vegas casino in the deal brokered by Johnny Rosselli (see Chapter 19).
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 667 | Loc. 13782-87  | Added on Thursday, February 06, 2014, 11:20 AM

Moldea interviewed “two former Nixon aides” who “confirm[ed] that the La Costa meetings were regarded as ‘very strange’ even by other members of the Nixon staff.” One aide explained that “the meetings were going on in a setting which obviously had the Secret Service, FBI, and Justice people climbing the wall . . . I say it was no secret. What I still don’t know is if it was no accident.” Another aide said that “Word came down from Haldeman to the Secret Service to make sure the agents for that trip kept their mouths shut—about the appearance of impropriety of these [meetings] being held in the midst of Fitzsimmons’s Apalachin affair”—a reference to the historic mob conference described in Chapter 4.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 667 | Loc. 13800-13803  | Added on Thursday, February 06, 2014, 11:21 AM

However, the Fitzsimmons-Mafia meeting, followed by the Nixon-Fitzsimmons Air Force One meeting and Nixon’s Attorney General ending the surveillance on the company involved in the new multimillion-dollar fraud scheme, raises the possibility that Nixon’s January 1973 $500,000 payment was also part of a new deal between Nixon, Fitzsimmons, and the Mafia.9
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 668 | Loc. 13806-14  | Added on Thursday, February 06, 2014, 11:23 AM

Frank Fitzsimmons then pressured the Teamsters’ current attorney—Edward Bennett Williams, Califano’s partner—to drop the DNC lawsuit against CREEP. When Williams refused, Fitzsimmons “fired Williams and gave the $100,000-a-year business to Colson” and his law partner.10 Was Nixon being arrogant in continuing his illegal dealings with Fitzsimmons and the Mafia in his new term, since he would not have to face another election? Was the relatively young President simply interested in accumulating as much money as possible, looking ahead to his post-Presidency years? According to the Time article, Nixon might have just been being practical. It pointed out the “crucial timing” that just three days before Colson received the $500,000 authorized by Fitzsimmons, Dorfman, and Provenzano, there had been a meeting between [E. Howard] Hunt’s lawyer and Colson” regarding “demands for payoffs by [the] Watergate” figure.”
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 668 | Loc. 13817-22  | Added on Thursday, February 06, 2014, 11:24 AM

Though Helms had been of little help to Hunt since the burglaries, the possibility of help had remained as long as Helms was Director, plus Hunt knew enough about Helms that he could always force the issue, if need be. Now, that possibility no longer existed. Hunt had been trying to exert pressure on the White House and Charles Colson since November, in an attempt to have them live up to their promises of hush money, expense money, and lawyers’ fees for himself and the other defendants. His wife, Dorothy Hunt, played a major role in helping to solicit and distribute funds, often giving money to Manuel Artime so he could disburse it to the Cuban exile defendants and Frank Fiorini.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 669 | Loc. 13822-26  | Added on Thursday, February 06, 2014, 11:25 AM

On December 8, 1972, Dorothy Hunt had flown to Chicago, carrying $10,000 in cash in $100 bills, the same type of money she’d been distributing to the other defendants “for more than four months.” On its approach to “Chicago’s Midway Airport through drizzle and fog . . . the plane suddenly nose-dived into a neighborhood . . . a mile and a half short of [the] runway . . . Forty-three of the fifty-five people on board were killed, including Mrs. Hunt.”
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 669 | Loc. 13836-40  | Added on Thursday, February 06, 2014, 11:26 AM

Some have thought it suspicious that Egil Krogh moved to the Department of Transportation as an Undersecretary a month after the crash. The same might apply to Alexander Butterfield’s appointment in March 1973 to become Administrator of the Federal Aviation Administration, where The New York Times reported that Butterfield “read all the accident reports himself.” However, Nixon probably just wanted his people in place so he could know immediately if information about his hush money surfaced in the FAA’s crash investigation.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 670 | Loc. 13856-59  | Added on Thursday, February 06, 2014, 11:28 AM

According to Dean, “on January 5 Colson met with him and Ehrlichman . . . and reported that the had indeed given Bittman a ‘general assurance’ that Hunt would get clemency” from Nixon. The next day, according to the FBI, Colson got the Mafia-Teamsters bribe of $500,000 for Nixon.16 The
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 670 | Loc. 13862-68  | Added on Thursday, February 06, 2014, 11:28 AM

It’s interesting that Hunt received special treatment from Nixon over the other defendants, with the President saying in a conversation with Colson on January 8, 1973, that when it came to clemency, “I would have difficulty with some of the others.” Nixon agreed with Colson’s line of reasoning that the others “can’t hurt us [but] Hunt and Liddy [had] direct meetings, discussions [that] are very incriminating to us.”17 Colson was wrong when he said the other Watergate defendants “can’t hurt us,” because the firing of CIA Director Richard Helms had apparently been the last straw for Agency veteran James McCord. Unlike Hunt, McCord was strongly resisting the White House pressure to plead guilty to avoid a trial.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 672 | Loc. 13889-92  | Added on Thursday, February 06, 2014, 11:31 AM

Along with Liddy, McCord stood trial in front of Judge John Sirica—a conservative Republican judge known for his harsh sentences—who seemed determined to get to the bottom of the Watergate morass. “At a pretrial hearing [Judge Sirica] put the prosecutors on notice that they had to get to the bottom of who had hired the men to go into the Watergate. ‘The jury is going to want to know: . . . What did these men go into that headquarters for?’”
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 673 | Loc. 13906-10  | Added on Thursday, February 06, 2014, 11:32 AM

Helms didn’t destroy the only copy of the IG Report because it had left out so much crucial information, and all of its supporting files had already been destroyed in 1967. When coupled with that earlier file destruction, Helms’s 1973 housecleaning put some details about the CIA-Mafia plots permanently beyond the reach of easily documented history. However, some top secret operations that involved Helms—like AMWORLD—were so large that many related files probably still exist.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 673 | Loc. 13917-20  | Added on Thursday, February 06, 2014, 11:33 AM

It was perhaps poetic justice for Richard Helms that on February 7, 1973—five days after he finished destroying files and had stepped down as CIA Director—Helms found himself testifying to Congress when the subject of Chile came up. Helms lied when asked if the CIA had provided help to those who opposed Allende in Chile. Helms had lied to Congress before, about Chile and other matters, but it would be that particular false statement that would eventually bring him a criminal conviction.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 673 | Loc. 13923-24  | Added on Thursday, February 06, 2014, 11:33 AM

Helms’s testimony about Barker’s mob ties would not be released for more than a year, after All the President’s Men had been completed, which kept Barker’s criminal connections from becoming part of the conventional story of Watergate.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 674 | Loc. 13945-47  | Added on Thursday, February 06, 2014, 11:35 AM

as the scandal unfolded, only one largely ignored article mentioned an important part of Hunt’s back-ground that Helms had withheld from investigators: Hunt’s work on the plots to assassinate Fidel Castro in the mid-1960s. Tad Szulc’s February 1973 Esquire magazine article—on the stands in January, before Helms began his housecleaning—briefly described those operations.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
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In the interview, Haynes told Sprague that “A meeting was held on Nov. 22, 1963 in Wash[ington] D.C. to discuss plans for Cuban operation . . . it was the most important meeting they had . . . at [the] meeting were [CIA Executive Director Lyman] Kirkpatrick, Helms, Hunt, and Williams. Word of [JFK’s] assassination came in [during the] meeting.” Haynes knew something had been about to happen with Cuba, but he hadn’t been told about Almeida or the coup plan. If any of Haynes’s information involving Hunt and Helms had become widely known at that time, it would have radically changed the Watergate investigations. Instead, when some of the interview was finally published in a small newsletter in 1975—after Watergate had faded from the headlines—it passed without notice.30
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In the ten years since JFK’s murder, Williams had learned about Barker’s ties to godfather Santo Trafficante and had come to believe that Barker had sold out the coup plan to Trafficante, and that both men had played a role in JFK’s assassination. Now, Williams saw that Barker was involved with Hunt, James McCord, and other notable Cuban exiles in Watergate. Williams also heard in Miami’s Cuban exile community about the efforts of his former friend and rival, Manuel Artime, to provide financial assistance to the burglars. Hunt, McCord, Barker, Artime, and Watergate—it seemed beyond coincidence.
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In addition to Joseph Califano’s DNC lawsuit against CREEP being overseen by Judge Richey, Califano also had to represent The Washington Post when Nixon had CREEP try to subpoena Woodward, Bernstein, Post editor Howard Simons, and Post owner Katherine Graham. CREEP also demanded all of “their notes, internal memoranda, and phone logs,” since “CREEP wanted to uncover the identity of the reporters’ anonymous source or sources.” Nixon and Haldeman already knew that Mark Felt was providing information to the Post, but they couldn’t be sure of how much or if other officials might be doing the same.38
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McCord might have felt free to act because of Richard Helms’s firing from the CIA. Helms was preparing to assume his post as Ambassador to Iran, and an outsider, loyal to Nixon, now ran McCord’s beloved Agency. There were still many CIA secrets McCord would protect, but McCord viewed Watergate as a Nixon White House operation, “not a CIA operation.” As McCord would later testify, he “believed that President Nixon gave the final approval, and set the Watergate operation in motion.”42 It’s not known what other Nixon crimes McCord may have become aware of or suspected, or heard about from Hunt. McCord wrote in his book that Hunt had “information which would impeach the President.” In his Watergate book, McCord did go out of his way to decry “the volume of heroin illegally entering the U.S.,” but there is no indication if he ever learned about or suspected the Trafficante-linked money that Al Haig’s Army investigation would uncover the following year. McCord saw himself as different from his fellow ex-CIA officer Hunt, and certainly from Fiorini and Barker, and seems to have resented having to work with—and being lumped in with—the latter. In his letter to Sirica, McCord was careful to stress that “my motivations were different than those of the others involved, but were not limited to . . . those offered in my defense during the trial.” In his book, McCord doesn’t make clear exactly what those motivations were, or why he got involved in a seemingly purely political operation.43
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However, Nixon’s main focus the following day was on E. Howard Hunt, and making sure Hunt had enough hush money to remain silent even after he was sentenced. On March 21, 1973, Nixon talked with John Dean about the matter, in the famous conversation that began with Dean telling Nixon, “We have a cancer—within—close to the Presidency, that’s growing.” As mentioned earlier, this is the conversation where Nixon told Dean that “Your major guy to keep under control is Hunt. Because he knows . . . about a lot of other things.” The two discussed the fact that some of the money had gone through “the cover of a Cuban Committee,” the one Nixon had planned to use Rebozo for but that had actually been implemented by Cuban exile Manuel Artime.
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Dean told Nixon that keeping Hunt and the others quiet will “cost money. It’s dangerous. Nobody, nothing—people around here are not pros at this sort of thing. This is the sort of thing Mafia people can do: washing money, getting clean money, and things like that . . . we just don’t know about those things . . . we are not criminals.” The irony of the last statement is lost on Nixon and Dean, who then told the President, “these people are gong to cost, huh, a million dollars over the next, uh, two years.”47 After a pause, President Nixon told Dean: We could get that . . . if you need the money . . . you could get the money . . . What I mean is, you could, you could get a million dollars. And you could get it in cash. I, I know where it could be gotten . . . I mean it’s not easy, but it could be done.”
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
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McCord’s revelations invigorated the recently created Senate Watergate Committee investigation and gave the Committee its first star witness. Suddenly, the entire American press corps was putting the Watergate story on its front pages, and the drumbeat of pressure on Nixon would continue to mount over the coming months. Now that McCord had made it clear that higher-ups were involved, some of Nixon’s aides began reassessing their own positions. On April 12, 1972, there was another breakthrough when former Nixon aide Jeb Magruder confessed to U.S. Attorneys that he had committed perjury in his earlier testimony. Just four days prior to that, John Dean had begun talking to Watergate prosecutors. The day after Dean met with the prosecutors, Nixon told Haldeman they ought to get rid of the White House tapes, but nothing was done and Nixon continued his recording. However, Nixon greatly increased his use of the tapes to try to spin or simply lie about past events to new and old aides.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
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To divert blame and responsibility from himself, Nixon had to use the strategy of essentially blaming Watergate on his staff, implying they might not have supervised their underlings properly. To make that approach work, he would have to take dramatic action by shaking up his staff and top officials. After much soul-searching and emotion, Nixon told H.R. Haldeman and John Ehrlichman they would have to go. On April 30, 1973, in a dramatic speech, Nixon announced their resignations, while calling them “two of the finest public servants it has been my privilege to know.” That same day, Nixon also announced the resignations of John Dean and Attorney General Kleindienst. L. Patrick Gray had resigned three days earlier, so William Ruckelshaus left the Environmental Protection Agency (the creation of which was one of Nixon’s most notable domestic achievements) to become the new FBI Director.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
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Haig would play a crucial role in essentially running the country in Nixon’s last months in office, before helping to engineer the President’s resignation.1
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Hunt was still torn between wanting a reduced sentence from Sirica and wanting his promised clemency from President Nixon, so in his testimony he only implicated Nixon aides, not the President.3
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The same day as McCord’s explosive testimony, Archibald Cox was chosen by acting Attorney General Eliot Richardson to be the Watergate Special Prosecutor; both Cox and Richardson were sworn in the following week. Cox had been the Solicitor General during John F. Kennedy’s administration, and the tapes show that Nixon soon regarded Cox as “an adversary,” and the President had no intention of cooperating with Cox’s investigation.4
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Bernard Barker testified to Ervin’s Watergate Committee on May 24, 1973, but he was not asked anything about his Mafia ties. The Senate and House Watergate Committees only had access to some FBI information, not the Bureau’s full file, so the subject of his organized crime ties wasn’t raised to Barker, and the same was true when the Committee questioned Frank Fiorini. That meant that organized crime was completely missing from the public Watergate hearings, which was ironic, since the chief investigator for Ervin’s Watergate Committee was Carmine Bellino, who had worked on organized crime cases for Robert Kennedy’s Justice Department. Before that, Bellino had been an investigator for the Senate crime hearings in the late 1950s that had propelled John F. Kennedy to prominence (Senator Sam Ervin had been on that committee with JFK). In the mid-1950s, Bellino had also been partners for a time with Robert Maheu, which would put him in an unusual and potentially awkward position the following year, once Maheu—and the CIA-Mafia plots with Rosselli—became a quiet subject of investigation by the Watergate Committee.
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The day before Butterfield’s testimony, Thompson admitted in his own autobiographical Watergate book that “‘Even though I had no authority to act for the committee, I decided to call Fred Buzhardt at home’ to tell him that the committee had learned about the taping system. ‘I wanted to be sure that the White House was fully aware of what was to be disclosed so that it could take appropriate action.’” In contrast to that questionable act, Thompson would later take the lead in investigating the CIA’s withholding of important information from the Committee, which raised important unanswered questions about the CIA,
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The battle for the tapes that pitted the Senate Watergate Committee and Special Prosecutor Cox against the White House intensified, and would last for another year. In response, Nixon tried to counterattack in various ways. Haldeman, still apparently hoping for clemency from Nixon in the future, was still not being honest in his testimony and claimed “that the tapes he had listened to proved that Nixon was telling the truth” about his lack of involvement in Watergate and the cover-up.
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In a matter that didn’t involve Watergate, Nixon had been told six months earlier that Agnew was under investigation by the Justice Department. In August, “The Wall Street Journal [had] reported that Agnew was suspected of extortion, bribery, and tax evasion [involving] kickbacks paid by contractors architects and engineers” to Baltimore and Maryland officials. As noted earlier, when Nixon had chosen the racially divisive Agnew as his running mate, he knew “that his running mate was corrupt,” so the news of Agnew’s crimes should have been no surprise. On October 9, 1973, Vice President Agnew told Nixon that he was resigning, after striking a “deal with the Justice Department [to plead] nolo contendere to one count of having knowingly failed to report income for tax purposes.” Agnew would get “three years probation and a $10,000 fine [and] no further prosecution.”21 On October 12, 1973, Nixon chose House Minority Leader Gerald Ford as his new Vice President.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
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To Nixon’s way of thinking, Agnew’s resignation somehow gave him an excuse to fire Special Watergate Prosecutor Archibald Cox, so the President said, “Now that we’ve taken care of Agnew, we can get rid of Cox.” The Special Prosecutor had been pressing for the tapes for several months, and he was reported to be investigating Nixon’s financial affairs with Bebe Rebozo, so Nixon felt he had to be removed.22 On Saturday, October 20, 1973, a critical part of the Watergate saga began. Richard Nixon ordered Attorney General Elliot Richardson to fire Special Prosecutor Cox. However, Richardson resigned rather than obey Nixon’s orders. Richardson’s deputy, former FBI Director William Ruckelshaus, also resigned. That left “Solicitor General Robert Bork . . . temporarily promoted to acting Attorney General, [to] obediently [send] the letter of dismissal” to Cox. The dramatic resignations and the firing of Cox became known as “the Saturday Night Massacre.”23
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However, because Jaworski emerged with more power than Cox, his appointment marked another milestone. Nixon had lost control of the Watergate investigation, which was now centered on the tapes. If he lost control of the tapes, Nixon knew his Presidency was over. That process began three days after the Saturday Night Massacre, when Nixon agreed to comply with an appeals court ruling to turn over seven tapes that had been subpoenaed by Sirica’s court, for the grand jury.26
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There are several reasons why the Nixon-Rebozo financial entanglements didn’t become a huge scandal in the following months. An investigative report in Rolling Stone reported that “Bebe Rebozo escaped indictment in Watergate despite strong circumstantial evidence of tax evasion and bribe taking. One reason, according to CIA sources, is that CIA officials sanctioned his plea of ‘national security’ when the Special Prosecutor’s office began investigating Rebozo’s” business affairs. (Rebozo’s only real “national security” activity had been money laundering for the Bay of Pigs.) In addition, Rebozo sued The Washington Post for “ten million dollars in damages” for its stock story, and he then dragged the case out for a decade, until a settlement was reached (in which the Post paid Rebozo no damages). Rebozo’s suit eventually had a chilling effect on other news outlets, so his financial crimes and Mafia ties were soon rarely mentioned in the press. In short, Rebozo and Nixon had enough money to make reporting the Nixon-Rebozo story very expensive for media outlets—at a time when there was plenty of other Watergate news to cover.
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A new Watergate scandal erupted on December 7, 1973, when the public learned about the eighteen-and-a-half-minute gap on Nixon’s June 20, 1972, tape. Though Nixon had turned over the seven subpoenaed tapes, only three had been sent to the grand jury, since he was claiming executive privilege on four, which remained with Sirica. Nixon knew that other tapes would be subpoenaed, so he was having them transcribed for his own use and reference. As part of that process, Nixon’s lawyers had first learned about the mysterious gap on November 14, and they waited a week before telling Judge Sirica.
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The Committee investigators concluded their memo by saying that “the obsession of the Administration . . . on Larry O’Brien in 1971 and 1972 . . . was in part motivated by a fear that Maheu would impart some of this sensitive information about the plot to O’Brien . . . and these concerns could have been a possible motivation for the break-in to the office of the DNC and Larry O’Brien . . . especially since their directions were to photograph any documents relating to Cuban contributions or Cuban involvement in the 1972 Democratic campaign.” Clearly, the investigators were getting very close to uncovering the Plumbers’ goal of the Cuban Dossier, which could easily fall into the category of “Cuban involvement in the 1972 Democratic campaign.” They end the memo by saying “it is for these reasons that we wish to question John Rosselli about the nature and scope of his activities with Robert Maheu in the early 1960s.”38
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As a result, the fact that Rosselli had been interviewed by Watergate investigators at all—let alone the fact that he was viewed as key to the Watergate burglar’s motivation—remained largely unknown. Woodward and Bernstein had finished the manuscript for All the President’s Men the previous month, so it contained nothing about Rosselli or the Mafia.
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By the spring of 1974, the battle over Watergate had become a battle for the tapes that would decide Nixon’s fate, since impeachment was now a very real possibility. Earlier in the year, Special Prosecutor Jaworski had “requested twenty-two more tapes,” but Nixon had turned him down. (Unknown to Nixon, on February 25, after the President had refused to talk to the Watergate grand jury, it had named Nixon as an “unindicted co-conspirator,” though that wouldn’t become public for almost four months.) Jaworski soon subpoenaed “sixty-four more tapes,” and he included in his request the June 23, 1972, “Smoking Gun” tape. Naturally, Nixon didn’t comply.
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To deal with legal, Congressional, press, and public pressure, Nixon decided to release edited transcripts of forty-six of his White House tapes. The effort became an intense, mad dash by Nixon and his aides to release enough to make it look like a good faith effort, without revealing anything criminal. Worried about the outcome, Press Secretary Ron Ziegler “assigned his two personal assistants—Diane Sawyer and Frank Gannon, to review the editing and report back to him.” Diane Sawyer was “dismayed at the sloppy presentation [where] lines spoken by the President were mistakenly divided and attributed in part to Ehrlichman.” Much worse was the fact that “certain passages referred back to matters that had been excised [and] could not fail to convey the impression that the really damaging parts had been eliminated.” Sawyer and Gannon “pleaded for more time” to prepare things more properly.
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When Nixon revealed the tape transcripts to the nation in a televised address on April 29, 1974, they were in neat, uniform, nicely bound volumes that belied the problems within. Criminal references had been removed, and some tapes—like the June 23 “Smoking Gun” tape—were withheld entirely. So the tape battles continued, and pressure continued to mount on Nixon to release more.
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As the House Judiciary Committee began to consider impeachment more seriously, it hired additional staff. One of those added was twenty-six-year-old Hillary Rodham, thanks to a recommendation by one of her professors, Burke Marshall, who had served in Robert Kennedy’s Justice Department.
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she was responsible for drawing up highly restrictive rules of procedure that were to govern the impeachment process.” In addition, she helped “to oversee the preparation of a confidential history of Presidential abuse of power.” The thinking was “that Nixon would mount a defense to the effect that actions in the Watergate affair were not inconsistent with those of many previous administrations.”
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
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All of Nixon’s promise and effort and ambition had been reduced to the disgrace of resignation. Like the four break-ins at the Watergate that ultimately ended in disaster, Nixon’s almost three decades of flirting with organized crime, corruption, and secret intelligence had ultimately taken their toll.
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In hindsight, Nixon’s crash seems almost inevitable. In reality, if not for one Watergate break-in too many, he might have gotten away with everything.
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Ford’s aides felt that “as Haig and his friends took possession of or destroyed documents, they were protecting themselves as well [as Nixon].”
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On the night of August 10, Ford aide Benton Becker “found three military trucks lined up outside the basement entrance to the West Wing, stuffed with boxes and file cabinets, about to depart for Andrews Air Force Base.” When Becker told them to stop, the Air Force Colonel in command of the convoy said, “I take my instructions from General Haig.”
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Only after Miller’s 2009 death did The Washington Post reveal that Nixon had actually “wanted to fight the pending corruption charges in court, but Mr. Miller convinced him that a legal battle over Watergate would not be in his or the country’s best interests.” If he faced charges, Nixon could have used the same national security defense he’d been talking about since the scandal broke, and he might have been successful. The government couldn’t allow Nixon to reveal their most sensitive anti-Castro operations of the early ’60s—especially with Almeida still alive, in place, and unexposed—so any charges would probably have been dropped. Nixon’s desire for a trial would also motivate Miller to help the ex-President, since Miller wouldn’t want secret Kennedy-era Cuban operations exposed. Nixon’s stance also gave him bargaining leverage with new President Gerald Ford for an unconditional pardon as well as more control of his papers and tapes.
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September 8, 1974, when Ford issued a full pardon to Nixon, which was “unconditional for all crimes Nixon may have committed in the White House.”
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The deal arranged by Jack Miller helped to ensure that many of Watergate’s mysteries would remain just that, until after Nixon’s death. Only sixty hours of tapes were released in the 1970s—out of thousands of hours—and Miller aggressively represented Nixon (and his estate) in his fights to prevent the release of more tapes and documents for decades, while Miller continued to represent clients like Senator Edward Kennedy.67
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As Gerald Ford consolidated his Presidency, it became clear that Alexander Haig wasn’t a good fit, and he was replaced as Chief of Staff by Donald Rumsfeld. Dick Cheney soon joined Rumsfeld as a top Ford aide. Haig was named Commander of NATO and all U.S. forces in Europe. Ford chose as his Vice President Nelson Rockefeller, but the political climate was such that it took “four months of investigation by 300 FBI agents” before he could be confirmed by Congress.69
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When Ford met with a group of editors from The New York Times on January 16, 1975, he told them that the Rockefeller Commission had to be careful not to expose certain past CIA operations, “like assassinations.” Ford quickly tried to qualify his remark, saying it was off the record, but word raced through journalistic circles, soon reaching Congress, where members added CIA assassinations to their investigative agenda.
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The Senate Select Committee on Intelligence was created on January 27 and chaired by Idaho Senator Frank Church. The Church Committee would look into matters such as domestic spying and CIA attempts to assassinate foreign leaders, including the CIA-Mafia plots against Castro. The Church Committee also created a subcommittee devoted to the JFK assassination, headed by moderate Pennsylvania Republican Senator Richard Schweiker, which also included Colorado Senator Gary Hart. On February 19, 1975, the House created the Nedzi Committee, soon to be called the Pike Committee, to delve into CIA assassinations.72
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The general public finally heard about President Ford’s “assassinations” comment on February 28, 1975, during Daniel Schorr’s CBS news broadcast. Schorr had also obtained from CIA Director William Colby an indirect confirmation of CIA assassination attempts against foreign leaders. When Jack Anderson weighed in with new articles about the CIA-Mafia plots on March 10 and 13—having already named Johnny Rosselli as one of those involved—the floodgates were beginning to open. Four days later, Time magazine advanced the story by adding Sam Giancana to the plots with Rosselli and the CIA.
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Declassified files now make it clear that Helms lied to both committees about his unauthorized Castro assassination plots (admitting only a limited amount of information) and he completely hid the JFK-Almeida coup plan and most of AMWORLD (including its code name and immense size).
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Trafficante would have been especially worried when Sam Giancana was subpoenaed and slated to testify on June 26. Giancana had finally returned to the United States the previous year, but he was no longer a major force in the Mafia.78 On June 19, 1975, Sam Giancana became the first of several Congressional witnesses to be murdered. The former mob boss was cooking a late-night meal for a trusted friend who was visiting his home in the Chicago neighborhood of Oak Park. His friend shot Giancana seven times with a silenced .22-caliber pistol, an unusually small gun for a mob hit. Five of the shots were around Giancana’s chin and mouth, a sign that mafiosi shouldn’t talk.
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Trafficante, Marcello, and others couldn’t afford to let Hoffa testify under oath about those or related matters like the Mafia-Hoffa-Nixon bribes. On July 30, 1975, Jimmy Hoffa was spotted leaving a restaurant near Detroit, heading for what he thought was a meeting with New Jersey mobster Tony Provenzano. Immediately, Provenzano became the government’s top suspect for having arranged Hoffa’s murder, with Frank Fitzsimmons not far behind.81 Hoffa’s disappearance, quickly assumed to be a homicide, immediately became a huge national story, generating headlines for weeks.
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The Dossier looked like a large photo album, with dark covers (one reason the CIA called it “the Black Book”) and high-quality photos of the assassins and weapons captured during the assassination plots described in its bilingual text.82
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On the same day that Hoffa disappeared, Senator George McGovern had a press conference to show a copy of the secret Cuban Dossier that he had just received from Fidel Castro. (See Appendix.)
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While it appears the CIA was deliberately attempting to deceive the public and Congressional Committees, it’s possible that Richard Helms had destroyed so many of the relevant files—and his associates in the Agency knew where to hide the rest in the CIA’s vast filing systems—that routine CIA reviews failed to turn up the relevant information.83
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While Nixon had paid a high price for his pursuit of the Cuban Dossier, at least he was fortunate that it wasn’t released until five days after he had finally been forced to testify to the Watergate grand jury. Nixon’s two-day testimony had begun on June 23, 1975, four days after Giancana’s murder, and five weeks before Hoffa’s slaying. It was the only time Nixon had to testify under oath about the Watergate scandals surrounding his Presidency.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 721 | Loc. 14872-75  | Added on Wednesday, March 12, 2014, 09:04 PM

As The Washington Post reported more than three decades later, “Ten days after Nixon testified, the grand jury was dismissed without making any indictments based on what he told them.” The most important person not indicted was Richard Nixon, as a result of his adroit testimony that had skirted any possible perjury charges. Nixon was now completely free of any criminal charges because of Watergate.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 721 | Loc. 14879-82  | Added on Wednesday, March 12, 2014, 09:04 PM

There were unofficial funds as well, including indications of substantial Swiss bank accounts—some later confirmed by Anthony Summers totaled $11 million or more. Bebe Rebozo had made and managed money for both of them while Nixon was President, so Rebozo’s official net worth had grown to $16 million in today’s dollars. Four years later, Rebozo would begin paying Nixon his share, “giving” Nixon clear title to the entire San Clemente estate, a gift worth $2 million in today’s dollars.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 722 | Loc. 14892-98  | Added on Wednesday, March 12, 2014, 09:05 PM

On October 9, 1975, Nixon finally made his first public appearance, “thirteen months after his resignation,” in a place that struck some as unusual, but which makes perfect sense when viewed in the light of Nixon’s and Watergate’s hidden history. As recounted by historian Stephen Ambrose,     It was a charity golf tournament . . . held at the La Costa Country Club [where Nixon’s] playing companions included Frank Fitzsimmons (a prime suspect in the . . . murder of Jimmy Hoffa . . .), Allen Dorfman (a convicted felon who would later be executed gangland-style), Anthony Provenzano (New Jersey Teamster leader later convicted of murder), and others of that ilk. [Parentheses in original.]90
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 722 | Loc. 14899-903  | Added on Wednesday, March 12, 2014, 09:05 PM

Ambrose didn’t mention that Provenzano was the top suspect in Hoffa’s murder, or that he was a captain in the Genovese Mafia family. Since Ambrose’s otherwise excellent three-volume biography of Nixon had left out almost all of Nixon’s mob dealings, he simply considered Nixon’s association with the men “odd,” while “it just seemed inexplicable to most reporters and editors that Nixon would make his first public appearance with such a crowd.”91
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 724 | Loc. 14940-42  | Added on Wednesday, March 12, 2014, 09:07 PM

In 1979, the HSCA concluded that JFK was likely killed by a conspiracy, and “Trafficante, like Marcello, had the motive, means, and opportunity to assassinate President Kennedy.”97
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 724 | Loc. 14947-48  | Added on Wednesday, March 12, 2014, 09:08 PM

In 1981, his former Chief of Staff Alexander Haig became President Reagan’s Secretary of State and began a new plan of covert action against Fidel Castro.
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Fifty-One Tales (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight Loc. 42-46  | Added on Wednesday, March 12, 2014, 09:13 PM

Time dallies like a fool at her feet when he should be smiting cities. Time never wearies of her silly smile. There are temples all about her that he has forgotten to spoil. I saw an old man go by, and Time never touched him. Time that has carried away the seven gates of Thebes! She has tried to bind him with ropes of eternal sand, she had hoped to oppress him with the Pyramids. He lies there in the sand with his foolish hair all spread about her paws.
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Fifty-One Tales (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight Loc. 46-49  | Added on Wednesday, March 12, 2014, 09:13 PM

If she ever finds his secret we will put out his eyes, so that he shall find no more our beautiful things—there are lovely gates in Florence that I fear he will carry away. We have tried to bind him with song and with old customs, but they only held him for a little while, and he has always smitten us and mocked us. When he is blind he shall dance to us and make sport. Great clumsy time shall stumble and dance, who liked to kill little children, and can hurt even the daisies no longer.
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Fifty-One Tales (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight Loc. 80  | Added on Wednesday, March 12, 2014, 09:15 PM

All we who write put me in mind of sailors hastily making rafts upon doomed ships.
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Fifty-One Tales (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight Loc. 97-100  | Added on Wednesday, March 12, 2014, 09:17 PM

"And why," I asked, "do you laugh at serious work?" "Why, yer bloomin' life 'ull go by like a wind," he said, "and yer 'ole silly civilization 'ull be tidied up in a few centuries." Then he fell to laughing again and this time audibly; and, laughing still, faded back through the wall again and into the eternity from which he had come.
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Fifty-One Tales (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight Loc. 97-100  | Added on Wednesday, March 12, 2014, 09:17 PM

and then the ghost spoke. It said: "I'm a laughin' at you sittin' and workin' there." "And why," I asked, "do you laugh at serious work?" "Why, yer bloomin' life 'ull go by like a wind," he said, "and yer 'ole silly civilization 'ull be tidied up in a few centuries." Then he fell to laughing again and this time audibly; and, laughing still, faded back through the wall again and into the eternity from which he had come.
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Fifty-One Tales (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight Loc. 121-23  | Added on Wednesday, March 12, 2014, 09:20 PM

In the Olympian courts Love laughed at Death, because he was unsightly, and because She couldn't help it, and because he never did anything worth doing, and because She would.
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Fifty-One Tales (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight Loc. 123-24  | Added on Wednesday, March 12, 2014, 09:20 PM

And Death hated being laughed at, and used to brood apart thinking only of his wrongs and of what he could do to end this intolerable treatment.
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Fifty-One Tales (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight Loc. 128-31  | Added on Wednesday, March 12, 2014, 09:21 PM

And Death came up behind him, and suddenly shouted. And Odysseus went on warming his pale hands. Then Death came close and began to mouth at him. And after a while Odysseus turned and spoke. And "Well, old servant," he said, "have your masters been kind to you since I made you work for me round Ilion?" And Death for some while stood mute, for the thought of the laughter of Love. Then "Come now," said Odysseus, "lend me your shoulder," and he leaning heavily on that bony joint, they went together through the open door.
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Fifty-One Tales (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight Loc. 132-38  | Added on Wednesday, March 12, 2014, 09:22 PM

Two dark young men in a foreign southern land sat at a restaurant table with one woman. And on the woman's plate was a small orange which had an evil laughter in its heart. And both of the men would be looking at the woman all the time, and they ate little and they drank much. And the woman was smiling equally at each. Then the small orange that had the laughter in its heart rolled slowly off the plate on to the floor. And the dark young men both sought for it at once, and they met suddenly beneath the table, and soon they were speaking swift words to one another, and a horror and an impotence came over the Reason of each as she sat helpless at the back of the mind, and the heart of the orange laughed and the woman went on smiling; and Death, who was sitting at another table, tête-à-tête with an old man, rose and came over to listen to the quarrel.
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Fifty-One Tales (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight Loc. 170-76  | Added on Wednesday, March 12, 2014, 10:52 PM

As he crawled from the tombs of the fallen a worm met with an angel. And together they looked upon the kings and kingdoms, and youths and maidens and the cities of men. They saw the old men heavy in their chairs and heard the children singing in the fields. They saw far wars and warriors and walled towns, wisdom and wickedness, and the pomp of kings, and the people of all the lands that the sunlight knew. And the worm spake to the angel saying: "Behold my food." "Be dakeon para Thina poluphloisboio Thalassaes," murmured the angel, for they walked by the sea, "and can you destroy that too?" And the worm paled in his anger to a greyness ill to behold, for for three thousand years he had tried to destroy that line and still its melody was ringing in his head.
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Fifty-One Tales (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight Loc. 176-82  | Added on Wednesday, March 12, 2014, 10:53 PM

The poet came unto a great country in which there were no songs. And he lamented gently for the nation that had not any little foolish songs to sing to itself at evening. And at last he said: "I will make for them myself some little foolish songs so that they may be merry in the lanes and happy by the fireside." And for some days he made for them aimless songs such as maidens sing on the hills in the older happier countries. Then he went to some of that nation as they sat weary with the work of the day and said to them: "I have made you some aimless songs out of the small unreasonable legends, that are somewhat akin to the wind in the vales of my childhood; and you may care to sing them in your disconsolate evenings." And they said to him: "If you think we have time for that sort of nonsense nowadays you cannot know much of the progress of modern commerce." And the poet wept for he said: "Alas! They are damned."
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Fifty-One Tales (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight Loc. 216-28  | Added on Wednesday, March 12, 2014, 11:03 PM

It may be that I dreamed this. So much at least is certain—that I turned one day from the traffic of a city, and came to its docks and saw its slimy wharves going down green and steep into the water, and saw the huge grey river slipping by and the lost things that went with it turning over and over, and I thought of the nations and unpitying Time, and saw and marvelled at the queenly ships come newly from the sea. It was then, if I mistake not, that I saw leaning against a wall, with his face to the ships, a man with golden ear-rings. His skin had the dark tint of the southern men: the deep black hairs of his moustache were whitened a little with salt; he wore a dark blue jacket such as sailors wear, and the long boots of seafarers, but the look in his eyes was further afield than the ships, he seemed to be beholding the farthest things. Even when I spoke to him he did not call home that look, but answered me dreamily with that same fixed stare as though his thoughts were heaving on far and lonely seas. I asked him what ship he had come by, for there were many there. The sailing ships were there with their sails all furled and their masts straight and still like a wintry forest; the steamers were there, and great liners, puffing up idle smoke into the twilight. He answered he had come by none of them. I asked him what line he worked on, for he was clearly a sailor; I mentioned well-known lines, but he did not know them. Then I asked him where he worked and what he was. And he said: "I work in the Sargasso Sea, and I am the last of the pirates, the last left alive." And I shook him by the hand I do not know how many times. I said: "We feared you were dead. We feared you were dead." And he answered sadly: "No. No. I have sinned too deeply on the Spanish seas: I am not allowed to die."
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Fifty-One Tales (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight Loc. 282-91  | Added on Wednesday, March 12, 2014, 11:08 PM

"Whatever is the use of it?" said the Hare, and this time he stopped for good. Some say he slept. There was desperate excitement for an hour or two, and then the Tortoise won. "Run hard. Run hard," shouted his backers. "Hard shell and hard living: that's what has done it." And then they asked the Tortoise what his achievement signified, and he went and asked the Turtle. And the Turtle said, "It is a glorious victory for the forces of swiftness." And then the Tortoise repeated it to his friends. And all the beasts said nothing else for years. And even to this day, "a glorious victory for the forces of swiftness" is a catch-phrase in the house of the snail. And the reason that this version of the race is not widely known is that very few of those that witnessed it survived the great forest-fire that happened shortly after. It came up over the weald by night with a great wind. The Hare and the Tortoise and a very few of the beasts saw it far off from a high bare hill that was at the edge of the trees, and they hurriedly called a meeting to decide what messenger they should send to warn the beasts in the forest. They sent the Tortoise.
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Fifty-One Tales (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight Loc. 310-29  | Added on Wednesday, March 12, 2014, 11:12 PM

There was once an earnest Puritan who held it wrong to dance. And for his principles he labored hard, his was a zealous life. And there loved him all of those who hated the dance; and those that loved the dance respected him too; they said "He is a pure, good man and acts according to his lights." He did much to discourage dancing and helped to close several Sunday entertainments. Some kinds of poetry, he said, he liked, but not the fanciful kind as that might corrupt the thoughts of the very young. He always dressed in black. He was quite interested in morality and was quite sincere and there grew to be much respect on Earth for his honest face and his flowing pure-white beard. One night the Devil appeared unto him in a dream and said "Well done." "Avaunt," said that earnest man. "No, no, friend," said the Devil. "Dare not to call me 'friend,'" he answered bravely. "Come, come, friend," said the Devil. "Have you not put apart the couples that would dance? Have you not checked their laughter and their accursed mirth? Have you not worn my livery of black? O friend, friend, you do not know what a detestable thing it is to sit in hell and hear people being happy, and singing in theatres and singing in the fields, and whispering after dances under the moon," and he fell to cursing fearfully. "It is you," said the Puritan, "that put into their hearts the evil desire to dance; and black is God's own livery, not yours." And the Devil laughed contemptuously and spoke. "He only made the silly colors," he said, "and useless dawns on hill-slopes facing South, and butterflies flapping along them as soon as the sun rose high, and foolish maidens coming out to dance, and the warm mad West wind, and worst of all that pernicious influence Love." And when the Devil said that God made Love that earnest man sat up in bed and shouted "Blasphemy! Blasphemy!" "It's true," said the Devil. "It isn't I that send the village fools muttering and whispering two by two in the woods when the harvest moon is high, it's as much as I can bear even to see them dancing." "Then," said the man, "I have mistaken right for wrong; but as soon as I wake I will fight you yet." "O, no you don't," said the Devil. "You don't wake up out of this sleep." And somewhere far away Hell's black steel doors were opened, and arm in arm those two were drawn within, and the doors shut behind them and still they went arm in arm, trudging further and further into the deeps of Hell, and it was that Puritan's punishment to know that those that he cared for on Earth would do evil as he had done.
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Fifty-One Tales (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight Loc. 401-3  | Added on Thursday, March 13, 2014, 06:56 PM

"Some great thing has been here," one said, "in these huge places." "It was the mammoth," said one. "Something greater than he," said another. And then they found that the greatest thing in the world had been the dreams of man.
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Fifty-One Tales (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight Loc. 413-17  | Added on Thursday, March 13, 2014, 06:59 PM

Death was sick. But they brought him bread that the modern bakers make, whitened with alum, and the tinned meats of Chicago, with a pinch of our modern substitute for salt. They carried him into the dining-room of a great hotel (in that close atmosphere Death breathed more freely), and there they gave him their cheap Indian tea. They brought him a bottle of wine that they called champagne. Death drank it up. They brought a newspaper and looked up the patent medicines; they gave him the foods that it recommended for invalids, and a little medicine as prescribed in the paper. They gave him some milk and borax, such as children drink in England. Death arose ravening, strong, and strode again through the cities.
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Fifty-One Tales (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight Loc. 429-32  | Added on Thursday, March 13, 2014, 07:01 PM

"All that is beautiful he crushes down as a big man tramples daises, all that is fairest. How very fair are the little children of men. It is autumn with all the world, and the stars weep to see it. "Therefore no longer be the friend of Time, who will not let us be, and be not good to him but pity us, and let lovely things live on for the sake of our tears." Thus prayed I out of compassion one windy day to the snout-faced idol to whom no one kneeled.
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Fifty-One Tales (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight Loc. 441-54  | Added on Thursday, March 13, 2014, 07:03 PM

One's spirit goes further in dreams than it does by day. Wandering once by night from a factory city I came to the edge of Hell. The place was foul with cinders and cast-off things, and jagged, half-buried things with shapeless edges, and there was a huge angel with a hammer building in plaster and steel. I wondered what he did in that dreadful place. I hesitated, then asked him what he was building. "We are adding to Hell," he said, "to keep pace with the times." "Don't be too hard on them," I said, for I had just come out of a compromising age and a weakening country. The angel did not answer. "It won't be as bad as the old hell, will it?" I said. "Worse," said the angel. "How can you reconcile it with your conscience as a Minister of Grace," I said, "to inflict such a punishment?" (They talked like this in the city whence I had come and I could not avoid the habit of it.) "They have invented a new cheap yeast," said the angel. I looked at the legend on the walls of the hell that the angel was building, the words were written in flame, every fifteen seconds they changed their color, "Yeasto, the great new yeast, it builds up body and brain, and something more." "They shall look at it for ever," the angel said. "But they drove a perfectly legitimate trade," I said, "the law allowed it." The angel went on hammering into place the huge steel uprights. "You are very revengeful," I said. "Do you never rest from doing this terrible work?" "I rested one Christmas Day," the angel said, "and looked and saw little children dying of cancer. I shall go on now until the fires are lit." "It is very hard to prove," I said, "that the yeast is as bad as you think." "After all," I said, "they must live." And the angel made no answer but went on building his hell.
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Fifty-One Tales (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight Loc. 483-87  | Added on Thursday, March 13, 2014, 07:07 PM

"Who told you he will not die?" his brown friend said. "Who told me!" the black one said. "My family and his have understood each other times out of mind. We know what follies will kill each other and what each may survive, and I say that furrow-maker will not die." "He will die," said the brown one. "Caw," said the other. And Man said in his heart: "Just one invention more. There is something I want to do with petrol yet, and then I will give it all up and go back to the woods."
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Fifty-One Tales (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight Loc. 523-27  | Added on Thursday, March 13, 2014, 07:12 PM

And the twenty men began looking uneasily at each other, and the plaint of the one-eyed man went on in that tearful voice, and all of a sudden they all looked at me. I do not know who the two old men were or what any of them were doing, but there are moments when it is clearly time to go, and I left them there and then. And just as I got up on to my bicycle I heard the plaintive voice of the one with the hammer apologizing for the liberty he had taken in coming back to Stonehenge.
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Fifty-One Tales (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight Loc. 528-42  | Added on Thursday, March 13, 2014, 07:14 PM

NATURE AND TIME Through the streets of Coventry one winter's night strode a triumphant spirit. Behind him stooping, unkempt, utterly ragged, wearing the clothes and look that outcasts have, whining, weeping, reproaching, an ill-used spirit tried to keep pace with him. Continually she plucked him by the sleeve and cried out to him as she panted after and he strode resolute on. It was a bitter night, yet it did not seem to be the cold that she feared, ill-clad though she was, but the trams and the ugly shops and the glare of the factories, from which she continually winced as she hobbled on, and the pavement hurt her feet. He that strode on in front seemed to care for nothing, it might be hot or cold, silent or noisy, pavement or open fields, he merely had the air of striding on. And she caught up and clutched him by the elbow. I heard her speak in her unhappy voice, you scarcely heard it for the noise of the traffic. "You have forgotten me," she complained to him. "You have forsaken me here." She pointed to Coventry with a wide wave of her arm and seemed to indicate other cities beyond. And he gruffly told her to keep pace with him and that he did not forsake her. And she went on with her pitiful lamentation. "My anemones are dead for miles," she said, "all my woods are fallen and still the cities grow. My child Man is unhappy and my other children are dying, and still the cities grow and you have forgotten me!" And then he turned angrily on her, almost stopping in that stride of his that began when the stars were made. "When have I ever forgotten you?" he said, "or when forsaken you ever? Did I not throw down Babylon for you? And is not Nineveh gone? Where is Persepolis that troubled you? Where Tarshish and Tyre? And you have said I forget you." And at this she seemed to take a little comfort. I heard her speak once more, looking wistfully at her companion. "When will the fields come back and the grass for my children?" "Soon, soon," he said: then they were silent. And he strode away, she limping along behind him, and all the clocks in the towers chimed as he passed.
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Fifty-One Tales (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight Loc. 543-55  | Added on Thursday, March 13, 2014, 07:15 PM

As the poet passed the thorn-tree the blackbird sang. "How ever do you do it?" the poet said, for he knew bird language. "It was like this," said the blackbird. "It really was the most extraordinary thing. I made that song last Spring, it came to me all of a sudden. There was the most beautiful she-blackbird that the world has ever seen. Her eyes were blacker than lakes are at night, her feathers were blacker than the night itself, and nothing was as yellow as her beak; she could fly much faster than the lightning. She was not an ordinary she-blackbird, there has never been any other like her at all. I did not dare go near her because she was so wonderful. One day last Spring when it got warm again—it had been cold, we ate berries, things were quite different then, but Spring came and it got warm—one day I was thinking how wonderful she was and it seemed so extraordinary to think that I should ever have seen her, the only really wonderful she-blackbird in the world, that I opened my beak to give a shout, and then this song came, and there had never been anything like it before, and luckily I remembered it, the very song that I sang just now. But what is so extraordinary, the most amazing occurence of that marvellous day, was that no sooner had I sung the song than that very bird, the most wonderful she-blackbird in the world, flew right up to me and sat quite close to me on the same tree. I never remember such wonderful times as those. "Yes, the song came in a moment, and as I was saying…." And an old wanderer walking with a stick came by and the blackbird flew away, and the poet told the old man the blackbird's wonderful story. "That song new?" said the wanderer. "Not a bit of it. God made it years ago. All the blackbirds used to sing it when I was young. It was new then."
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Fifty-One Tales (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight Loc. 584-92  | Added on Thursday, March 13, 2014, 07:19 PM

And at last Man raised on high the final glory of his civilization, the towering edifice of the ultimate city. Softly beneath him in the deeps of the earth purred his machinery fulfilling all his needs, there was no more toil for man. There he sat at ease discussing the Sex Problem. And sometimes painfully out of forgotten fields, there came to his outer door, came to the furthest rampart of the final glory of Man, a poor old woman begging. And always they turned her away. This glory of Man's achievement, this city was not for her. It was Nature that came thus begging in from the fields, whom they always turned away. And away she went again alone to her fields. And one day she came again, and again they sent her hence. But her three tall sons came too. "These shall go in," she said. "Even these my sons to your city." And the three tall sons went in. And these are Nature's sons, the forlorn one's terrible children, War, Famine and Plague. Yea and they went in there and found Man unawares in his city still poring over his Problems, obsessed with his civilization, and never hearing their tread as those three came up behind.
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Fifty-One Tales (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight Loc. 599-604  | Added on Thursday, March 13, 2014, 07:21 PM

And the centuries plodded by, on and on round the world, and one day they that had danced, they that had sung in that city, remembered the lair of the earthquake in the deeps down under their feet, and made plans one with another and sought to avert the danger, sought to appease the earthquake and turn his anger away. They sent down singing girls, and priests with oats and wine, they sent down garlands and propitious berries, down by dark steps to the black depths of the earth, they sent peacocks newly slain, and boys with burning spices, and their thin white sacred cats with collars of pearls all newly drawn from sea, they sent huge diamonds down in coffers of teak, and ointment and strange oriental dyes, arrows and armor and the rings of their queen. "Oho," said the earthquake in the coolth of the earth, "so they are not the gods."
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Fifty-One Tales (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight Loc. 605-6  | Added on Thursday, March 13, 2014, 07:22 PM

When the advertiser saw the cathedral spires over the downs in the distance, he looked at them and wept. "If only," he said, "this were an advertisement of Beefo, so nice, so nutritious, try it in your soup, ladies like it."
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The Sword of Welleran and Other Stories (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight on Page 72 | Loc. 822-37  | Added on Friday, March 14, 2014, 05:37 PM

One night I sat alone on the great down, looking over the edge of it at a murky, sullen city. All day long with its smoke it had troubled the holy sky, and now it sat there roaring in the distance and glared at me with its furnaces and lighted factory windows. Suddenly I became aware that I was not the only enemy of that city, for I perceived the colossal form of the Hurricane walking over the down towards me, playing idly with the flowers as he passed, and near me he stopped and spake to the Earthquake, who had come up mole-like but vast out of a cleft in the earth. 'Old friend,' said the Hurricane, 'rememberest when we wrecked the nations and drave the herds of the sea into new pasturage?' 'Yes,' said the Earthquake, drowsily; 'Yes, yes.' 'Old friend,' said the Hurricane, 'there are cities everywhere. Over thy head while thou didst sleep they have built them constantly. My four children the Winds suffocate with the fumes of them, the valleys are desolate of flowers, and the lovely forests are cut down since last we went abroad together.' The Earthquake lay there, with his snout towards the city, blinking at the lights, while the tall Hurricane stood beside him pointing fiercely at it. 'Come,' said the Hurricane, 'let us fare forth again and destroy them, that all the lovely forests may come back and the furry creeping things. Thou shalt whelm these cities utterly and drive the people forth, and I will smite them in the shelterless places and sweep their desecrations from the sea. Wilt thou come forth with me and do this thing for the glory of it? Wilt thou wreck the world again as we did, thou and I, or ever Man had come? Wilt thou come forth to this place at this hour tomorrow night?' 'Yes,' said the Earthquake, 'Yes,' and he crept to his cleft again, and head foremost waddled down into the abysses. When the Hurricane strode away, I got up quietly and departed, but at that hour of the next night I came up cautiously to the same spot. There I found the huge grey form of the Hurricane alone, with his head bowed in his hands, weeping; for the Earthquake sleeps long and heavily in the abysses, and he would not wake.
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The Sword of Welleran and Other Stories (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight on Page 104 | Loc. 1199-1205  | Added on Friday, March 14, 2014, 05:41 PM

But into a great pink flower that was horrible and lovely grew the soul of La Traviata; and it had in it two eyes but no eyelids, and it stared constantly into the faces of all the passers-by that went along the dusty road to Hell; and the flower grew in the glare of the lights of Hell, and withered but could not die; only, one petal turned back towards the heavenly hills as an ivy leaf turns outwards to the day, and in the soft and silvery light of Paradise it withered not nor faded, but heard at times the commune of the saints coming murmuring from the distance, and sometimes caught the scent of orchards wafted from the heavenly hills, and felt a faint breeze cool it every evening at the hour when the saints to Heaven's edge went forth to bless the dead. But the Lord arose with His sword, and scattered His disobedient angels as a thresher scatters chaff.
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The Sword of Welleran and Other Stories (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight on Page 106 | Loc. 1222-25  | Added on Friday, March 14, 2014, 06:15 PM

Then Love said: 'Is it thus with you?' and his voice was grave now and quiet. 'Are you so troubled? Old friend of so many years, there is grief in my heart for you. Old friend of perilous ventures, I must leave you now. But I will send my brother soon to you—my little brother Death. And he will come up out of the marshes to you, and will not forsake you, but will be true to you as I have not been true.'
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The Sword of Welleran and Other Stories (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight on Page 7 | Loc. 32-36  | Added on Friday, March 14, 2014, 06:21 PM

Sometimes indeed there arose among the tribes young men who doubted and said: 'How may a man for ever escape death?' But graver men answered them: 'Hear us, ye whose wisdom has discerned so much, and discern for us how a man may escape death when two score horsemen assail him with their swords, all of them sworn to kill him, and all of them sworn upon their country's gods; as often Welleran hath. Or discern for us how two men alone may enter a walled city by night, and bring away from it that city's king, as did Soorenard and Mommolek. Surely men that have escaped so many swords and so many sleety arrows shall escape the years and Time.'
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The Sword of Welleran and Other Stories (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight on Page 14 | Loc. 125-27  | Added on Friday, March 14, 2014, 06:32 PM

Now into Paradise no sorrow may ever come, but may only beat like rain against its crystal walls, yet the souls of Merimna's heroes were half aware of some sorrow far away as some sleeper feels that some one is chilled and cold yet knows not in his sleep that it is he.
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The Sword of Welleran and Other Stories (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight on Page 14 | Loc. 131-37  | Added on Friday, March 14, 2014, 06:34 PM

'How beautiful thou art with all thy spires, Merimna. For thee we left the earth, its kingdoms and little flowers, for thee we have come away for awhile from Paradise. 'It is very difficult to draw away from the face of God—it is like a warm fire, it is like dear sleep, it is like a great anthem, yet there is a stillness all about it, a stillness full of lights. 'We have left Paradise for awhile for thee, Merimna. 'Many women have we loved, Merimna, but only one city. 'Behold now all the people dream, all our loved people. How beautiful are dreams! In dreams the dead may live, even the long dead and the very silent. Thy lights are all sunk low, they have all gone out, no sound is in thy streets. Hush! Thou art like a maiden that shutteth up her eyes and is asleep, that draweth her breath softly and is quite still, being at ease and untroubled.
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The Sword of Welleran and Other Stories (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight on Page 16 | Loc. 155-57  | Added on Friday, March 14, 2014, 06:36 PM

and one by one they troubled the dreams of all Merimna's men and caused them to arise and go out armed, all save the purple guard who, heedless of danger, sang of Welleran still, for waking men cannot hear the souls of the dead.
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The Sword of Welleran and Other Stories (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight on Page 19 | Loc. 188-95  | Added on Friday, March 14, 2014, 06:39 PM

And now the armies had come very near. Suddenly Rold leaped up, crying: 'Welleran! And the sword of Welleran!' And the savage, lusting sword that had thirsted for a hundred years went up with the hand of Rold and swept through a tribesman's ribs. And with the warm blood all about it there came a joy into the curved soul of that mighty sword, like to the joy of a swimmer coming up dripping out of warm seas after living for long in a dry land. When they saw the red cloak and that terrible sword a cry ran through the tribal armies, 'Welleran lives!' And there arose the sounds of the exulting of victorious men, and the panting of those that fled, and the sword singing softly to itself as it whirled dripping through the air. And the last that I saw of the battle as it poured into the depth and darkness of the ravine was the sword of Welleran sweeping up and falling, gleaming blue in the moonlight whenever it arose and afterwards gleaming red, and so disappearing into the darkness.
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The Sword of Welleran and Other Stories (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight on Page 20 | Loc. 206-8  | Added on Friday, March 14, 2014, 06:42 PM

Thus wept the people of Merimna in the hour of their great victory, for men have strange moods, while beside them their old inviolate city slumbered safe. But back from the ramparts and beyond the mountains and over the lands that they had conquered of old, beyond the world and back again to Paradise, went the souls of Welleran, Soorenard, Mommolek, Rollory, Akanax, and young Iraine.
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 80-86  | Added on Sunday, March 16, 2014, 08:02 PM

History, Edward Gibbon wrote in The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, is “little more than the register of crimes, follies, and misfortunes of mankind.” The annals of the Central Intelligence Agency are filled with folly and misfortune, along with acts of bravery and cunning. They are replete with fleeting successes and long-lasting failures abroad. They are marked by political battles and power struggles at home. The agency’s triumphs have saved some blood and treasure. Its mistakes have squandered both. They have proved fatal for legions of American soldiers and foreign agents; some three thousand Americans who died in New York, Washington, and Pennsylvania on September 11, 2001; and three thousand more who have died since then in Iraq and Afghanistan. The one crime of lasting consequence has been the CIA’s inability to carry out its central mission: informing the president of what is happening in the world. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 136-41  | Added on Sunday, March 16, 2014, 08:10 PM

The challenge of understanding the world as it is has overwhelmed three generations of CIA officers. Few among the new generation have mastered the intricacies of foreign lands, much less the political culture of Washington. In turn, almost every president, almost every Congress, and almost every director of central intelligence since the 1960s has proved incapable of grasping the mechanics of the CIA. Most have left the agency in worse shape than they found it. Their failures have handed future generations, in the words of President Eisenhower, “a legacy of ashes.” We are back where we began sixty years ago, in a state of disarray. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 165-67  | Added on Sunday, March 16, 2014, 08:13 PM

Truman wanted it to serve him solely as a global news service, delivering daily bulletins. “It was not intended as a ‘Cloak & Dagger Outfit’!” he wrote. “It was intended merely as a center for keeping the President informed on what was going on in the world.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 201-3  | Added on Sunday, March 16, 2014, 08:17 PM

Senior American military officers thought an independent civilian intelligence service run by Donovan, with direct access to the president, would be “an extremely dangerous thing in a democracy,” in the words of Major General Clayton Bissell, the assistant chief of staff for military intelligence. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 245-47  | Added on Sunday, March 16, 2014, 08:23 PM

Donovan had hoped that he could sweet-talk Truman, a man he had always treated with cavalier disdain, into creating the CIA. But he had misread his own president. Truman had decided that Donovan’s plan had the earmarks of a Gestapo. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 250-51  | Added on Sunday, March 16, 2014, 08:24 PM

In the rubble of Berlin, Allen Dulles, the ranking OSS officer in Germany, had found a splendid and well-staffed mansion for his new headquarters in the summer of 1945. His favorite lieutenant, Richard Helms, began trying to spy on the Soviets. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 255-56  | Added on Sunday, March 16, 2014, 08:25 PM

Helms had been happy to return to Berlin, where he had made his name as a twenty-three-year-old wire service reporter by interviewing Hitler at the 1936 Olympics. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 263-66  | Added on Sunday, March 16, 2014, 08:26 PM

On September 26, 1945, six days after President Truman signed away the OSS, General Magruder stalked down the endless corridors of the Pentagon. The moment was opportune: the secretary of war, Henry Stimson, had resigned that week, and Stimson had been dead-set against the idea of a CIA. “Seems to me most inadvisable,” he had told Donovan a few months earlier. Now General Magruder seized the opening left by Stimson’s departure. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 285-89  | Added on Sunday, March 16, 2014, 08:29 PM

And as the fear of a new war increased, the future leaders of American intelligence split into two rival camps. One believed in the slow and patient gathering of secret intelligence through espionage. The other believed in secret warfare—taking the battle to the enemy through covert action. Espionage seeks to know the world. That was Richard Helms. Covert action seeks to change the world. That would be Frank Wisner. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 321-22  | Added on Sunday, March 16, 2014, 08:34 PM

President Truman had relied on his budget director, Harold D. Smith, to oversee the orderly dismantling of the American war machine. But demobilization was turning into disintegration. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 326-29  | Added on Sunday, March 16, 2014, 08:34 PM

Truman saw he had created a snafu and decided to set it straight. He summoned the deputy director of naval intelligence, Rear Admiral Sidney W. Souers. A reservist, Souers was a Democratic Party stalwart from Missouri, a wealthy businessman who made his money in life insurance and Piggly Wiggly shops, the nation’s first self-service supermarkets. He had served on a postwar commission studying the future of intelligence created by Secretary of the Navy James Forrestal, but his sights were set on nothing grander than a swift return to Saint Louis. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 337-38  | Added on Sunday, March 16, 2014, 08:35 PM

Like every director of central intelligence who followed him, he was given great responsibility without equivalent authority. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 347-49  | Added on Sunday, March 16, 2014, 08:36 PM

The only American insights on the Kremlin in those days came from the newly appointed American ambassador in Moscow, the future director of central intelligence, General Walter Bedell Smith, and his ranking Russia hand, George Kennan. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 382-84  | Added on Sunday, March 16, 2014, 08:41 PM

The general repeated: “How far is Russia going to go?” Stalin looked right at him and said: “We’re not going to go much further.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 390-96  | Added on Sunday, March 16, 2014, 08:42 PM

Vandenberg lacked three essential tools: money, power, and people. The Central Intelligence Group stood outside the law, in the judgment of Lawrence Houston, general counsel for Central Intelligence from 1946 to 1972. The president could not legally create a federal agency out of thin air. Without the consent of Congress, Central Intelligence could not legally spend money. No money meant no power. Vandenberg set out to get the United States back into the intelligence business. He created a new Office of Special Operations to conduct spying and subversion overseas and wrangled $15 million under the table from a handful of congressmen to carry out those missions. He wanted to know everything about the Soviet forces in Eastern and Central Europe—their movements, their capabilities, their intentions—and he ordered Richard Helms to deliver in a hurry. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 441-45  | Added on Monday, March 17, 2014, 01:21 AM

Washington was a small town run by people who believed that they lived in the center of the universe. Their city within the city was Georgetown, a square-mile enclave of cobblestone streets lush with magnolias. In its heart, at 3327 P Street, stood a fine four-story house built in 1820, with an English garden out back and a formal dining room with high windows. Frank and Polly Wisner made it their home. On Sunday evenings in 1947, it became the seat of the emerging American national-security establishment. The foreign policy of the United States took shape at the Wisners’ table. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 453-57  | Added on Monday, March 17, 2014, 01:22 AM

These men believed it was in their power to change the course of human events, and their great debate was how to stop a Soviet takeover of Europe. Stalin was consolidating his control of the Balkans. Leftist guerrillas battled a right-wing monarchy in the mountains of Greece. Food riots broke out in Italy and France, where communist politicians called for general strikes. British soldiers and spies were pulling out of their posts all over the world, leaving wide swaths of the map open for the communists. The sun was setting on the British Empire; the exchequer could not sustain it. The United States was going to have to lead the free world alone. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 474  | Added on Monday, March 17, 2014, 01:23 AM

Truman’s popularity was plunging; his approval 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Bookmark Loc. 474  | Added on Monday, March 17, 2014, 01:23 AM


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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 474-76  | Added on Monday, March 17, 2014, 01:23 AM

Truman’s popularity was plunging; his approval rating in public opinion polls had fallen 50 points since the end of the war. He had changed his mind about Stalin and the Soviets. He was now convinced that they were an evil abroad in the world. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 478-82  | Added on Monday, March 17, 2014, 01:24 AM

Acheson explained that a communist beachhead in Greece would threaten all of Western Europe. The United States was going to have to find a way to save the free world—and Congress was going to have to pay the bill. Senator Vandenberg cleared his throat and turned to Truman. “Mr. President,” he said, “the only way you are ever going to get this is to make a speech and scare the hell out of the country.” On March 12, 1947, Truman made that speech, warning a joint session of Congress that the world would face disaster unless the United States fought communism abroad. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 485-87  | Added on Monday, March 17, 2014, 01:25 AM

His credo was something new: “I believe that it must be the policy of the United States to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures.” Any attack launched by an American enemy in any nation of the world was an attack on the United States. This was the Truman Doctrine. Congress rose for a standing ovation. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 490-93  | Added on Monday, March 17, 2014, 01:25 AM

General Vandenberg was counting the days until he could take over the new air force, but he delivered secret testimony to a handful of members of Congress in his last days as director of central intelligence, saying that the nation faced foreign threats as never before. “The oceans have shrunk, until today both Europe and Asia border the United States almost as do Canada and Mexico,” he said, in a turn of phrase repeated, eerily, by President Bush after 9/11. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 497-99  | Added on Monday, March 17, 2014, 01:26 AM

Vandenberg ended by saying it would take at least five more years to build a professional cadre of American spies. The warning was repeated word for word half a century later, in 1997, by Director of Central Intelligence George J. Tenet, and Tenet said it again upon resigning in 2004. A great spy service was always five years over the horizon. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 510-12  | Added on Monday, March 17, 2014, 01:28 AM

in the way that his brother John Foster Dulles, the party’s principal foreign policy spokesman, was seen as a shadow secretary of state. Allen was genial in the extreme, with twinkling eyes, a belly laugh, and an almost impish deviousness. But he was also a duplicitous man, a chronic adulterer, ruthlessly ambitious. He was not above misleading Congress or his colleagues or even his commander in chief. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 523-27  | Added on Monday, March 17, 2014, 01:31 AM

The creation of a new American clandestine service was at hand. President Truman unveiled the new architecture for the cold war by signing the National Security Act of 1947 on July 26. The act created the air force as a separate service, led by General Vandenberg, and a new National Security Council was to be the White House switchboard for presidential decisions. The act also created the office of secretary of defense; its first occupant, James Forrestal, was ordered to unify the American military. (“This office,” Forrestal wrote a few days later, “will probably be the greatest cemetery for dead cats in history.”) 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 530-32  | Added on Monday, March 17, 2014, 01:32 AM

The agency was not their overseer, but their stepchild. Its powers were poorly defined. No formal charter or congressionally appropriated funds would come for nearly two more years. The CIA’s headquarters would survive until then on a subsistence fund maintained by a few members of Congress. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 552-57  | Added on Monday, March 17, 2014, 01:35 AM

The new commander of the CIA’s Office of Special Operations, Colonel Donald “Wrong-Way” Galloway, was a strutting martinet who had reached the apex of his talent as a West Point cavalry officer teaching equestrian etiquette to cadets. His deputy, Stephen Penrose, who had run the Middle East division of the OSS, resigned in frustration. In a bitter memo to Forrestal, Penrose warned that “CIA is losing its professionals, and is not acquiring competent new personnel,” at the very time “when, as almost never before, the government needs an effective, expanding, professional intelligence service.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 557-59  | Added on Monday, March 17, 2014, 01:36 AM

Nevertheless, on December 14, 1947, the National Security Council issued its first top secret orders to the CIA. The agency was to execute “covert psychological operations designed to counter Soviet and Soviet-inspired activities.” With this martial drum roll, the CIA set out to beat the Reds in the Italian elections, set for April 1948. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 574-79  | Added on Monday, March 17, 2014, 01:39 AM

tap into the Exchange Stabilization Fund set up in the Depression to shore up the value of the dollar overseas through short-term currency trading, and converted during World War II as a depository for captured Axis loot. The fund held $200 million earmarked for the reconstruction of Europe. It delivered millions into the bank accounts of wealthy American citizens, many of them Italian Americans, who then sent the money to newly formed political fronts created by the CIA. Donors were instructed to place a special code on their income tax forms alongside their “charitable donation.” The millions were delivered to Italian politicians and the priests of Catholic Action, a political arm of the Vatican. Suitcases filled with cash changed hands in the four-star Hassler Hotel. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 624-26  | Added on Monday, March 17, 2014, 01:44 AM

On June 23, the Western powers instituted the new currency. In immediate response, the Soviets blockaded Berlin. As the United States mounted an airlift to beat the blockade, Kennan spent long hours in the crisis room, the double-locked overseas communications center on the fifth floor of the State Department, agonizing as cables and telexes flashed in from Berlin. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 653-54  | Added on Tuesday, March 18, 2014, 10:55 AM

His organization soon grew bigger than the rest of the agency combined. Covert operations became the agency’s dominant force, with the most people, the most money, the most power, and so they remained for more than twenty years. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 710-12  | Added on Tuesday, March 18, 2014, 11:04 AM

Wisner proposed to break communist influence over the largest trade federations in France and Italy with cash from the plan; Kennan personally authorized these operations. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 716-17  | Added on Tuesday, March 18, 2014, 11:04 AM

The CIA’s money and power flowed into the well-greased palms of Corsican gangsters who knew how to break a strike with bare knuckles. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Bookmark Loc. 786  | Added on Tuesday, March 18, 2014, 11:11 AM


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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 786-89  | Added on Tuesday, March 18, 2014, 11:11 AM

“We will just have to tell the House they will have to accept our judgment and we cannot answer a great many questions that might be asked,” Vinson told his colleagues. Dewey Short of Missouri, the ranking Republican on the House Armed Services Committee, agreed that it would be “supreme folly” to debate the act in public: “The less we say about this bill, the better off all of us will be.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 791-93  | Added on Tuesday, March 18, 2014, 11:11 AM

in the twenty-five years between the passage of the CIA Act and the awakening of a watchdog spirit in Congress, the CIA was barred only from behaving like a secret police force inside the United States. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 827-29  | Added on Tuesday, March 18, 2014, 11:14 AM

Another warned that “American Intelligence is a rich blind man using the Abwehr as a seeing-eye dog. The only trouble is—the leash is much too long.” Helms himself expressed a well-founded fear that “there is no question the Russians know this operation is going on.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 899-903  | Added on Tuesday, March 18, 2014, 11:27 AM

Angleton was promoted to chief of counterintelligence when it was over. He held the job for twenty years. Drunk after lunch, his mind an impenetrable maze, his in-box a black hole, he passed judgment on every operation and every officer that the CIA aimed against the Soviets. He came to believe that a Soviet master plot controlled American perceptions of the world, and that he and he alone understood the depths of the deception. He took the CIA’s missions against Moscow down into a dark labyrinth. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 923-24  | Added on Tuesday, March 18, 2014, 11:30 AM

All told, hundreds of the CIA’s foreign agents were sent to their deaths in Russia, Poland, Romania, Ukraine, and the Baltic States during the 1950s. Their fates were unrecorded; no accounts were kept and no penalty assessed for failure. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 942-46  | Added on Tuesday, March 18, 2014, 11:33 AM

The general’s task was to learn the secrets of the Kremlin, and he had a good idea of his chances. “There are only two personalities that I know of who might do it,” he told the five senators who confirmed him at an August 24 hearing where he wore a newly acquired fourth star, a prize from the president. “One is God, and the other is Stalin, and I do not know that even God can do it because I do not know whether he is close enough in touch with Uncle Joe to know what he is talking about.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 960-61  | Added on Tuesday, March 18, 2014, 07:44 PM

The president wanted the CIA’s best intelligence on Korea. Above all, he wanted to know whether the communist Chinese would enter the war. MacArthur, driving his troops deep into North Korea, had insisted that China would never attack. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 974-77  | Added on Tuesday, March 18, 2014, 07:46 PM

The one true source of intelligence on the Far East from the final days of World War II until the end of 1949 had been the wizards of American signals intelligence. They had been able to intercept and decrypt passages from communist cables and communiqués sent between Moscow and the Far East. Then silence fell at the very hour that the North Korean leader Kim Il-sung was consulting with Stalin and Mao on his intent to attack. America’s ability to listen in on Soviet, Chinese, and North Korean military plans suddenly vanished. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Bookmark Loc. 978  | Added on Tuesday, March 18, 2014, 07:46 PM


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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 979-84  | Added on Tuesday, March 18, 2014, 07:46 PM

He was William Wolf Weisband, a linguist who translated broken messages from Russian into English. Weisband, recruited as a spy by Moscow in the 1930s, single-handedly shattered the ability of the United States to read the Soviets’ secret dispatches. Bedell Smith recognized that something terrible had happened to American signals intelligence, and he alerted the White House. The result was the creation of the National Security Agency, the signals-intelligence service that grew to dwarf the CIA in its size and power. Half a century later, the National Security Agency called the Weisband case “perhaps the most significant intelligence loss in U.S. history.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 996-99  | Added on Tuesday, March 18, 2014, 07:50 PM

Yet CIA headquarters asserted one last time that China would not invade in force. Two days later 300,000 Chinese troops struck with an attack so brutal that it nearly pushed the Americans into the sea. Bedell Smith was aghast. He believed that the business of the CIA was to guard the nation against military surprise. But the agency had misread every global crisis of the past year: the Soviet atom bomb, the Korean War, the Chinese invasion. In December 1950, 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1003-4  | Added on Tuesday, March 18, 2014, 07:50 PM

On January 4, 1951, Bedell Smith bowed to the inevitable and appointed Allen Dulles as the CIA’s deputy director of 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1003-4  | Added on Tuesday, March 18, 2014, 07:50 PM

On January 4, 1951, Bedell Smith bowed to the inevitable and appointed Allen Dulles as the CIA’s deputy director of plans (the title was a cover; the job was chief of covert operations). 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1007-10  | Added on Tuesday, March 18, 2014, 07:51 PM

Wisner’s operations had multiplied fivefold since the start of the war. Bedell Smith saw that the United States had no strategy for conducting this kind of struggle. He appealed to President Truman and the National Security Council. Was the agency really supposed to support armed revolution in Eastern Europe? In China? In Russia? The Pentagon and the State Department replied: yes, all that, and more. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1019  | Added on Tuesday, March 18, 2014, 07:52 PM

“The operational tail will wag the intelligence dog,” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1018-20  | Added on Tuesday, March 18, 2014, 07:52 PM

This posed “a distinct danger to CIA as an intelligence agency,” Bedell Smith fumed. “The operational tail will wag the intelligence dog,” he warned. “The top people will be forced to take up all their time in the direction of operations and will necessarily neglect intelligence.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1091-96  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 09:48 AM

deputy director of intelligence, Loftus Becker. After Bedell Smith sent him on an inspection tour of all the CIA’s Asian stations in November 1952, Becker came home and turned in his resignation. He had concluded that the situation was hopeless: the CIA’s ability to gather intelligence in the Far East was “almost negligible.” Before resigning, he confronted Frank Wisner: “Blown operations indicate a lack of success,” he told him, “and there have been a number of these lately.” Hart’s reports and Haney’s frauds were buried. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1100-1101  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 09:49 AM

The ability to represent failure as success was becoming a CIA tradition. The agency’s unwillingness to learn from its mistakes became a permanent part of its culture. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1101-2  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 09:49 AM

The CIA’s covert operators never wrote “lessons-learned” studies. Even today there are few if any rules or procedures for producing them. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1105-6  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 09:49 AM

The inability to penetrate North Korea remains the longest-running intelligence failure in the CIA’s history. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1107-13  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 09:51 AM

The agency opened a second front in the Korean War in 1951. The officers on the agency’s China operations desk, frantic at Mao’s entry into the war, convinced themselves that as many as one million Kuomintang Nationalist guerrillas were waiting inside Red China for the CIA’s help. Were these reports fabricated by paper mills in Hong Kong, produced by political conniving in Taiwan, or conjured up by wishful thinking in Washington? Was it wise for the CIA to make war against Mao? There was no time to think that through. “You do not have in government a basic approved strategy for this kind of war,” Bedell Smith told Dulles and Wisner. “We haven’t even a policy on Chiang Kai-shek.” Dulles and Wisner made their own. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1114-18  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 09:51 AM

One potential recruit, Paul Kreisberg, was eager to join the CIA until “they tested me on my loyalty and my commitment by asking whether I would be willing to be dropped by parachute into Szechuan. My target would be to organize a group of anti-communist Kuomintang soldiers who remained up in the hills in Szechuan and work with them in a number of operations and then exfiltrate myself, if necessary, out through Burma. They looked at me, and they said, ‘Would you be willing to do that?’” Kreisberg thought it over and joined the State Department. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1152-56  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 09:56 AM

When Li Mi’s soldiers crossed over into China, Mao’s forces shot them to pieces. The CIA’s espionage officers discovered that Li Mi’s radioman in Bangkok was a Chinese communist agent. But Wisner’s men pressed on. Li Mi’s soldiers retreated and regrouped. When FitzGerald dropped more guns and ammunition into Burma, Li Mi’s men would not fight. They settled into the mountains known as the Golden Triangle, harvested opium poppies, and married the local women. Twenty years later, the CIA would have to start another small war in Burma to wipe out the heroin labs that were the basis of Li Mi’s global drug empire. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Bookmark Loc. 1165  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 09:57 AM


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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1165-67  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 09:57 AM

the luckless station chief, John Hart, had to start all over again, recruiting, training, and parachuting agents into North Korea from 1953 until 1955. All of them, to the best of his knowledge, were captured and executed. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1169-70  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 09:58 AM

A generation later, American military veterans called Korea “the forgotten war.” At the agency, it was deliberate amnesia. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1179-83  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 10:00 AM

at a secret conference held at the Princeton Inn in May 1952. “After all, we have had a hundred thousand casualties in Korea,” he said, according to a transcript declassified in 2003. “If we have been willing to accept those casualties, I wouldn’t worry if there were a few casualties or a few martyrs behind the iron curtain…. I don’t think you can wait until you have all your troops and are sure you are going to win. You have got to start and go ahead. “You have got to have a few martyrs,” Dulles said. “Some people have to get killed.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1193  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 10:01 AM

“When you ask, ‘Shall we go on the offensive?’ I see a vast field of illusion,” Bohlen said. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1194-99  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 10:02 AM

commanded Frank Wisner and the CIA to conduct “a major covert offensive against the Soviet Union,” aimed at “the heartland of the communist control system.” Wisner tried. The Marshall Plan was being transformed into pacts providing America’s allies with weapons, and Wisner saw this as a chance to arm secret stay-behind forces to fight the Soviets in the event of war. He was seeding the ground all over Europe. Throughout the mountains and forests of Scandinavia, France, Germany, Italy, and Greece, his men were dropping gold ingots into lakes and burying caches of weapons for the coming battle. In the marshes and foothills of Ukraine and the Baltics, his pilots were dropping agents to their deaths. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1201-2  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 10:02 AM

None of this provided insight into the nature of the Soviet threat. Operations to sabotage the Soviet empire kept overwhelming plans to spy on it. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1204-20  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 10:04 AM

Deeply wary, Walter Bedell Smith dispatched a trusted three-star general, Lucian K. Truscott, an officer with impeccable connections and a distinguished war record, to take over the CIA’s operations in Germany and to find out what Wisner’s men were doing. General Truscott’s orders were to suspend every scheme he deemed dubious. Upon his arrival, he chose Tom Polgar of the CIA’s Berlin base as his chief aide. They found several ticking time bombs. Among them was one very dark secret, described in CIA documents of the day as a program of “overseas interrogations.” The agency had set up clandestine prisons to wring confessions out of suspected double agents. One was in Germany, another in Japan. The third, and the biggest, was in the Panama Canal Zone. “Like Guantánamo,” Polgar said in 2005. “It was anything goes.” The zone was its own world, seized by the United States at the turn of the century, bulldozed out of the jungles that surrounded the Panama Canal. On a naval base in the zone, the CIA’s office of security had refitted a complex of cinder-block prison cells inside a navy brig normally used to house drunk and disorderly sailors. In those cells, the agency was conducting secret experiments in harsh interrogation, using techniques on the edge of torture, drug-induced mind control, and brainwashing. The project dated back to 1948, when Richard Helms and his officers in Germany realized they were being defrauded by double agents. The effort began as a crash program in 1950, when the Korean War erupted and a sense of emergency seized the CIA. Late that summer, as the temperature approached a hundred degrees in Panama, two Russian émigrés who had been delivered to the Canal Zone from Germany were injected with drugs and brutally interrogated. Along with four suspected North Korean double agents subjected to the same treatment at a military base commandeered by the CIA in Japan, they were among the first known human guinea pigs under a program code-named Project Artichoke, a small but significant part of a fifteen-year search by the CIA for ways to control the human mind. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1224-27  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 10:05 AM

Richard Helms once said that American intelligence officers were trained to believe that they could not count on a foreign agent “unless you own him body and soul.” The need for a way to own a man’s soul led to the search for mind-control drugs and secret prisons in which to test them. Dulles, Wisner, and Helms were personally responsible for these endeavors. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1234-37  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 10:06 AM

Senior CIA officers, including Helms, destroyed almost all the records of these programs in fear that they might become public. The evidence that remains is fragmentary, but it strongly suggests that use of secret prisons for the forcible drug-induced questioning of suspect agents went on throughout the 1950s. Members of the clandestine service, the agency’s security office, and the CIA’s scientists and doctors met monthly to discuss the progress of Project Artichoke until 1956. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1276-77  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 10:10 AM

Shackley said he never forgot the sight of his fellow officers realizing that five years of planning and millions of dollars had gone down the drain. The unkindest cut might have been their discovery that the Poles had sent a chunk of the CIA’s money to the Communist Party of Italy. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1300-1302  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 10:16 AM

Dwight D. Eisenhower won the presidency on a national-security platform that called for the free world to liberate the Soviet satellites, a script written by his closest foreign-policy adviser, John Foster Dulles. Their victory plans called for a new director of central intelligence. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1314-16  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 10:18 AM

Over the next eight years, through his devotion to covert action, his disdain for the details of analysis, and his dangerous practice of deceiving the president of the United States, Allen Dulles did untold damage to the agency he had helped to create. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1323-25  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 10:19 AM

Allen Dulles had been director of central intelligence for one week when, on March 5, 1953, Joseph Stalin died. “We have no reliable inside intelligence on thinking inside the Kremlin,” the agency lamented a few days later. “Our estimates of Soviet long-range plans and intentions are speculations drawn from inadequate evidence.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1330-34  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 10:20 AM

But the agency’s speculations about the Soviets were reflections in a funhouse mirror. Stalin never had a master plan for world domination, nor the means to pursue it. The man who eventually took control of the Soviet Union after his death, Nikita Khrushchev, recalled that Stalin “trembled” and “quivered” at the prospect of a global combat with America. “He was afraid of war,” Khrushchev said. “Stalin never did anything to provoke a war with the nited States. He knew his weakness.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1336-37  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 10:20 AM

Stalin and his successors were pathological about their frontiers. Napoleon had invaded from Paris, and then Hitler from Berlin. Stalin’s only coherent postwar foreign policy had been to turn Eastern Europe into an enormous human shield. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1338-40  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 10:21 AM

Americans were about to enjoy eight years of peace and prosperity under Eisenhower. But that peace came at the cost of a skyrocketing arms race, political witch hunts, and a permanent war economy. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1341-43  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 10:21 AM

He feared that the costs of the cold war could cripple the United States; if his generals and admirals had their way, they would consume the treasury. He decided to base his strategy on secret weapons: nuclear bombs and covert action. They were far cheaper than multibillion-dollar fleets of fighter jets and flotillas of aircraft carriers. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1363-66  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 10:24 AM

“We were engaged in the defense of a way of life, and the great danger was that in defending this way of life we would find ourselves resorting to methods that endangered this way of life. The real problem, as the President saw it, was to devise methods of meeting the Soviet threat and of adopting controls, if necessary, that would not result in our transformation into a garrison state. The whole thing, said the President, was a paradox.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1383-84  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 10:25 AM

By the end of the Solarium project, the idea of rolling back Russia through covert action was pronounced dead at age five. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1386-87  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 10:25 AM

Under Eisenhower, the agency undertook 170 new major covert actions in 48 nations—political, psychological, and paramilitary warfare missions in countries where American spies knew little of the culture or the language or the history of the people. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1407-10  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 10:28 AM

The minutes of the daily meetings of Dulles and his deputies depict an agency lurching from international crisis to internal calamities—rampant alcoholism, financial malfeasance, mass resignations. What should be done about a CIA officer who had killed a British colleague and faced trial for manslaughter? Why had the former station chief in Switzerland committed suicide? What could be done about the lack of talent in the clandestine service? 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1446-49  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 01:12 PM

During the nineteen months that Bedell Smith served as the president’s proconsul for covert action, the agency carried out the only two victorious coups in its history. The declassified records of those coups show that they succeeded by bribery and coercion and brute force, not secrecy and stealth and cunning. But they created the legend that the CIA was a silver bullet in the arsenal of democracy. They gave the agency the aura that Dulles coveted. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1456-58  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 01:13 PM

He learned that Prime Minister Winston Churchill wanted the CIA to help overthrow Iran. Iran’s oil had propelled Churchill to power and glory forty years before. Now Sir Winston wanted it back. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1458-63  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 01:14 PM

On the eve of World War I, Churchill, as first lord of the British Admiralty, had converted the Royal Navy from coal-burning to oil-burning ships. He championed the British purchase of 51 percent of the new Anglo-Persian Oil Company, which had struck the first of Iran’s oil five years before. The British took a lion’s share. Not only did Iranian oil fuel Churchill’s new armada, but the revenues paid for it. The oil became the lifeblood of the British exchequer. While Britannia ruled the waves, British, Russian, and Turkish troops trampled northern Iran, destroying much of the nation’s agriculture and sparking a famine that killed perhaps two million people. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1472-76  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 01:16 PM

After the war, Mossadeq called upon the Majlis to renegotiate the British oil concession. Anglo-Iranian Oil controlled the world’s largest known reserves. Its offshore refinery at Abadan was the biggest on earth. While British oil executives and technicians played in private clubs and swimming pools, Iranian oil workers lived in shanties without running water, electricity, or sewers; the injustice bred support for the communist Tudeh Party of Iran, which claimed about 2,500 members at the time. The British took twice as much income from the oil as the Iranians. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1482-87  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 01:17 PM

He was seventy-six; Mossadeq was sixty-nine. Both were stubborn old men who conducted affairs of state in their pajamas. British commanders drew up plans for seventy thousand troops to seize Iran’s oil fields and the Abadan refinery. Mossadeq took his case to the United Nations and the White House, laying on the charm in public while warning Truman in private that a British attack could set off World War III. Truman told Churchill flatly that the United States would never back such an invasion. Churchill countered that the price for British military support in the Korean War was American political support for his position in Iran. They reached an impasse in the summer of 1952. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1491-92  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 01:18 PM

The stated foreign policy of the United States was to support Mossadeq. But the CIA was setting out to depose him without the imprimatur of the White House. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1505-6  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 01:20 PM

The CIA took its cues from the influence-buying network controlled by British intelligence. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1605-6  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 01:30 PM

On the way to meet him at the airport, members of the American embassy passed a toppled bronze statue of the shah’s father, with only the boots left standing. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1614-23  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 01:32 PM

sometime after 2 a.m., Wisner placed a frantic telephone call to John Waller, who was running the Iran desk at CIA headquarters. The shah had flown to Rome and checked into the Excelsior Hotel, Wisner reported. And then “a terrible, terrible coincidence occurred,” Wisner said. “Can you guess what it is?” Waller could not imagine. “Think of the worst thing you can think of,” Wisner said. “He was hit by a cab and killed,” Waller replied. “No, no, no, no,” Wisner responded. “John, maybe you don’t know that Dulles had decided to extend his vacation by going to Rome. Now can you imagine what happened?” Waller shot back: “Dulles hit him with his car and killed him?” Wisner was not amused. “They both showed up at the reception desk at the Excelsior at the very same moment,” Wisner said. “And Dulles had to say, ‘After you, Your Majesty.’” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1640-41  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 08:28 AM

Roosevelt handed Zahedi $1 million in cash, and the new prime minister set out to crush all opposition and jail thousands of political prisoners. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1645-48  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 08:29 AM

In his hour of glory, Kim Roosevelt flew to London. On August 26, at two in the afternoon, he was received at 10 Downing Street by the prime minister. Winston Churchill was “in bad shape,” Roosevelt reported, his speech slurred, his vision occluded, his memory fleeting: “The initials CIA meant nothing to him, but he had a vague idea that Roosevelt must be connected in some way with his old friend Bedell Smith.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1648-49  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 08:29 AM

Roosevelt was hailed as a hero at the White House. Faith in the magic of covert action soared. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1658-59  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 08:30 AM

The shah wanted a secret police to protect his power. SAVAK, trained and equipped by the CIA, enforced his rule for more than twenty years. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1660-62  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 08:31 AM

The CIA wove itself into Iran’s political culture, locked in “a passionate embrace with the Shah,” said Andrew Killgore, a State Department political officer under the American ambassador from 1972 to 1976—Richard Helms. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1666-67  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 08:31 AM

The illusion that the CIA could overthrow a nation by sleight of hand was alluring. It led the agency into a battle in Central America that went on for the next forty years. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1673-76  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 08:32 AM

Plots for a coup against the president, Jacobo Arbenz, had been kicking around the agency for almost three years. They were revived the instant that Kim Roosevelt returned triumphant from Iran. An elated Allen Dulles asked him to lead the operation in Central America. Roosevelt respectfully declined. He determined after studying the matter that the agency was going in blind. It had no spies in Guatemala and no sense of the will of the army or the people. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1685-86  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 08:33 AM

He met with President Arbenz and reported: “I am definitely convinced that if the President is not a communist, he will certainly do until one comes along.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1710-15  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 08:37 AM

The CIA’s charter demanded that covert action be conducted in ways so subtle that the American hand was unseen. That mattered little to Wisner. “There is not the slightest doubt that if the operation is carried through many Latin Americans will see in it the hand of the U.S.,” he told Dulles. But if Operation Success was curtailed “on the grounds that the hand of the U.S. is too clearly shown,” Wisner argued, “a serious question is raised as to whether any operation of this kind can appropriately be included as one of the U.S. cold war weapons, no matter how great the provocation or how favorable the auspices.” Wisner thought that an operation was clandestine so long as it was unacknowledged by the United States and kept secret from the American people. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1763-68  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 08:43 AM

The arrival of the arms—many of them rusted and useless, some bearing a swastika stamp, indicating their age and origin—created a propaganda windfall for the United States. Grossly overstating the size and military significance of the cargo, Foster Dulles and the State Department announced that Guatemala was now part of a Soviet plot to subvert the Western Hemisphere. The Speaker of the House, John McCormack, called the shipment an atomic bomb planted in America’s backyard. Ambassador Peurifoy said the United States was at war. “Nothing short of direct military intervention will succeed,” he cabled Wisner on May 21. Three days later, U.S. Navy warships and submarines blockaded Guatemala, in violation of international law. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1775-80  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 08:44 AM

For four weeks, starting on May Day 1954, the CIA had been waging psychological warfare in Guatemala through a pirate radio station called the Voice of Liberation, run by a CIA contract officer, an amateur actor and skilled dramatist named David Atlee Phillips. In a tremendous stroke of luck, the Guatemalan state radio station went off the air in mid-May for a scheduled replacement of its antenna. Phillips snuggled up to its frequency, where listeners looking for the state broadcasts found Radio CIA. Unrest turned to hysteria among the populace as the rebel station sent out shortwave reports of imaginary uprisings and defections and plots to poison wells and conscript children. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1808-13  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 08:47 AM

“Bomb repeat Bomb,” he pleaded. Haney weighed in less than two hours later with a blistering message to Wisner: “Are we going to stand by and see last hope of free people in Guatemala submerged to depths of Communist oppression and atrocity until we send American armed force against enemy?…Is not our intervention now under these circumstances far more palatable than by Marines? This is the same enemy we fought in Korea and may fight tomorrow in Indo-China.” Wisner froze. It was one thing to send legions of foreigners to their deaths. It was quite another to send American pilots to blow up a national capital. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1829-31  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 08:49 AM

Dulles picked up the phone and called William Pawley—one of the richest businessmen in the United States, the chairman of Democrats for Eisenhower, one of Ike’s biggest benefactors in the 1952 elections, and a CIA consultant. Pawley could provide a secret air force if anyone could. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1836-38  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 08:49 AM

The president and Pawley recorded the conversation almost identically in their memoirs—with one exception. Eisenhower erased Pawley from history, and it is clear why: he cut a secret deal with his political benefactor. “Ike turned to me,” Pawley wrote, “and he said: ‘Bill, go ahead and get the planes.’” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1851-62  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 08:51 AM

Ambassador Peurifoy met with the coup plotters on June 27, victory within his grasp. But then Arbenz ceded power to Colonel Carlos Enrique Diaz, who formed a junta and vowed to fight Castillo Armas. “We have been double-crossed,” Peurifoy cabled. Al Haney sent a message to all CIA stations identifying Diaz as a “Commie agent.” He ordered a silver-tongued CIA officer, Enno Hobbing, Time’s Berlin bureau chief before joining the agency, to have a little talk with Diaz at dawn the next day. Hobbing delivered the message to Diaz: “Colonel, you are not convenient for American foreign policy.” The junta vanished instantly, to be replaced in quick succession by four more, each one increasingly pro-American. Ambassador Peurifoy now demanded that the CIA stand down. Wisner cabled all hands on June 30 that it was time for “the surgeons to step back and the nurses to take over the patient.” Peurifoy maneuvered for two more months before Castillo Armas assumed the presidency. He received a twenty-one-gun salute and a state dinner at the White House, where the vice president offered the following toast: “We in the United States have watched the people of Guatemala record an episode in their history deeply significant to all peoples,” Richard Nixon said. “Led by the courageous soldier who is our guest this evening, the Guatemalan people revolted against communist rule, which in collapsing bore graphic witness to its own shallowness, falsity, and corruption.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1862-63  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 08:52 AM

Guatemala was at the beginning of forty years of military rulers, death squads, and armed repression. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1871-80  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 08:53 AM

In the East Wing of the White House, in a room darkened for a slide show, the CIA sold Eisenhower a dressed-up version of Operation Success. When the lights went on, the president’s first question went to the paramilitary man Rip Robertson. “How many men did Castillo Armas lose?” Ike asked. Only one, Robertson replied. “Incredible,” said the president. At least forty-three of Castillo Armas’s men had been killed during the invasion, but no one contradicted Robertson. It was a shameless falsehood. This was a turning point in the history of the CIA. The cover stories required for covert action overseas were now part of the agency’s political conduct in Washington. Bissell stated it plainly: “Many of us who joined the CIA did not feel bound in the actions we took as staff members to observe all the ethical rules.” He and his colleagues were prepared to lie to the president to protect the agency’s image. And their lies had lasting consequences. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1896-98  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 08:55 AM

When McCarthy privately told Dulles face-to-face “that CIA was neither sacrosanct nor immune from investigation,” the director knew its survival was at stake. Foster Dulles had opened his doors to McCarthy’s bloodhounds in a public display of sanctimony that devastated the State Department for a decade. But Allen fought them off. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1903-6  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 09:55 AM

After his private confrontation with McCarthy, Dulles organized a team of CIA officers to penetrate the senator’s office with a spy or a bug, preferably both. The methodology was just like J. Edgar Hoover’s: gather dirt, then spread it. Dulles instructed James Angleton, his counterintelligence czar, to find a way to feed disinformation to McCarthy and his staff as a means of discrediting him. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1907-8  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 09:56 AM

McCargar succeeded: the CIA penetrated the Senate. “You’ve saved the Republic,” Allen Dulles told him. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1932-33  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 09:58 AM

“For some of us who have seen the other side of Allen Dulles, we don’t see too many Christian traits. I personally consider him a ruthless, ambitious and utterly incompetent government administrator.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2039-42  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 10:07 AM

Dulles gave the job of building the plane to Dick Bissell, who knew nothing about aircraft but skillfully created a secret government bureaucracy that shielded the U-2 program from scrutiny and helped speed the plane’s creation. “Our Agency,” he proudly told a class of CIA trainees a few years later, “is the last refuge of organizational privacy available to the U.S. government.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2042-46  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 10:07 AM

Bissell paced down the CIA’s corridors with long strides, a gawky man with great ambitions. He believed that he someday would be the next director of central intelligence, for Dulles told him so. He became increasingly contemptuous of espionage, and disdained Richard Helms and his intelligence officers. The two men became bureaucratic rivals and then bitter enemies. They personified the battle between spies and gadgets, which began fifty years ago and continues today. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2053-56  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 10:08 AM

“We didn’t raise the right questions,” Reber said. If the CIA had developed a bigger picture of life inside the Soviet Union, it would have learned that the Soviets were putting little money into the resources that truly made a nation strong. They were a weak enemy. If the CIA’s leaders had been able to run effective intelligence operations inside the Soviet Union, they might have seen that Russians were unable to produce the necessities of life. The idea that the final battles of the cold war would be economic instead of military was beyond their imagination. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2078-81  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 10:10 AM

With the CIA’s help, Nobusuke Kishi became Japan’s prime minister and the chief of its ruling party. Yoshio Kodama secured his freedom and his position as the nation’s number-one gangster by helping American intelligence. Together they shaped the politics of postwar Japan. In the war against fascism, they had represented everything America hated. In the war against communism, they were just what America needed. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2171-75  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 10:20 AM

The biggest domestic political issue in Japan that year was the enormous American military base on Okinawa, a crucial staging ground for the bombing of Vietnam and a storehouse of American nuclear weapons. Okinawa was under American control, but regional elections were set for November 10, and opposition politicians threatened to force the United States off the island. Kaya played a key role in the CIA’s covert actions aimed to swing the elections for the LDP, which narrowly failed. Okinawa itself returned to Japanese administration in 1972, but the American military remains there to this day. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2181-82  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 10:21 AM

Enthralled by covert action, Allen Dulles ceased to focus on his core mission of providing intelligence to the president. He handled most of the CIA’s analysts and much of their work with studied contempt. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2205-8  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 10:23 AM

Then as now, the CIA relied heavily on foreign intelligence services, paying for secrets it could not uncover on its own. In April 1956, Israel’s spies delivered the text to James Angleton, who became the CIA’s one-man liaison with the Jewish state. The channel produced much of the agency’s intelligence on the Arab world, but at a cost—a growing American dependence on Israel to explain events in the Middle East. The Israeli perspective colored American perceptions for decades to come. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2273-75  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 10:31 AM

The biggest surprise was that Nasser did not stay bought: he used part of the $3 million in bribes that the CIA had slipped him to build a minaret in Cairo on an island in front of the Nile Hilton. It was known as el wa’ef rusfel—Roosevelt’s erection. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2283-85  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 10:32 AM

First Israel would attack Egypt, and then Britain and France would strike, posing as peacekeepers while seizing the canal. The CIA knew none of this. Dulles assured Eisenhower that reports of a joint Israeli-UK-French military plan were absurd. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2312-16  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 10:34 AM

During the two-week life of the Hungarian revolution, the agency knew no more than what it read in the newspapers. It had no idea that the uprising would happen, or how it flourished, or that the Soviets would crush it. Had the White House agreed to send weapons, the agency would have had no clue where to send them. A secret CIA history of the Hungarian uprising said the clandestine service was in a state of “wishful blindness.” “At no time,” it said, “did we have anything that could or should have been mistaken for an intelligence operation.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2348-49  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 01:13 PM

In four brutal days, Soviet troops crushed the partisans of Budapest, killing tens of thousands and hauling thousands more away to die in Siberian prison camps. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2426-27  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 01:18 PM

His ideas and his sense of order became as evanescent as his pipe smoke. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2448-50  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 01:22 PM

The only lasting legacy of the “secret task force” was the fulfillment of Frank Wisner’s proposal to put King Hussein of Jordan on the CIA’s payroll. The agency created a Jordanian intelligence service, which lives today as its liaison to much of the Arab world. The king received a secret subsidy for the next twenty years. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2455-58  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 01:23 PM

“He had given a mandate to Allen Dulles to do this…. And, of course, Allen Dulles just unleashed people.” As a result, “we were caught out in attempted coups, ham-handed operations of all kinds.” He and his fellow diplomats tried “to keep track of some of these dirty tricks that were being planned in the Middle East so that if they were just utterly impossible, we’d get them killed before they got any further. And we succeeded in doing that in some cases. But we couldn’t get all of them killed.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2482-85  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 01:24 PM

The Syrians set up a sting. “The officers with whom Stone was dealing took his money and then went on television and announced that they had received this money from the ‘corrupt and sinister Americans’ in an attempt to overthrow the legitimate government of Syria,” said Curtis F. Jones, a State Department officer sent to clean up the mess Stone left behind. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2488-92  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 01:25 PM

The revelation of this “particularly clumsy CIA plot,” in the words of the U.S. ambassador to Syria, Charles Yost, had consequences that reverberate today. The Syrian government formally declared Rocky Stone persona non grata. That was the first time that an American diplomat of any stripe—be he a spy working undercover or a bona fide State Department officer—had been expelled from an Arab nation. In turn, the United States expelled the Syrian ambassador to Washington, the first expulsion of any foreign diplomat from Washington since World War I. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2527-28  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 01:28 PM

“We came to power on a CIA train,” said Ali Saleh Sa’adi, the Ba’ath Party interior minister in the 1960s. One of the passengers on that train was an up-and-coming assassin named Saddam Hussein. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2531-33  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 01:29 PM

in 1958, the CIA’s effort to overthrow the government of Indonesia backfired so badly that it fueled the rise of the biggest communist party in the world outside of Russia and China. It would take a real war, in which hundreds of thousands died, to defeat that force. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2563-64  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 01:31 PM

nearly one thousand inhabited islands, with thirteen major ethnic groups among a predominantly Islamic population of more than eighty million people—the world’s fifth-largest nation in the 1950s. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2619-23  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 01:37 PM

But it also raised fundamental questions about the consequences of American covert action. Arming the rebellious officers “could increase the likelihood of the dismemberment of Indonesia, a country which was created with U.S. support and assistance,” members of the Cumming group noted. “Since the U.S. played a very important role in the creation of an independent Indonesia, doesn’t it stand to lose a great deal in Asia and the rest of the world if Indonesia breaks up, particularly if, as seems inevitable, our hand in the breakup eventually becomes known?” The question went unanswered. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2650-52  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 01:43 PM

The agency appeared unmindful that some of the most powerful commanders in the Indonesian army had been trained in the United States and referred to themselves as “the sons of Eisenhower.” These were the men who were fighting the rebels. The army, led by anticommunists, was at war with the CIA. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2734-36  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 04:31 PM

“The operation was, of course, a complete failure,” Richard Bissell said. For the rest of his days in power, Sukarno rarely failed to mention it. He knew the CIA had tried to overthrow his government, and his army knew it, and the political establishment of Indonesia knew it too. The ultimate effect was to strengthen Indonesia’s communists, whose influence and power grew for the next seven years. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2764-65  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 04:33 PM

On January 1, 1959, Richard Bissell became the chief of the clandestine service. That same day, Fidel Castro came to power in Cuba. A secret CIA history unearthed in 2005 described in detail how the agency took on the threat. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2768-73  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 04:35 PM

Al Cox, chief of the paramilitary division, proposed to “make secret contact with Castro” and offer him arms and ammunition to establish a democratic government. Cox told his superiors that the CIA could ship weapons to Castro on a vessel manned by a Cuban crew. But “the most secure means of help would be giving the money to Castro, who could then purchase his own arms,” Cox wrote to his superiors. “A combination of arms and money would probably be best.” Cox was an alcoholic, and his thinking might have been clouded, but more than a few of his fellow officers felt the way he did. “My staff and I were all Fidelistas” at the time, Robert Reynolds, chief of the CIA’s Caribbean operations desk, said many years later. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2783-86  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 04:37 PM

On January 8, 1960, Dulles told Bissell to organize a special task force to overthrow Castro. Bissell personally selected many of the same people who had subverted the government of Guatemala six years before—and had deceived President Eisenhower face-to-face about the coup. He chose the feckless Tracy Barnes for political and psychological warfare, the talented Dave Phillips for propaganda, the gung-ho Rip Robertson for paramilitary training, and the relentlessly mediocre E. Howard Hunt to manage the political front groups. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2797-98  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 04:39 PM

Bissell almost never talked about Cuba with Richard Helms, his second-in-command at the clandestine service. The two men disliked and distrusted one another intensely. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2857-63  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 04:43 PM

Eisenhower walked into the Oval Office on May 9 and said out loud: “I would like to resign.” For the first time in the history of the United States, millions of citizens understood that their president could deceive them in the name of national security. The doctrine of plausible deniability was dead. The summit with Khrushchev was wrecked and the brief thaw in the cold war iced over. The CIA’s spy plane destroyed the idea of détente for almost a decade. Eisenhower had approved the final mission in the hope of putting the lie to the missile gap. But the cover-up of the crash made him out to be a liar. In retirement, Eisenhower said the greatest regret of his presidency was “the lie we told about the U-2. I didn’t realize how high a price we were going to pay for that lie.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2863-67  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 04:44 PM

The president knew he would not be able to leave office in a spirit of international peace and reconciliation. He was now intent on policing as many parts of the planet as possible before leaving office. The summer of 1960 became a season of incessant crisis for the CIA. Red arrows signifying hot spots in the Caribbean, Africa, and Asia multiplied on the maps that Allen Dulles and his men brought to the White House. The chagrin over the U-2 shootdown gave way to a murderous anger. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2888-93  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 04:46 PM

asked for another $10.75 million to begin the paramilitary training of the five hundred Cubans in Guatemala. Eisenhower said yes, on one condition: “So long as the Joint Chiefs, Defense, State and CIA think we have a good chance of being successful” in “freeing the Cubans from this incubus.” When Bissell tried to raise the idea of creating an American military force to lead the Cubans in battle, Dulles twice cut him off, evading debate and dissent. The president—the man who had led the biggest secret invasion in American history—warned the CIA’s leaders against “the danger of making false moves” or “starting something before we were ready.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2917-25  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 04:50 PM

The agency had already selected the Congo’s next leader: Joseph Mobutu, “the only man in the Congo able to act with firmness,” as Dulles told the president at the NSC meeting on September 21. The CIA delivered $250,000 to him in early October, followed by shipments of arms and ammunition in November. Mobutu captured Lumumba and, in Devlin’s words, delivered him into the hands of a “sworn enemy.” The CIA base in Elizabethville, deep in the heart of the Congo, reported that “a Belgian officer of Flemish origin executed Lumumba with a burst of submachine gun fire” two nights before the next president of the United States took office. With the unwavering support of the CIA, Mobutu finally gained full control of the Congo after a five-year power struggle. He was the agency’s favorite ally in Africa and the clearinghouse for American covert action throughout the continent during the cold war. He ruled for three decades as one of the world’s most brutal and corrupt dictators, stealing billions of dollars in revenues from the nation’s enormous deposits of diamonds, minerals, and strategic metals, slaughtering multitudes to preserve his power. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2927-32  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 04:50 PM

As the 1960 election drew nearer, it was clear to Vice President Nixon that the CIA was far from ready to attack Cuba. At the end of September, Nixon nervously instructed the task force: “Don’t do anything now; wait until after the elections.” The delay gave Fidel Castro a crucial edge. His spies told him an American-backed invasion might be imminent, and he built up his military and intelligence forces, cracking down hard on the political dissidents whom the CIA hoped would serve as shock troops for the coup. The internal resistance against Castro began to die that summer, though the CIA never paid much heed to what was actually happening on the island. Tracy Barnes privately commissioned a public-opinion poll in Cuba—and it showed that people overwhelmingly supported Castro. Disliking the results, he discarded them. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2970-71  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 04:53 PM

Eisenhower had never approved an invasion of Cuba. But Kennedy did not know that. What he knew was what Dulles and Bissell told him. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2995-3003  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 05:02 PM

“A great deal has been accomplished,” Dulles insisted to the president at the final gatherings of Eisenhower’s National Security Council. Everything is well in hand, he said. I have fixed the clandestine service. American intelligence has never been more agile and adept. Coordination and cooperation are better than they ever have been. The proposals of the president’s intelligence board were preposterous, he said, they were madness, they were illegal. I am responsible under the law for intelligence coordination, he reminded the president. I cannot delegate that responsibility. Without my leadership, he said, American intelligence would be “a body floating in thin air.” At the last, Dwight Eisenhower exploded in anger and frustration. “The structure of our intelligence organization is faulty,” he told Dulles. It makes no sense, it has to be reorganized, and we should have done it long ago. Nothing had changed since Pearl Harbor. “I have suffered an eight-year defeat on this,” said the president of the United States. He said he would “leave a legacy of ashes” to his successor. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3031-33  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:04 PM

The CIA then dispatched three .38-caliber pistols to the Dominicans. Bissell authorized a second shipment of four machine guns and 240 rounds of ammunition. The machine guns remained at the American consulate in Santo Domingo after members of the new administration questioned what the world reaction might be if it were known that the United States was delivering murder weapons via diplomatic pouch. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3034-39  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:05 PM

Dearborn received a cable, personally approved by President Kennedy, which he read to say: “We don’t care if the Dominicans assassinate Trujillo, that is all right. But we don’t want anything to pin this on us.” Nothing ever did. When Trujillo’s killers shot him two weeks later, the smoking gun might or might not have been the agency’s. There were no fingerprints. But the assassination was as close as the CIA had ever come to carrying out a murder at the command of the White House. The attorney general of the United States, Robert F. Kennedy, jotted down some notes after he learned of the assassination. “The great problem now,” he wrote, “is that we don’t know what to do.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3076-79  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:09 PM

The knowledge that Stevenson was caught lying in public riveted Secretary of State Dean Rusk, who already had good reason to be enraged with the CIA. Only hours before, on the heels of another blown operation, Rusk had to send a formal letter of apology to Prime Minister Lee Kwan Yew of Singapore. The secret police in Singapore had burst into a CIA safe house, where a cabinet minister on the CIA’s payroll was being interrogated. Lee Kwan Yew, a key American ally, said that the station chief offered him a $3.3 million bribe to hush up the matter. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3092-3106  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:11 PM

At 4:30 a.m. on Monday, April 17, Cabell called Rusk at home and pleaded for presidential authority for more air power to protect the CIA’s ships, which were loaded to the gunwales with ammunition and military supplies. Rusk called President Kennedy at his Virginia retreat, Glen Ora, and put Cabell on the phone. The president said he was unaware that there were going to be any air strikes on the morning of D-Day. Request denied. Four hours later, a Sea Fury fighter-bomber swooped down on the Bay of Pigs. The American-trained pilot, Captain Enrique Carreras, was the ace of Fidel Castro’s air force. He took aim at the Rio Escondido, a rust-bucket freighter out of New Orleans under contract to the CIA. Below him to the southeast, aboard the Blagar, a converted World War II landing craft, a CIA paramilitary officer named Grayston Lynch fired at the Cuban fighter with a defective .50-caliber machine gun. Captain Carreras let loose a rocket that hit the forward deck of the Rio Escondido six feet below the railing, striking dozens of fifty-five-gallon drums filled with aviation gasoline. The fire ignited three thousand gallons of aircraft fuel and 145 tons of ammunition in the forward hold. The crew abandoned ship and started swimming for their lives. The freighter exploded in a fireball that sent a mushroom cloud rising half a mile high above the Bay of Pigs. From sixteen miles away, on a beach newly littered with the brigade’s dead and wounded, the CIA commando Rip Robertson thought Castro had dropped an atomic bomb. President Kennedy called on Admiral Arleigh Burke, the commander of the U.S. Navy, to save the CIA from disaster. “Nobody knew what to do nor did the CIA who were running the operation and who were wholly responsible for the operation know what to do or what was happening,” the admiral said on April 18. “We have been kept pretty ignorant of this and have just been told partial truths.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3107-11  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:11 PM

For two miserable days and nights, Castro’s Cubans and the CIA’s Cubans killed one another. On the night of April 18, the commander of the rebel brigade, Pepe San Roman, radioed back to Lynch: “Do you people realize how desperate the situation is? Do you back us up or quit?…Please don’t desert us. Am out of tank and bazooka ammo. Tanks will hit me at dawn. I will not be evacuated. Will fight to the end if we have to.” Morning came and no help arrived. “We are out of ammo and fighting on the beach. Please send help. We cannot hold,” San Roman shouted through his radio. His men were massacred standing knee-deep in the water. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3112-15  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:11 PM

“Situation for air support beachhead completely out of our hands,” the agency’s air operations chief told Bissell in a cable at noon. “Have now lost 5 Cuban pilots, 6 co-pilots, 2 American pilots, and one copilot.” In all, four American pilots on contract to the CIA from the Alabama National Guard were killed in combat. For years the agency hid the cause of their deaths from their widows and families. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3117-21  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:12 PM

In sixty hours, 1,189 members of the Cuban brigade had been captured and 114 killed. “For the first time in my thirty-seven years,” Grayston Lynch wrote, “I was ashamed of my country.” That same day, Robert Kennedy sent a prophetic note to his brother. “The time has come for a showdown, for in a year or two years the situation will be vastly worse,” he wrote. “If we don’t want Russia to set up missile bases in Cuba, we had better decide now what we are willing to do to stop it.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3127-34  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:13 PM

At the hour of the invasion, Allen Dulles was making a speech in Puerto Rico. His public departure from Washington had been part of a deception plan, but now it looked like an admiral abandoning ship. Upon his return, Bobby Kennedy recounted, he looked like living death, his face buried in his trembling hands. On April 22, the president convened the National Security Council, an instrument of government he had disdained. After ordering the distraught Dulles to start “stepping up coverage of Castro activities in the United States”—a task outside the CIA’s charter—the president told General Maxwell Taylor, the new White House military adviser, to work with Dulles, Bobby Kennedy, and Admiral Arleigh Burke to perform an autopsy on the Bay of Pigs. The Taylor board of inquiry met that same afternoon, with Dulles clutching a copy of NSC 5412/2, the 1955 authorization for the covert operations of the CIA. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3174-78  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:15 PM

In his wrath after the Bay of Pigs, John Kennedy first wanted to destroy the CIA. Then he took the agency’s clandestine service out of its death spiral by handing the controls to his brother. It was one of the least wise decisions of his presidency. Robert F. Kennedy, thirty-five years old, famously ruthless, fascinated with secrecy, took command of the most sensitive covert operations of the United States. The two men unleashed covert action with an unprecedented intensity. Ike had undertaken 170 major CIA covert operations in eight years. The Kennedys launched 163 major covert operations in less than three. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3181-83  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:16 PM

Almost sixty years old, a deeply conservative California Republican, a devout Roman Catholic, and a fiery anticommunist, McCone would very likely have been secretary of defense had Nixon been elected in 1960. He had made a fortune building ships on the West Coast during World War II, then served as a deputy to Defense Secretary James Forrestal, hammering out the first budget of the new Department of Defense in 1948. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3273-86  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:22 PM

Halpern said to Richard Helms: “This is a political operation in the city of Washington D.C., and has nothing to do with the security of the United States.” He warned that the CIA had no intelligence about Cuba. “We don’t know what is going on,” he told Helms. “We don’t know who is doing what to whom. We haven’t got any idea of their order of battle in terms of political organization and structure. Who hates whom? Who loves whom? We have nothing.” It was the same problem the CIA would face when it confronted Iraq forty years later. Helms agreed. The plan was a pipe dream. The Kennedys did not want to hear that. They wanted swift, silent sabotage to overthrow Castro. “Let’s get the hell on with it,” the attorney general barked. “The President wants some action, right now.” Helms saluted smartly and got the hell on with it. He created a new freestanding task force to report to Ed Lansdale and Robert Kennedy. He assembled a team from all over the world, creating the CIA’s largest peacetime intelligence operation to date, with some six hundred CIA officers in and around Miami, almost five thousand CIA contractors, and the third largest navy in the Caribbean, including submarines, patrol boats, coast guard cutters, seaplanes, and Guantánamo Bay for a base. Some “nutty schemes” against Fidel were proposed by the Pentagon and the White House, Helms said. These included blowing up an American ship in Guantánamo Harbor and faking a terrorist attack against an American airliner to justify a new invasion. The operation needed a code name, and Sam Halpern came up with Mongoose. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3290-3309  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:24 PM

Bill Harvey. Harvey was introduced to the Kennedys as the CIA’s James Bond. This seems to have mystified JFK, an avid reader of Ian Fleming’s spy romances, for the only thing Bond and Harvey had in common was a taste for martinis. Obese, pop-eyed, always packing a pistol, Harvey drank doubles at lunch and returned to work muttering darkly, cursing the day he met RFK. Bobby Kennedy “wanted fast actions, he wanted fast answers,” said McCone’s executive assistant, Walt Elder. “Harvey did not have fast actions or fast answers.” But he did have a secret weapon. The Kennedy White House twice had ordered the CIA to create an assassination squad. Under very close questioning by Senate investigators and a presidential commission in 1975, Richard Bissell said those orders had come from national security adviser McGeorge Bundy and Bundy’s aide Walt Rostow, and that the president’s men “would not have given such encouragement unless they were confident that it would meet with the president’s approval.” Bissell had handed down the order to Bill Harvey, who did as he was told. He had returned to headquarters in September 1959 after a long tour as chief of the Berlin base to command Division D of the clandestine service. The division’s officers broke into foreign embassies overseas to steal codebooks and ciphers for the eavesdroppers at the National Security Agency. They called themselves the Second-Story Men, and their skills ran from locksmithing to larceny and beyond. The division had contacts with criminals in foreign capitals who could be called on for cat burglaries, the kidnapping of embassy couriers, and assorted felonies in the name of American national security. In February 1962, Harvey created an “executive action” program, code-named Rifle, and retained the services of a foreign agent, a resident of Luxembourg but a man without a country, who worked on contract for Division D. Harvey intended to use him to kill Fidel Castro. In April 1962, the CIA’s records show, Harvey took a second approach. He met the mobster John Rosselli in New York. He picked up a new batch of poison pills, designed to be dropped into Castro’s tea or coffee, from Dr. Edward Gunn, the chief of the operations division of the CIA’s Office of Medical Services. Then he drove to Miami and delivered them to Rosselli, along with a U-Haul truck filled with weapons. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3309-12  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:24 PM

On May 7, 1962, the attorney general was briefed in full on the Rifle project by the CIA’s general counsel, Lawrence Houston, and the agency’s security chief, Sheffield Edwards. RFK was “mad as hell”—not mad about the assassination plot itself, but about the Mafia’s role in it. He did nothing to stop the CIA from seeking Castro’s death. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3317-20  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:24 PM

Helms thought political assassination in peacetime was a moral aberration. But there were practical considerations as well. “If you become involved in the business of eliminating foreign leaders, and it is considered by governments more frequently than one likes to admit, there is always the question of who comes next,” he observed. “If you kill someone else’s leaders, why shouldn’t they kill yours?” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3376-80  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:29 PM

McCone was the only one who saw the threat clearly. “If I were Khrushchev,” he said, “I’d put offensive missiles in Cuba. Then I’d bang my shoe on the desk and say to the United States, ‘How do you like looking down the end of a gun barrel for a change? Now, let’s talk about Berlin and any other subject that I choose.’” No one seems to have believed him. “The experts unanimously and adamantly agreed that this was beyond the realm of possibility,” notes an agency history of McCone’s years. “He stood absolutely alone.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3409-13  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:32 PM

At the same August 15 meeting that sealed Jagan’s fate, McCone handed President Kennedy the CIA’s new doctrine on counterinsurgency. Along with it came a second document outlining covert operations under way in eleven nations—Vietnam, Laos, and Thailand; Iran and Pakistan; and Bolivia, Colombia, the Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Guatemala, and Venezuela. That document was “highly classified because it tells all about the dirty tricks,” McCone told the president. “A marvelous collection or dictionary of your crimes,” Bundy said, with a laugh. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3414-20  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:33 PM

On August 21, Robert Kennedy asked McCone if the CIA could stage a phony attack on the American military base at Guantánamo Bay as a pretext for an American invasion of Cuba. McCone demurred. He told John Kennedy in private the next day that an invasion could be a fatal mistake. He warned the president for the first time that he thought the Soviets might be installing medium-range ballistic missiles in Cuba. If so, an American sneak attack might set off a nuclear war. He advocated raising a public alarm about the likelihood of a Soviet missile base. The president instantly rejected that idea, but he wondered aloud whether the CIA’s guerrillas or American troops would be needed to destroy the missile sites—if they existed. At that point, no one but McCone was convinced that they did. Their conversation continued in the Oval Office, 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3414-29  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:33 PM

Their conversation continued in the Oval Office, shortly after 6 p.m. on August 22, when they were joined by Maxwell Taylor, the general Kennedy trusted most. The president wanted to go over two other secret operations before discussing Cuba. The first was the developing plan to drop twenty Chinese Nationalist soldiers into mainland China during the coming week. The second was a plan for the CIA to wiretap members of the Washington press corps. “How are we doing with that set-up on the Baldwin business?” the president asked. Four weeks before, Hanson Baldwin, the national security reporter for The New York Times, had published an article on Soviet efforts to protect intercontinental ballistic missile launch sites with concrete bunkers. Baldwin’s highly detailed reporting accurately stated the conclusions of the CIA’s most recent national intelligence estimate. The president told McCone to set up a domestic task force to stop the flow of secrets from the government to the newspapers. The order violated the agency’s charter, which specifically prohibits domestic spying. Long before Nixon created his “plumbers” unit of CIA veterans to stop news leaks, Kennedy used the agency to spy on Americans. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3431-32  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:34 PM

1965. By ordering the director of central intelligence to conduct a program of domestic surveillance, Kennedy set a precedent that Presidents Johnson, Nixon, and George W. Bush would follow. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3437-39  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:34 PM

McCone left Washington the next day for a long honeymoon. A recent widower who had just remarried, he planned to go to Paris and the south of France. “I would be only too happy to have you call for me,” he wrote to the president, “and if you do, I would be somewhat relieved of a guilty feeling that seems to possess me.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3441-44  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:34 PM

A U-2 flight passed over Cuba on August 29. Its film was processed overnight. On August 30, a CIA analyst bent over his light table and shouted: I’ve got a SAM site! It was a surface-to-air missile, an SA-2, the same Soviet weapon that had brought the U-2 down over Russia. That same day, another U-2 was caught straying over Soviet airspace, violating a solemn American vow and prompting a formal protest from Moscow. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3445-54  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:35 PM

JFK ordered General Carter, the acting director of central intelligence during McCone’s honeymoon, to deep-six the report on the SAM. “Put it in the box and nail it shut,” the president said. He could not afford to let international tensions create a domestic political uproar, not with elections two months away. Then, on September 9, another U-2 was shot down over China. The spy plane and its risks were now regarded, as a CIA report put it, with “universal repugnance, or, at the very least, extreme uneasiness” at the State Department and the Pentagon. A furious McGeorge Bundy, spurred by Dean Rusk and acting in the president’s name, canceled the next scheduled U-2 flight over Cuba and summoned James Q. Reber, the CIA veteran in charge of the Committee on Overhead Reconnaissance. “Is there anyone involved in the planning of these missions who wants to start a war?” Bundy asked bluntly. President Kennedy restricted U-2 flights from passing over Cuban airspace on September 11. Four days later, the first Soviet medium-range missiles docked at Mariel Harbor in Cuba. The photo gap—a blind spot at a decisive moment in history—went on for forty-five days. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3455-58  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:35 PM

McCone, keeping watch on CIA headquarters through incessant cables from the French Riviera, commanded the agency to warn the White House of the “danger of a surprise.” It did not. The CIA estimated that there were 10,000 Soviet troops in Cuba. There were 43,000. The agency said Cuban troop strength stood at 100,000. The true number was 275,000. The CIA flatly rejected the possibility that the Soviets were building nuclear sites in Cuba. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3503-7  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:38 PM

Richard Helms brought the U-2 photos to the attorney general’s office at 9:15 a.m. on October 16. “Kennedy got up from his desk and stood for a moment staring out the window,” Helms remembered. “He turned to face me. ‘Shit,’ he said loudly, raising both fists to his chest as if he were about to begin shadow boxing. ‘Damn it all to hell and back.’ These were my sentiments exactly.” Bobby Kennedy thought: “We had been deceived by Khrushchev, but we had also fooled ourselves.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3519-47  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:40 PM

The president flicked on his tape recorder. More than forty years went by before an accurate transcript of the Cuban missile crisis meetings was compiled. “THAT’D BE GODDAMN DANGEROUS” The president stared at the pictures. “How far advanced is this?” he asked. “Sir, we’ve never seen this kind of an installation before,” Lundahl said. “Not even in the Soviet Union?” Kennedy said. “No, sir,” Lundahl replied. “It’s ready to be fired?” asked the president. “No, sir,” said Graybeal. “How long have…we can’t tell that, can we, how long before they fire?” Kennedy asked. No one knew. Where were the warheads? asked Defense Secretary McNamara. No one knew. Why had Khrushchev done this? wondered the president. No one knew. But Secretary Rusk had a good guess: “We don’t really live under fear of his nuclear weapons to the extent that he has to live under ours,” he suggested. “Also, we have nuclear weapons nearby, in Turkey and places like that.” The president was only dimly aware that those missiles were in place. He had all but forgotten that he had chosen to keep those weapons pointed at the Soviets. JFK ordered three strike plans prepared: number one, to destroy the nuclear missile sites with air force or navy jets; number two, to mount a far bigger air strike; number three, to invade and conquer Cuba. “We’re certainly going to do number one,” he said. “We’re going to take out these missiles.” The meeting broke up at 1 p.m. after Bobby Kennedy argued for an all-out invasion. At 2:30 p.m., RFK cracked the lash at the Mongoose team at his enormous office in the Justice Department, demanding new ideas, new missions. Passing on a question posed to him by the president ninety minutes earlier, he asked Helms to tell him how many Cubans would fight for the regime if the United States invaded. No one knew. At 6:30 p.m., the president’s men reconvened in the Cabinet Room. Thinking of the Mongoose missions, President Kennedy asked if the MRBMs, the medium-range ballistic missiles, could be destroyed with bullets. Yes, General Carter told him, but these were mobile missiles; they could be moved to new hiding places. The problem of targeting mobile missiles has remained unsolved to this day. The president now contemplated the question of a nuclear war over Cuba. He began to grasp how little he understood the Soviet leader. “We certainly have been wrong about what he’s trying to do,” the president said. “Not many of us thought that he was gonna put MRBMs on Cuba.” Nobody save John McCone, Bundy muttered. Why had Khrushchev done it? the president asked. “What is the advantage of that? It’s just as if we suddenly began to put a major number of MRBMs in Turkey,” he said. “Now that’d be goddamn dangerous, I would think.” A moment of awkward silence fell. “Well, we did it, Mr. President,” said Bundy. The talk then turned to secret warfare. “We have a list of sabotage options, Mr. President,” said Bundy. “…I take it you are in favor of sabotage.” He was. Ten teams of five Mongoose agents were authorized to infiltrate Cuba by submarine. Their orders were to blow up Soviet ships with underwater mines in Cuban harbors, to attack three surface-to-air missile sites with machine guns and mortars, and perhaps to go after the nuclear missile launchers. The Kennedys were swinging wildly. The CIA was their blunt instrument. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3569-71  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:42 PM

McNamara pointed out that a surprise air strike on the bases would kill several hundred Soviets. Attacking them was an act of war against Moscow, not Havana. Then Undersecretary of State George Ball voiced what the CIA’s Marshall Carter had said two nights before: “A course of action where we strike without warning is like Pearl Harbor.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3595-3604  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:44 PM

“Well, it looks like it’s gonna be real mean. But on the other hand, there’s really no choice,” said the president. “If they get mean on this one—Jesus Christ! What are they gonna fuck up next?” His brother said: “There wasn’t any choice. I mean, you woulda had a—you woulda been impeached.” The president agreed: “I woulda been impeached.” At 10 a.m. on Wednesday, October 24, the blockade took effect, the American military went on its highest alert short of nuclear war, and McCone began his daily briefing at the White House. The director of central intelligence at last was serving as his charter commanded, bringing all of American intelligence to the president into a single voice. The Soviet army was not on full alert, but it was increasing its readiness, he reported, and the Soviet navy had submarines in the Atlantic trailing the fleet headed for Cuba. New photoreconnaissance showed storage buildings for nuclear warheads, but no sign of the warheads themselves. McCone took pains that day to point out to the president that the blockade would not stop the Soviets from readying the missile launching sites. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3610-11  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:45 PM

This is the moment when Rusk is supposed to have leaned over to Bundy and said: “We are eyeball to eyeball, and I think the other fellow just blinked.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3640-56  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:47 PM

McCone agreed: it was specific, serious, and impossible to ignore. The arguments over how to respond dragged on all day, punctuated by moments of terror. First a U-2 strayed into Soviet airspace off the coast of Alaska, prompting Soviet jets to scramble. Then, at about 6 p.m., McNamara suddenly announced that another U-2 had been shot down over Cuba, killing Air Force Major Rudolf Anderson. The Joint Chiefs now strongly recommended that a full-scale attack on Cuba should begin in thirty-six hours. Around 6:30 p.m., President Kennedy left the room, and the talk immediately became less formal, more brutal. “The military plan is basically invasion,” McNamara said. “When we attack Cuba, we are going to have to attack with an all-out attack,” he said. “This is almost certain to lead to an invasion.” Or a nuclear war, Bundy muttered. “The Soviet Union may, and I think probably will, attack the Turkish missiles,” McNamara continued. Then the United States would have to attack Soviet ships or bases in the Black Sea. “And I would say that it is damn dangerous,” said the secretary of defense. “Now, I’m not sure we can avoid anything like that if we attack Cuba. But I think we should make every effort to avoid it. And one way to avoid it is to defuse the Turkish missiles before we attack Cuba,” McNamara said. McCone exploded: “I don’t see why you don’t make the trade then!” And the ground shifted. Other voices shouted out: Make the trade! Make the trade then! His anger rising, McCone went on: “We’ve talked about this, and we’d say we’d be delighted to trade those missiles in Turkey for the thing in Cuba.” He pressed his point home. “I’d trade these Turkish things out right now. I wouldn’t even talk to anybody about it. We sat for a week and there was—everybody was in favor of doing it”—until Khrushchev proposed it. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3664-66  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:48 PM

For many years thereafter, the world believed that only President Kennedy’s calm resolve and his brother’s steely commitment to a peaceable resolution had saved the nation from a nuclear war. McCone’s central role in the Cuban missile crisis was obscured for the rest of the twentieth century. The Kennedys soon turned against McCone. The 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3678-88  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:49 PM

Helms replaced him as the man in charge of Cuba with his Far East chief, Desmond FitzGerald, a Harvard man and a millionaire who lived in a red-brick Georgetown mansion with a butler in the pantry and a Jaguar in the garage. The president liked him; he fit the James Bond image. He had been hired out of his New York law firm by Frank Wisner at the start of the Korean War and instantly made executive officer of the Far East division of the clandestine service. He had helped run the disastrous Li Mi operation in Burma. Then he commanded the CIA’s China Mission, which sent foreign agents to their deaths until 1955, when a headquarters review deemed the mission a waste of time, money, energy, and human life. FitzGerald then rose to deputy chief of the Far East, where he helped to plan and execute the Indonesian operation in 1957 and 1958. As Far East division chief, he presided over the rapid expansion of the CIA’s operations in Vietnam, Laos, and Tibet. Now the Kennedys ordered him to blow up Cuban mines, mills, power plants, and commercial ships, to destroy the enemy in hopes of creating a counterrevolution. The objective, as Bobby Kennedy told FitzGerald in April 1963, was to oust Castro in eighteen months—before the next presidential election. Twenty-five Cuban agents of the CIA died on those futile operations. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Bookmark Loc. 3701  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:50 PM


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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 1 | Loc. 195-97  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 07:04 PM

It was to be his last electoral campaign; “[M]ake it the best,” he had told his Chief of Staff, H. R. Haldeman, in September. Nixon’s triumph rivaled Franklin D. Roosevelt’s in 1936 and Lyndon Baines Johnson’s in 1964; and like them, President Nixon would quickly discover that the electorate’s mandates were neither absolute nor irrevocable. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 4 | Loc. 224-27  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 07:06 PM

The re-election, then, produced nothing but contradictions. Where confidence should have abounded, confusion reigned; instead of joy, resentment surged through the White House; and whereas “peace abroad and justice at home” should have dominated the President’s concerns, the “sour note” of Watergate was to echo through the remainder of Richard Nixon’s presidency. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 10 | Loc. 262-66  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 07:08 PM

We must also look to Nixon’s long public career to explain his conduct as President. His personality, his lengthy tenure in the political arena, and his behavior in prominent events of the previous quarter-century clearly conditioned much of his presidency. Those years were ones of preparation for his ambition; they also molded and shaped those special qualities that anticipated the disaster that befell him. With Richard Milhous Nixon’s election to the presidency in 1968, the times and the man came together—and Watergate was the result. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 12 | Loc. 299-306  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 09:31 PM

On every front, Johnson commanded and directed a succession of triumphs. The opposition—what there was of it—was in total disarray. “I am a fellow that likes small parties,” Johnson quipped, “and the Republican party is about the size I like.” The President’s power was immense, almost absolute. “He’s getting everything through the Congress but the abolition of the Republican party,” James Reston wrote in the New York Times,“and he hasn’t tried that yet.” And yet, despite Johnson’s triumphs, a White House aide noted, “something was wrong, drastically wrong.” Johnson himself acknowledged that his support was “like a Western river, broad but not deep.” Kennedy loyalists nipped at the President’s heels, snickered at his Texas roots and mannerisms, claimed he was succeeding only because of sympathy for the martyred Kennedy, and, most of all, complained about something they called “style.” The Pedernales did not flow through Camelot. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 12 | Loc. 320-28  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 09:33 PM

The master politician could not elude the questions and innuendoes regarding his moral character. The United States’ growing involvement in Indochina was intractable and unpopular enough, but Johnson’s lack of moral authority compounded the difficulty. The result was tragic for him, and for the nation. President Johnson eagerly anticipated the 1964 election as a personal referendum, a plebiscite offering him a ticket of admission to the White House in his own right rather than as an “accidental president”; 1964 would release him from the Kennedy bondage. His wish seemed to be granted. Whatever his personal merits, Lyndon Johnson was lucky—blessed, it might seem-in having an opponent that year who politically and emotionally terrified a substantial part of the American electorate. The President’s triumph over Senator Barry Goldwater rivaled Franklin D. Roosevelt’s landslide victory in 1936. Johnson’s victory was total, absolute, and, like so much else about him, excessive. The staggering dimensions of his election, with 61 percent of the popular vote, certainly gave him an exaggerated sense of his mandate. Ironically, however, the very scale of his victory served to heighten suspicions of him. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 15 | Loc. 377-83  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 09:36 PM

The Gulf of Tonkin incident, early in August 1964, and Johnson’s subsequent dealings with Congress, eventually shaped that image of deception more than any other event of his presidency. The congressional resolution authorizing Johnson to retaliate against North Vietnamese attacks never escaped the smell of presidential duplicity. Whether Johnson used the occasion to fulfill longstanding plans for wider American involvement in the war, as Senator J. William Fulbright later believed, or whether the resolution resulted from the President’s fear that Goldwater and the Right would preempt him on the issue of standing up to Communism—or both—the Tonkin Gulf Resolution was a watershed not only for the Vietnam war but for the relationship between the executive and legislative branches for the next decade. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 16 | Loc. 416-18  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 09:39 PM

He treated it as a blank check for congressional support, although Congress’s support was not unlimited, and in time, Johnson and the presidency paid high interest for its use. The Gulf of Tonkin incident and its aftermath planted the seeds for a decade of discord and estrangement between the presidency and Congress over Vietnam policy. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 17 | Loc. 425-30  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 09:39 PM

Washington had seen nothing like it since the Hundred Days of the New Deal. “Johnson’s Congress” compiled a staggering legislative record. The sweeping, almost revolutionary, Voting Rights Act and the long-sought Medicare program headed the list. Congress also created the National Endowment for the Humanities, the National Endowment for the Arts, the new Department of Housing and Urban Development, and the Arms Control Agency. It passed clean-air, clean-water, and highway-beautification measures to preserve the environment. It allocated new and enlarged grants for federal research on heart disease, cancer, and stroke, as well as a raft of new programs for the President’s “War on Poverty,” including provisions for rent subsidies, manpower training, and Operation Head Start. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 18 | Loc. 443-44  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 09:40 PM

The notion of a “credibility gap” in the Administration symbolized the growing unease. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 19 | Loc. 465-66  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 09:42 PM

Johnson craved personal attention, and then objected when press accounts depicted his behavior as grotesque or undesirable. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 19 | Loc. 473-77  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 09:43 PM

The net result of his bad press was that Johnson responded with an equal measure of contempt. Worse, he retreated into an ever-shrinking shell of friends and advisers in the White House. Unwilling to confront hostile receptions, he became a virtual prisoner in Washington, increasingly under siege. Johnson’s seclusion was ominous. Even at the nadir of his popularity, Harry Truman still moved freely about Washington, taking his morning walk down Pennsylvania Avenue, accompanied only by a few Secret Service agents. Aides urged President Johnson to travel, believing he could generate a counterwave of sympathy. Reportedly, the Secret Service and Johnson himself rejected the advice. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 20 | Loc. 493-95  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 09:44 PM

He was a high-pressure salesman,” Harry McPherson wrote, “always trying to get his foot in the door, frequently arousing—in professionally skeptical men who had spent their working lives listening to the apologies of politicians—an incredible resistance.” 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 21 | Loc. 520-23  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 09:45 PM

But Johnson wove the war inextricably into the fabric of American politics and society. The Vietnam venture raised fundamental questions about the course of American foreign policy; eventually, however, those questions spilled over into more basic domestic considerations of presidential authority and power. The result was a politics of turmoil and upheaval that did not abate for nearly a decade and witnessed the unexpected departures of two presidents. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 22 | Loc. 550-53  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 09:48 PM

Johnson’s patriotic homilies were inadequate. George Washington, at Valley Forge in 1778, warned that whoever built upon patriotism as a sufficient basis for conducting a long and bloody war “will find themselves deceived in the end.” Such a war, Washington insisted, could never be sustained by patriotism alone. “It must be aided by a prospect of Interest or some reward. For a time, it may, of itself push Men to action; … but it will not endure unassisted by Interest.” 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 24 | Loc. 591-94  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 09:50 PM

Johnson had hoped that if he had “to turn back I want to make sure I am not in too deep to do so.” By 1967, however, he was deep in the Vietnam “mud.” “We face more cost, more loss, more agony,” he reported in his 1967 State of the Union message. The result was that the master of crafty, pragmatic politics now emerged as a rigid ideologue, seemingly unresponsive to emerging political realities. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 25 | Loc. 610-12  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 09:51 PM

The North, he realized, could deploy most of its troops in the South without having to fear any strike against its home terrain. “They didn’t believe it at first, and then, finally, they came to the conclusion that we were really that stupid,” Moorer later complained. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 25 | Loc. 617-20  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 09:52 PM

Johnson was described by a contemporary as “king of the river and a stranger to the sea.” 34 He was a clever navigator of the congressional stream, paddling deftly through its pools and eddies, ever alert for the occasional sandbar. But in the open sea of foreign policy, with its shifting, almost imperceptible currents, its swells and tempests—there he was out of his depth. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 25 | Loc. 624-27  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 09:52 PM

The history of presidential power is a history of aggrandizement; the transformation of the office in the twentieth century alone has been remarkable. 35 Economic dislocation, global wars, and the assumption of world leadership have focused power in the presidency, and with it the rapt attention of a fascinated, often adoring, public. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 27 | Loc. 655-58  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 09:54 PM

The first month of 1968 portended the “continuous nightmare,” as Johnson later characterized the final year of his presidency. It was, he said, “one of the most agonizing years any President ever spent in the White House.” 39 By then, he interpreted assaults against the United States as personal humiliations, even when his fault was minimal or the enemy’s victory dubious. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 27 | Loc. 658-59  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 09:54 PM

On January 23, 1968, North Korea—perhaps North Vietnam’s prototype in Johnson’s eyes—seized the USS Pueblo, a highly sophisticated spy ship. One week later, the North Vietnamese and their Viet Cong allies unleashed the Tet offensive. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 30 | Loc. 721-24  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 09:58 PM

Physically ill and worn, obsessed with the fear of a second heart attack, demoralized by his failure to win the hearts and minds of Americans, Johnson announced his withdrawal from the presidential race in a March 31 televised address. “I shall not seek, and I will not accept, the nomination of my party for another term as your President.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3702-8  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 10:08 PM

Alone in the Oval Office on Monday, November 4, 1963, John F. Kennedy dictated a memo about a maelstrom he had set in motion half a world away—the assassination of an American ally, President Ngo Dinh Diem of South Vietnam. “We must bear a good deal of responsibility for it,” JFK said. He stopped for a moment to play with his children as they ran in and out of the room. Then he resumed. “The way he was killed”—and he paused again—“made it particularly abhorrent.” The CIA’s Lucien Conein was Kennedy’s spy among the mutinous generals who murdered Diem. “I was part and parcel of the whole conspiracy,” Conein said in an extraordinary testament years later. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3714-16  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 10:09 PM

Conein served under the command of Ed Lansdale at the CIA’s new Saigon Military Mission. Lansdale had “a very broad charter,” said the CIA’s Rufus Phillips. “It was literally, ‘Ed, do what you can to save South Vietnam.’” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3718-19  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 10:09 PM

He then returned to Saigon to help shore up President Diem, a mystic Catholic in a Buddhist country whom the CIA provided with millions of dollars, a phalanx of bodyguards, and a direct line to Allen Dulles. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3793-98  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 10:14 PM

“I wanted to stay,” he remembered. “I wanted to see the celebration of the birthday of Buddha. I wanted to see the boats with the candles lit going down the perfumed river, but it was not to be.” The next morning Diem’s soldiers attacked and killed members of a Buddhist entourage in Hue. “Diem had been out of touch with reality,” Conein said. Diem’s blue-uniformed scouts modeled on the Hitler Youth, his CIA-trained special forces, and his secret police aimed to create a Catholic regime in a Buddhist nation. By oppressing the monks, Diem had made them a powerful political force. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3812-17  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 10:15 PM

He was alone on a rainy Saturday night in Hyannis Port, on crutches for his aching back, grieving for his stillborn son Patrick, buried two weeks before. Shortly after 9 p.m., the president took a call from his national-security aide Michael Forrestal, and without preamble approved an eyes-only cable for the newly arrived Ambassador Lodge, drafted by Roger Hilsman at the State Department. “We must face the possibility that Diem himself cannot be preserved,” it told Lodge, and it urged him to “make detailed plans as to how we might bring about Diem’s replacement.” The secretary of state, the secretary of defense, and the director of central intelligence had not been consulted. All three were dubious about a coup against Diem. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3817-22  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 10:15 PM

“I should not have given my consent to it,” the president told himself after the consequences became clear. Yet the order went forward. Hilsman told Helms that the president had ordered Diem ousted. Helms handed the assignment to Bill Colby, the new chief of the CIA’s Far East division. Colby passed it on to John Richardson, his choice to replace him as the station chief in Saigon: “In circumstance believe CIA must fully accept directives of policy makers and seek ways to accomplish objectives they seek,” he instructed Richardson—though the order “appears to be throwing away bird in hand before we have adequately identified birds in bush, or songs they may sing.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3839-42  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 10:36 PM

Lucien Conein went to meet General Duong Van Minh, known as “Big Minh,” at the Joint General Staff Headquarters in Saigon on October 5. He reported that the general raised the issue of assassination and the question of American support for a new junta. Dave Smith, the new acting station chief, recommended that “we do not set ourselves irrevocably against the assassination plot”—music to Ambassador Lodge’s ears, anathema to McCone’s. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3843-45  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 10:36 PM

Careful to avoid using words that could link the White House to a murder, he later testified, he chose a sports analogy: Mr. President, if I were the manager of a baseball team, and I had only one pitcher, I’d keep him on the mound whether he was a good pitcher or not. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3867-71  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 10:37 PM

The coup struck on November 1. It was noon in Saigon, midnight in Washington. Summoned at home by an emissary from General Don, Conein changed into his uniform and called Rufus Phillips to watch over his wife and infant children. Then he grabbed a .38-caliber revolver and a satchel with about $70,000 in CIA funds, hopped into his jeep, and rushed through the streets of Saigon to the Joint General Staff headquarters of the army of South Vietnam. The streets were filled with gunfire. The leaders of the coup had closed the airport, cut the city’s telephone lines, stormed central police headquarters, seized the government radio station, and attacked the centers of political power. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3889-91  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 10:39 PM

Diem said he would be waiting at the Saint Francis Xavier church in the Chinese quarter of Saigon. The general sent an armored personnel carrier to fetch Diem and his brother, ordered his personal bodyguard to lead the convoy, and then raised two fingers on his right hand. It was a signal: kill them both. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3918-20  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 10:41 PM

Here were the guys who had just carried out a coup, killed the chief of state, and then they walk up to the Embassy, as if to say, ‘Hey, boss, we did a good job, didn’t we?’” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4022-25  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 02:46 PM

The creation of the Warren Commission posed a crushing moral dilemma for Richard Helms. “Helms realized that disclosing the assassination plots would reflect very poorly on the Agency and reflect very poorly on him, and that it might indeed turn out that the Cubans had undertaken this assassination in retaliation for our operations to assassinate Castro. This would have a disastrous effect on him and the Agency,” John Whitten testified. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4106-15  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 02:52 PM

Angleton’s highest duty as chief of counterintelligence was to protect the CIA and its agents against its enemies. But a great deal had gone wrong on his watch. In 1959, Major Pyotr Popov, the CIA’s first spy of any note inside the Soviet Union, had been arrested and executed by the KGB. George Blake, the British spy for Moscow who blew the Berlin Tunnel before it was dug, had been exposed in the spring of 1961, forcing the CIA to consider that the tunnel had been used for Soviet disinformation. Six months later, Heinz Felfe, Angleton’s West German counterpart, was exposed as a Soviet spy after inflicting deep damage on the CIA’s operations in Germany and Eastern Europe. A year after that, the Soviets arrested Colonel Oleg Penkovsky, secret hero of the Cuban missile crisis. They executed him in the spring of 1962. Then there was Kim Philby. In January 1963, Angleton’s prime tutor in counterintelligence, his old confidant, his drinking partner, fled to Moscow. He was revealed at last as a Soviet spy who had served at the highest levels of British intelligence. Philby had been a suspect for twelve years. Back when he first fell under suspicion, Walter Bedell Smith had demanded reports from everyone having had contact with the man. Bill Harvey stated categorically that Philby was a Soviet agent. Jim Angleton stated categorically that he was not. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4167-68  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 02:56 PM

The covert operations of the Kennedys haunted Lyndon Johnson all his life. He said over and over that Dallas was divine retribution for Diem. “We all got together and got a goddamn bunch of thugs and we went in and assassinated him,” he lamented. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4179-81  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 02:58 PM

But Lyndon Johnson lay awake at night, trying to decide whether to go all-out in Vietnam or get out. Without American support, Saigon would fall. He did not want to plunge in with thousands of American troops. He could not be seen to pull out. The only path between war and diplomacy was covert action. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4208-10  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 03:00 PM

The president had been in office for eleven months before he asked McCone how big the CIA was, what it cost, and precisely how it could serve him. The director’s advice was rarely heard and rarely heeded. Without the president’s ear, he had no power, and without that power, the CIA began to drift into the dangerous middle passage of the 1960s. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4231-34  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 03:02 PM

The war was authorized by the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution, rammed through Congress after what the president and the Pentagon proclaimed was an unprovoked attack by North Vietnam on American ships in international waters on August 4. The National Security Agency, which compiled and controlled the intelligence on the attack, insisted the evidence was ironclad. Robert McNamara swore to it. The navy’s official history of the Vietnam War calls it conclusive. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4283-87  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 03:06 PM

In the process, someone at the NSA destroyed the smoking gun—the intercept that McNamara had shown to the president. “McNamara had taken over raw SIGINT and shown the president what they thought was evidence of a second attack,” said Ray Cline, then the CIA’s deputy director of intelligence. “And it was just what Johnson was looking for.” In a rational world, it would have been the CIA’s task to take a hard look at the SIGINT from the Gulf of Tonkin and issue an independent interpretation of its meaning. It was no longer a rational world. “It was too late to make any difference,” Cline said. “The planes had been launched.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4295-99  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 03:07 PM

On August 7, Congress authorized the war in Vietnam. The House voted 416–0. The Senate voted 88–2. It was a “Greek tragedy,” Cline said, an act of political theater reprised four decades later when false intelligence on the Iraqi arsenal upheld another president’s rationale for war. It remained to Lyndon Johnson to sum up what really happened in the Gulf of Tonkin, which he did four years after the fact. “Hell,” said the president, “those damn stupid sailors were just shooting at flying fish.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4367-71  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 07:36 PM

The president wondered how to fight an enemy he could not see. “There must be somebody out there that’s got enough brains to figure out some way that we can find some special targets to hit on,” Johnson demanded as night fell in Saigon. He decided to pour thousands more troops into battle and ratchet up the bombing campaign. He never once consulted the director of central intelligence. “A 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4380-86  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 07:37 PM

Lyndon Johnson had stopped listening to John McCone long ago. The director left office knowing he had had no impact whatsoever on the thinking of the president of the United States. Like almost all who followed him, LBJ liked the agency’s work only if it fit his thinking. When it did not, it went into the wastebasket. “Let me tell you about these intelligence guys,” he said. “When I was growing up in Texas, we had a cow named Bessie. I’d go out early and milk her. I’d get her in the stanchion, seat myself, and squeeze out a pail of fresh milk. One day I’d worked hard and gotten a full pail of milk, but I wasn’t paying attention, and old Bessie swung her shit-smeared tail through that bucket of milk. Now, you know, that’s what these intelligence guys do. You work hard and get a good program or policy going, and they swing a shit-smeared tail through it.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4434-37  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 07:40 PM

the U-2 had done for Eisenhower and the Bay of Pigs for Kennedy. It led directly to the first assertion by the American press that Lyndon Johnson had a “credibility gap.” The phrase was first published on May 23, 1965. It stung, and it stuck. The president took no further counsel from his new director of central intelligence. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4450-55  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 07:42 PM

On July 2, LBJ called Eisenhower for advice on escalating the war. The American death toll in Vietnam stood at 446. The ninth junta since the assassination of President Diem had just seized power, led by Nguyen Cao Ky, a pilot who had dropped paramilitary agents to their death on CIA missions, and by Nguyen Van Thieu, a general who later assumed the presidency. Ky was vicious, Thieu corrupt. Together they were the public face of democracy in South Vietnam. “You think that we can really beat the Vietcong out there?” the president asked. Victory depended entirely on good intelligence, Eisenhower replied, and “this is the hardest thing.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4632-36  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 07:50 PM

More than one million political prisoners were jailed by the new regime. Some stayed in prison for decades. Some died there. Indonesia remained a military dictatorship for the rest of the cold war. The consequences of the repression resound to this day. The United States has denied for forty years that it had anything to do with the slaughter carried out in the name of anticommunism in Indonesia. “We didn’t create the waves,” said Marshall Green. “We only rode the waves ashore.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4667-73  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 07:54 PM

Fifty-three, graying, trim from tennis, wound up like a Swiss watch, Helms drove his old black Cadillac to headquarters each morning at six-thirty, Saturdays included; this was a rare day off. What began for him as a wartime romance with secret intelligence had become an all-consuming passion. His marriage of twenty-seven years to Julia Shields, a sculptor six years older, was dying from inattention. Their son was off at college. His life was entirely devoted to the agency. When he answered the ringing phone, he heard his greatest wish fulfilled. His swearing-in took place at the White House on June 30. The president brought in the Marine Band to perform. Helms now commanded close to twenty thousand people, more than a third of them spying overseas, and a budget of about a billion dollars. He was perceived as one of the most powerful men in Washington. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4675-76  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 07:55 PM

A quarter of a million American soldiers were at war when Richard Helms took control at the CIA. One thousand covert operators in Southeast Asia and three thousand intelligence analysts at home were consumed by the growing disaster. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4680-83  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 07:56 PM

One of the hundreds of new CIA recruits who arrived for work the summer that Helms took power was a twenty-three-year-old who had signed up on a lark, looking for a free trip to Washington during his senior year at Indiana University. Bob Gates, the future director of central intelligence and secretary of defense, rode an agency bus from downtown Washington into a driveway surrounded by a high chain-link fence topped with barbed wire. He entered a forbidding seven-story concrete slab topped with antennas. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4702-18  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 08:33 PM

McNamara was fascinated to learn that Allen had spent seventeen years working on Vietnam. He did not know there was anyone who had devoted himself to the struggle for so long. Well, he said, you must have some ideas about what to do. “He wanted to know what I would do if I were sitting in his place,” Allen remembered. “I decided to respond candidly.” “Stop the buildup of American forces,” he said. “Halt the bombing of the North, and negotiate a cease-fire with Hanoi.” McNamara called his secretary and told her to cancel the rest of his appointments until after lunch. Why, the secretary of defense asked, would the United States choose to let the dominoes of Asia fall? Allen replied that the risk was no greater at the peace table than in the theater of war. If the United States stopped the bombing and started negotiating with China and the Soviet Union, as well as its Asian allies and enemies, there might be peace with honor. After ninety minutes of this riveting heresy, McNamara made three fateful decisions. He asked the CIA to compile an order of battle, an estimate of the enemy forces arrayed against the United States. He told his aides to begin to compile a top secret history of the war since 1954—the Pentagon Papers. And he questioned what he was doing in Vietnam. On September 19, McNamara telephoned the president: “I myself am more and more convinced that we ought definitely to plan on termination of bombing in the North,” he said. “I think also we ought to be planning, as I mentioned before, on a ceiling on our force levels. I don’t think we ought to just look ahead to the future and say we’re going to go higher and higher and higher and higher—six hundred thousand, seven hundred thousand, whatever it takes.” The president’s only response was an unintelligible grunt. McNamara came to understand, too late, that the United States had dramatically underestimated the strength of the insurgents killing American soldiers in Vietnam, a fatal mistake that would be repeated many years later in Iraq. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4732-34  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 08:36 PM

Carver reported to the director. Quantifying the number of Vietcong irregulars in South Vietnam “would produce a politically unacceptable total of over 400,000.” Since the military had “a pre-determined total, fixed on public-relations grounds, we can go no further (unless you instruct otherwise).” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4735-37  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 08:36 PM

Helms felt a crushing pressure to get on the team—and to trim the CIA’s reporting to fit the president’s policy. He caved in. He said the number “didn’t mean a damn.” The agency officially accepted the falsified figure of 299,000 enemy forces or fewer. “Circle now squared,” Carver cabled back to the director. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4738-42  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 08:37 PM

In the spring of 1963, John McCone had come under enormous pressure from the Pentagon to scuttle a pessimistic estimate that cited “very great weaknesses” in the government of South Vietnam—including poor morale among the troops, terrible intelligence, and communist penetration of the military. The CIA rewrote that estimate to read: “We believe that Communist progress has been blunted and that the situation is improving.” The CIA did not believe that. A few weeks later came the riots in Hue, followed by the burning Buddhists, and the plotting to do away with Diem. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4757-59  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 08:38 PM

Never had so much intelligence meant so little. The conduct of the war had been set by a series of lies that the leaders of the United States told one another and the American people. The White House and the Pentagon kept trying to convince the people that the war was going well. In time, the facts on the ground would prevail. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4795-98  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 08:41 PM

Five weeks before, LBJ and the syndicated columnist Drew Pearson had had an hour-long off-the-record conversation in the White House. Not for nothing was Pearson’s column called Washington Merry-Go-Round. He had set the president’s head spinning with a story about the Mafia’s John Rosselli, the loyal friend of the CIA’s Bill Harvey, who was the sworn enemy of Senator Robert F. Kennedy. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4798-4809  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 08:42 PM

“This story going around about the CIA…sendin’ in the folks to get Castro,” LBJ said to Ramsey Clark. “It’s incredible.” He told the tale as he had heard it: “They have a man that was involved, that was brought in to the CIA, with a number of others, and instructed by the CIA and the Attorney General to assassinate Castro after the Bay of Pigs…. They had these pills.” Every word of that was true. But the story went on. It took Johnson to a terrifying if unfounded conclusion: Castro had captured the plotters and “he tortured ’em. And they told him all about it…. So he said, ‘Okay. We’ll just take care of that.’ So then he called Oswald and a group in, and told them to…get the job done.” The job was the assassination of the president of the United States. Johnson told Ramsey Clark to find out what the FBI knew about the connections among the CIA, and the Mafia, and Bobby Kennedy. On March 3, Pearson’s column reported that “President Johnson is sitting on a political H-bomb—an unconfirmed report that Senator Robert Kennedy may have approved an assassination plot which then backfired against his late brother.” The item badly frightened Bobby Kennedy. He and Helms had lunch the next day, and the director brought the sole copy of the only CIA memo tying Kennedy to the Mafia plot against Castro. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4809-12  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 08:42 PM

Two days later, the FBI completed a report for the president with the pungent title “Central Intelligence Agency’s Intentions to Send Hoodlums to Cuba to Assassinate Castro.” It was clear and concise: the CIA had tried to kill Castro. The agency had hired members of the Mafia to do it. Robert Kennedy as attorney general knew about the CIA plot as it unfolded, and he knew the mob was involved. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4856-64  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 08:46 PM

Angleton by the mid-1960s had come to hold a set of views that, if accurate, portended grave consequences for the United States. Angleton believed that the Soviet Union, guided by as skillful a group of leaders as ever served one government, was implacable in its hostility toward the West. International Communism remained monolithic, and reports of a rift between Moscow and Peking were only part of an elaborate “disinformation campaign.” An “integrated and purposeful Socialist Bloc,” Angleton wrote in 1966, sought to foster false stories of “splits, evolution, power struggles, economic disasters, [and] good and bad Communism” to present “a wilderness of mirrors” to the confused West. Once this program of strategic deception had succeeded in splintering Western solidarity, Moscow would find it an easy matter to pick off the Free World nations one by one. Only the Western intelligence services, in Angleton’s view, could counter this challenge and stave off disaster. And because the Soviets had penetrated every one of these services, the fate of Western civilization rested, to a large extent, in the hands of the counterintelligence experts. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4865-66  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 08:46 PM

Angleton was unsound—“a man of loose and disjointed thinking whose theories, when applied to matters of public record, were patently unworthy of serious consideration,” as an official CIA assessment later concluded. The consequences of believing in him were grave. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4885-89  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 08:47 PM

Despite the blighted careers, the damaged lives, and the sheer chaos that Angleton created, Helms never broke faith with him. Why? First, as far as anyone knows, the CIA was never penetrated by a traitor or a Soviet spy during the twenty years that Angleton ran counterintelligence, and for this Helms was eternally grateful. Second, as the secret CIA history of the Helms years makes clear for the first time, Angleton was partly responsible for his greatest triumph as director of central intelligence: the CIA’s accurate call of the Six-Day War. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5093-95  | Added on Monday, March 24, 2014, 10:18 PM

At last Lyndon Johnson understood that no strategy could survive the failure of intelligence in Vietnam. The United States could not defeat an enemy it could not understand. A few weeks later, he announced he would not seek re-election as the president of the United States. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5145-48  | Added on Monday, March 24, 2014, 10:25 PM

The Covert Operations Study Group’s secret report was dated December 1, 1968. One of its recommendations particularly pleased Kissinger: it said the new president should give one senior White House official responsibility for watching over all covert operations. Kissinger would not merely watch them. He would run them. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Bookmark Loc. 5169  | Added on Monday, March 24, 2014, 10:27 PM


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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5168-70  | Added on Monday, March 24, 2014, 10:27 PM

The stack grew for a month, until Kissinger sent word in December that Nixon would never look at them. He made it clear that from now on anything the agency wanted to tell the president would have to be channeled through him. Neither Helms nor anyone else from the CIA would ever see Nixon alone. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5174-76  | Added on Monday, March 24, 2014, 10:28 PM

During a thirty-two-month stretch, the committee technically approved nearly forty covert actions but never once actually convened. In all, more than three quarters of the covert-action programs of the Nixon administration never were considered formally by the committee. The black operations of the United States were approved by Henry Kissinger. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5184-86  | Added on Monday, March 24, 2014, 10:29 PM

This was not merely a continuation of Chaos, the CIA’s ongoing search for sources of foreign support for the antiwar movement. It was a specific request from the president’s national security adviser for CIA files on American citizens. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5206-12  | Added on Monday, March 24, 2014, 10:31 PM

In the end, that is exactly what Helms did, erasing a key passage of the CIA’s most important estimate on Soviet nuclear forces in 1969. Once again, the agency was tailoring its work to fit the pattern of White House policy. His decision to go along with the White House “did not sit well with the Agency analysts,” Helms recorded. “In their view, I had compromised one of the Agency’s fundamental responsibilities—the mandate to evaluate all available data and express conclusions irrespective of U.S. policies.” But Helms would not risk this battle: “I was convinced we would have lost the argument with the Nixon administration, and that in the process the Agency would have been permanently damaged.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5237-38  | Added on Monday, March 24, 2014, 10:33 PM

All that was good—but it was also old hat to Nixon. What captured his imagination was the CIA’s ability to swing elections. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5281-82  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:32 PM

The CIA’s days of buying political influence in Italy finally ended when Graham Martin left Rome to become the next—and the last—American ambassador to South Vietnam. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5284-86  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:32 PM

Throughout 1969 and 1970, Nixon and Kissinger focused the CIA on the secret expansion of the war in Southeast Asia. They ordered the agency to make $725,000 in political payoffs to President Thieu of South Vietnam, manipulate the media in Saigon, fix an election in Thailand, and step up covert commando raids in North Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5287-92  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:33 PM

Helms told the president about the CIA’s long war in Laos. The agency “maintained a covert irregular force of a total of 39,000 men which has borne a major share of the active fighting” against the communists, he reminded Nixon. They were the CIA’s Hmong fighters, led since 1960 by General Vang Pao. “These irregular forces are tired from eight years of constant warfare, and Vang Pao…has been forced to use 13-and 14-year-old children to replace his casualties…. The limits have largely been reached on what this agency can do in a paramilitary sense to stop the North Vietnamese advance.” Nixon responded by ordering Helms to create a new Thai paramilitary battalion in Laos to shore up the Hmong. Kissinger asked where it would be best to bomb Laos with B-52s. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5311-18  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:35 PM

When Kissinger finally sat down with Chou, the prime minister asked about the latest Free Taiwan campaign: “The CIA had no hand in it?” Kissinger assured Chou that “he vastly overestimates the competence of the CIA.” “They have become the topic of discussion throughout the world,” Chou said. “Whenever something happens in the world they are always thought of.” “That is true,” Kissinger replied, “and it flatters them, but they don’t deserve it.” Chou was fascinated to learn that Kissinger personally approved the CIA’s covert operations. He voiced his suspicions that the agency was still subverting the People’s Republic. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5348-52  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:37 PM

“What the hell do those clowns do out there in Langley?” Nixon thundered. “Get the CIA jerks working on Cambodia,” he commanded. He told Helms to ship thousands of AK-47 automatic rifles to Lon Nol, to print a million propaganda leaflets, and to spread the word throughout the world that the United States was ready to invade. Then he ordered the CIA to deliver $10 million to the new Cambodian leader. “Get the money to Lon Nol,” he insisted. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5363-67  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:38 PM

“He understands that the intelligence community has been bitten badly a few times and thus tends to make its reports as bland as possible so that it won’t be bitten again,” the minutes say. “He believes that those responsible for the deliberate distortion of an intelligence report should be fired. He suggested that the time may be coming when he would have to read the riot act to the entire intelligence community.” At this delicate moment, Nixon ordered the CIA to fix the next election in Chile. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5377-84  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:40 PM

The CIA had beaten Allende once before. President Kennedy first approved a political-warfare program to subvert him more than two years before the September 1964 Chilean elections. The agency put in the plumbing and pumped roughly $3 million into the political apparatus of Chile. It worked out to about a dollar a vote for the pro-American Christian Democrat Eduardo Frei. Lyndon Johnson, who approved the continuing operation, spent a lot less per voter when he won the American presidency in 1964. Frei’s campaign received get-out-the-vote drives and political consultants along with suitcases full of cash. The CIA financed covert anti-Allende efforts by the Roman Catholic Church and trade unions. The agency pumped up the resistance to Allende in the Chilean military command and the national police. Secretary of State Rusk told President Johnson that Frei’s victory was “a triumph for democracy,” achieved “partly as a result of the good work of the CIA.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5390-92  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:40 PM

But in March 1970, he approved a $135,000 political-warfare program to crush Allende. On June 27, adding another $165,000, he observed: “I don’t see why we have to let a country go Marxist just because its people are irresponsible.” He backed the defeat of Allende, but the election of no one. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5399-5402  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:41 PM

Ambassador Korry found the CIA’s work appallingly unprofessional. “I had never seen such dreadful propaganda in a campaign anywhere in the world,” he said many years later. “I said that the idiots in the CIA who had helped create the ‘campaign of terror’—and I said this to the CIA—should have been sacked immediately for not understanding Chile and Chileans. This was the kind of thing I had seen in 1948 in Italy.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5406-7  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:41 PM

The CIA had plenty of experience fixing an election before the ballot. It had never fixed one afterward. It had seven weeks to reverse the outcome. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5414-17  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:42 PM

Helms met Edwards at midday at the Washington Hilton. They discussed the timing for a military coup against Allende. That afternoon, Kissinger approved $250,000 more for political warfare in Chile. In all, the CIA delivered a total of $1.95 million directly to Edwards, El Mercurio, and their campaign against Allende. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5421-28  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:42 PM

“Helms was very nervous when he returned,” Polgar remembered, and with good reason: Nixon had ordered him to mount a military coup without telling the secretary of state, the secretary of defense, the American ambassador, or the station chief. Helms had scrawled the president’s commands on a notepad: One in 10 chance perhaps, but save Chile!… $10,000,000 available…. best men we have…. make the economy scream. Helms had forty-eight hours to give Kissinger a game plan and forty-nine days to stop Allende. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5428-32  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:43 PM

Tom Polgar had known Richard Helms for twenty-five years. They had started out together in the Berlin base in 1945. Polgar looked his old friend in the eye and saw a flicker of despair. Helms turned to General Lanusse and asked what it would take for his junta to help overthrow Allende. The Argentine general stared at the chief of American intelligence. “Mr. Helms,” he said, “you already have your Vietnam. Don’t make me have mine.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5436-43  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:43 PM

The CIA divided the Allende operation into Track One and Track Two. Track One was political warfare, economic pressure, propaganda, and diplomatic hardball. It aimed to buy enough votes in the Chilean Senate to block Allende’s confirmation. If that failed, Ambassador Korry planned to persuade President Frei to create a constitutional coup. As a last resort, the United States would “condemn Chile and the Chileans to utmost deprivation and poverty,” Korry told Kissinger, “forcing Allende to adopt the harsh features of a police state,” and provoking a popular uprising. Track Two was a military coup. Korry knew nothing about it. But Helms defied the president’s order to exclude Henry Hecksher, and he told Tom Polgar to return to Argentina to bolster him. Hecksher and Polgar—Berlin base boys, the best of friends since World War II—were among the finest officers the CIA had. They both thought Track Two was a fool’s errand. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5445-49  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:44 PM

“Anyone who had lived in Chile, as I had, and knew Chileans, knew that you might get away with bribing one Chilean Senator, but two? Never. And three? Not a chance,” he said. “They would blow the whistle. They were democrats and had been for a long time.” As for Track Two, Phillips said, “the Chilean military was a very model of democratic rectitude.” Their commander, General Rene Schneider, had proclaimed that the army would obey the constitution and refrain from politics. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5457-63  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:44 PM

“You have twenty-four hours to either understand that I run you or you leave the country,” the ambassador said. “I am appalled,” Korry cabled Kissinger. “Any attempt on our part actively to encourage a coup could lead us to a Bay of Pigs failure.” An apoplectic Kissinger ordered the ambassador to stop meddling. Then he summoned Helms once more to the White House. The result was a flash cable to the CIA station in Santiago: “CONTACT THE MILITARY AND LET THEM KNOW USG”—the U.S. government—“WANTS A MILITARY SOLUTION, AND THAT WE WILL SUPPORT THEM NOW AND LATER…. CREATE AT LEAST SOME SORT OF COUP CLIMATE…. SPONSOR A MILITARY MOVE.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5465-72  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:45 PM

That day, Henry Hecksher tried to knock down the idea of running a coup in concert with General Viaux. The station chief told headquarters that a Viaux regime “would be a tragedy for Chile and for the free world…. A Viaux coup would only produce a massive bloodbath.” That went over poorly in Washington. On October 10, with two weeks left until the installation of Allende, Hecksher tried again to explain the facts to his superiors. “You have asked us to provoke chaos in Chile,” Hecksher wrote. “Thru Viaux solution we provide you with formula for chaos which is unlikely to be bloodless. To dissimulate US involvement will clearly be impossible. Station team, as you know, has given serious consideration to all plans suggested by HQs counterparts. We conclude that none of them stand even a remote chance of achieving objective. Hence, Viaux gamble, despite high risk factors, may commend itself to you.” Headquarters hesitated. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5485-88  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:46 PM

On October 19, with five days to go, Hecksher pointed out that Track Two had been “so unprofessional and insecure that, in Chilean setting, it could stand a chance of succeeding.” In other words, so many Chilean military officers knew that the CIA wanted Allende stopped that the odds of a coup were rising. “All interested military parties know our position,” reads a CIA memo dated October 20. Richard Helms returned to the United States from his two-week tour of Asian stations the next day. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5489-96  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:46 PM

On October 22, fifty hours before Congress was to convene to confirm the election results, a gang of armed men ambushed General Schneider on his way to work. He was shot repeatedly and died in surgery shortly after Salvador Allende was affirmed by Congress as the constitutionally elected president of Chile by a vote of 153 to 35. It took the CIA quite a few days to figure out who had killed General Schneider. At headquarters, Dave Phillips had assumed that the CIA’s machine guns had done the job. To his great relief, it had been Viaux’s men, not Valenzuela’s, who pulled the trigger. The CIA plane once scheduled to smuggle a kidnapped General Schneider out of Santiago carried in his stead the Chilean officer who had received the agency’s guns and money. “He came to Buenos Aires with a pistol in his pocket saying, ‘I’m in big trouble, you got to help me,’” Tom Polgar remembered. The agency had started out buying votes in Chile, and it wound up smuggling automatic weapons to would-be assassins. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5503-5  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:47 PM

Nixon decreed that Helms could keep his job only if he cleaned house. The director immediately promised to dismiss four of his six deputies, retaining only Tom Karamessines for covert action and Carl Duckett for science and technology. In a memo to Kissinger, he warned obliquely that a continuing purge would threaten the morale and dedication of his men. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5512-16  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:48 PM

It proved simple for the Nixon White House to savage the CIA, but far harder to salvage it. That month, at the president’s direction, Kissinger and Shultz deputized an ambitious ax-wielder at the budget office named James R. Schlesinger to lead a three-month review of the roles and responsibilities held by Richard Helms. Prematurely gray at forty-one, Schlesinger was a Harvard classmate of Kissinger’s, every bit his equal in intellect, though lacking the essential quality of deceit. He had made his reputation at the Nixon White House by crashing into the underbrush of the government and chopping out dead wood. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5517-22  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:48 PM

Seven thousand CIA analysts swamped with data could not sort out the patterns of the present. Six thousand clandestine-service officers could not penetrate the high councils of the communist world. The director of central intelligence had no power to do anything except run covert action and produce intelligence reports that Nixon and Kissinger rarely read. The agency could not support Nixon’s global ambitions—opening the door to China, standing up to the Soviets, ending the Vietnam War on American terms. “There is no evidence that the intelligence community, given its present structure, will come to grips with this class of problems,” Schlesinger concluded. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5525-28  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:49 PM

Haig, who had set the idea in motion, wrote a memo that it would be “the most controversial gutfight” undertaken in American government in memory. The problem was that Congress had created the CIA and it would have to play a part in its rebirth. This Nixon could not abide. It had to be done in secret. He ordered Kissinger to spend a month doing nothing else but making sure it happened. But Kissinger had no stomach for it. “I prefer to sit on it,” he scribbled on Haig’s memo. “I have no intention to bleed over it.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5532-34  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:49 PM

With that, the idea died, except in the mind of Richard Nixon. “Intelligence is a sacred cow,” he raged. “We’ve done nothing since we’ve been here about it. The CIA isn’t worth a damn.” He made a mental note to get rid of Richard Helms. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5537-39  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:50 PM

“Kissinger, in the role of the devil’s advocate, pointed out that the proposed CIA program was aimed at supporting moderates. Since Allende is holding himself out as a moderate, he asked, why not support extremists?” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5544-46  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:51 PM

And President Allende made a fatal mistake. In reaction to the pressure placed upon him by the CIA, he built a shadow army called the Grupo de Amigos del Presidente, or the Friends of the President. Fidel Castro backed this force. The Chilean military could not conscience it. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5548-53  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:52 PM

The cable said the United States would within minutes or hours receive a request for aid from “a key officer of the Chilean military group planning to overthrow President Allende.” The coup came on September 11, 1973. It was swift and terrible. Facing capture at the presidential palace, Allende killed himself with an automatic rifle, a gift from Fidel Castro. The military dictatorship of General Augusto Pinochet took power that afternoon, and the CIA quickly forged a liaison with the general’s junta. Pinochet reigned with cruelty, murdering more than 3,200 people, jailing and torturing tens of thousands in the repression called the Caravan of Death. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5554-61  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:53 PM

statement to Congress after the cold war ended, “that some CIA contacts were actively engaged in committing and covering up serious human rights abuses.” Chief among them was Colonel Manuel Contreras, the head of the Chilean intelligence service under Pinochet. He became a paid CIA agent and met with senior CIA officials in Virginia two years after the coup, at a time when the agency reported that he was personally responsible for thousands of cases of murder and torture in Chile. Contreras distinguished himself with a singular act of terror: the 1976 assassination of Orlando Letelier, who had been Allende’s ambassador to the United States, and an American aide, Ronni Moffitt. They were killed by a car bomb fourteen blocks from the White House. Contreras then blackmailed the United States by threatening to tell the world about his relationship with the CIA, and blocked his extradition and trial for the murder. There was no question at the agency that Pinochet knew and approved of that terrorist killing on American soil. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5561-66  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:03 PM

The Pinochet regime held power for seventeen years. After it fell, Contreras was convicted by a Chilean court of the murder of Orlando Letelier and served a seven-year sentence. Pinochet died in December 2006 at age ninety-one, under indictment for murder and with $28 million in secret bank accounts abroad. At this writing, Henry Kissinger is being pursued in the courts of Chile, Argentina, Spain, and France by survivors of the Caravan of Death. When he was secretary of state, the White House counsel gave him fair warning that “one who sets in motion a coup attempt can be assessed with the responsibility for the natural and probable consequences of that action.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5566-70  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:03 PM

The CIA was incapable of “placing stop and go buttons on the machinery” of covert action, said Dave Phillips, the Chilean task force chief. “I thought that if there were a military coup, there might be two weeks of street fighting in Santiago, and perhaps months of fighting and thousands of deaths in the countryside,” he testified in secret to a Senate committee five years after the initial failure of Track Two. “God knows I knew I was involved in something where one man might get killed.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5570-73  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:03 PM

His interrogator asked: What is the distinction that you draw between one death in an assassination and thousands in a coup? “Sir,” he replied, “what is the distinction I draw from the time I was a bombardier in World War Two and pushed a target button, and hundreds and perhaps thousands of people died?” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5574-78  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:04 PM

Under President Nixon, secret government surveillance reached a peak in the spring of 1971. The CIA, the NSA, and the FBI were spying on American citizens. Defense Secretary Melvin Laird and the Joint Chiefs of Staff were using electronic eavesdropping and espionage to keep tabs on Kissinger. Nixon, improving on the work of Kennedy and Johnson, had bugged the White House and Camp David with state-of-the-art voice-activated microphones. Nixon and Kissinger wiretapped their own close aides and Washington reporters, trying to stop leaks to the press. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5584-87  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:05 PM

Everette Howard Hunt, Jr., was “a unique character,” said Ambassador Sam Hart, who met him when Hunt was chief of station in Uruguay in the late 1950s—“totally self-absorbed, totally amoral, and a danger to himself and anybody around him. As far as I could tell, Howard went from one disaster to another, rising higher and higher, everything floating just right behind him.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5589-94  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:05 PM

Hunt flew down to Miami to see his old Cuban American companion Bernard Barker, who was selling real estate, and they talked beside a monument to the dead of the Bay of Pigs. “He described the mission as national security,” Barker said. “I asked Howard who he represented, and the answer he gave me was really something for the books. He said he was in a group at the White House level, under direct order of the President of the United States.” Together they recruited four more Miami Cubans, including Eugenio Martinez, who had run some three hundred seagoing missions into Cuba for the CIA and remained on a $100-a-month retainer from headquarters. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5603-9  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:07 PM

General Walters had been conducting secret missions for presidents for the better part of twenty years. But Helms had never met him before he arrived as the new deputy director of central intelligence on May 2, 1972. “I had just come from running an operation which the CIA knew nothing about,” General Walters recounted. “Helms, who had wanted someone else, said, ‘I’ve heard about you; what do you know about intelligence?’ I said, ‘Well, I’ve been negotiating with the Chinese and the Vietnamese for three years, and I smuggled Henry Kissinger into Paris fifteen times without you or anybody else in the Agency knowing anything about it.’” Helms was duly impressed. But he soon had cause to wonder about his new deputy’s loyalties. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5610-26  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:08 PM

Late on Saturday night, June 17, 1972, Howard Osborn, the chief of the CIA’s Office of Security, called Helms at home. The director knew it could not be good news. This is how he remembered the conversation: “Dick, are you still up?” “Yes, Howard.” “I’ve just learned that the District police have picked up five men in a break-in at the Democratic Party National Headquarters at the Watergate…. Four Cubans and Jim McCord.” “McCord? Retired out of your shop?” “Two years ago.” “What about the Cubans—Miami or Havana?” “Miami…in this country for some time now.” “Do we know them?” “As of now, I can’t say.” “Get hold of the operations people, first thing…. Have them get onto Miami. Check every record here and in Miami…. Is that all of it?” “No, not half,” Osborn said heavily. “Howard Hunt also seems to be involved.” Hearing Hunt’s name, Helms drew a deep breath. “What the hell were they doing?” he asked. He had a fair idea: McCord was an expert in electronic eavesdropping, Hunt was working for Nixon, and the charge was wiretapping, a federal crime. Sitting on the edge of his bed, Helms tracked down the acting director of the FBI, L. Patrick Gray, at a hotel in Los Angeles. J. Edgar Hoover had died six weeks before, after forty-eight years in power. Helms told Gray very carefully that the Watergate burglars had been hired by the White House and the CIA had nothing to do with it. Got that? Okay, good night then. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5628-31  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:09 PM

Bill Colby, now the CIA’s executive director, the number-three man, remembered Helms saying: “We are going to catch a lot of hell, because these are formers”—that is, former CIA men—and “we knew they were working in the White House.” The next morning, The Washington Post placed the responsibility for Watergate at the door of the Oval Office—although, to this day, no one really knows if Richard Nixon authorized the break-in. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5631-38  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:10 PM

On Friday, June 23, Nixon told his brutally efficient chief of staff, H. R. Haldeman, to call Helms and Walters into the White House and order them to wave off the FBI in the name of national security. They agreed to play ball at first—a very dangerous business. Walters called Gray and told him to stand down. But a line was crossed on Monday, June 26, when Nixon’s counsel, John Dean, ordered Walters to come up with a large sum of untraceable hush money for the six jailed CIA veterans. On Tuesday, Dean repeated the demand. He later told the president that the price of silence would be $1 million over two years. Only Helms—or Walters, when Helms was outside the United States—could authorize a secret payment from the CIA’s black budget. They were the only officials in the American government who could legally deliver a suitcase with a million dollars in secret cash to the White House, and Nixon knew it. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5643-47  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:11 PM

Gray told Walters he would need an order in writing from the CIA calling off the investigation on national-security grounds. Both men now understood the risks of a paper trail. They spoke on July 6, and shortly thereafter Gray called the president at his retreat in San Clemente. “People on your staff are trying to mortally wound you” by manipulating the CIA, he told Nixon. An awful silence followed—and then the president told Gray to go ahead with the investigation. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5647-52  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:12 PM

Jim McCord, awaiting trial and facing five years in prison, sent a message through his lawyer to the CIA. He said the president’s men wanted him to testify that the Watergate break-in was an agency operation. Let the CIA take the rap, a White House aide told him, and a presidential pardon would follow. McCord responded in a letter: “If Helms goes and the Watergate operation is laid at CIA’s feet, where it does not belong, every tree in the forest will fall. It will be a scorched desert. The whole matter is at the precipice right now. Pass the message that if they want it to blow, they are on exactly the right course.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5657-60  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:12 PM

On November 13, he told Kissinger that he intended “to ruin the Foreign Service. I mean ruin it—the old Foreign Service—and to build a new one. I’m going to do it.” He settled on an inside man to do the job: the OSS veteran and champion Republican fund-raiser William J. Casey. In 1968, Casey had importuned President-elect Nixon to make him director of central intelligence, but Nixon handed him the chair at the Securities and Exchange Commission instead, a cunning decision that cheered corporate boardrooms across America. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5662-67  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:13 PM

On November 20, Nixon fired Richard Helms in a short, awkward meeting at Camp David. He offered him the post of ambassador to the Soviet Union. There was an uncomfortable pause as Helms considered the ramifications. “Look, Mr. President, I don’t think that would be a very good idea, to send me to Moscow,” Helms said. “Well, maybe not,” Nixon replied. Helms proposed Iran instead, and Nixon urged him to take it. They also reached an understanding that Helms would stay on until March 1973, his sixtieth birthday, the formal retirement age at the CIA. Nixon broke that pledge, a pointless act of cruelty. “The man was a shit,” Helms said, faintly shaking with rage as he told the story. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5682-86  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:16 PM

If Congress ever “got the impression that the President has turned all intelligence activities over to Kissinger all hell will break loose. If on the other hand I name the new Director of CIA Schlesinger as my top assistant for intelligence activities, we can get it by the Congress. Henry simply doesn’t have the time…. I have been bugging him and Haig for over three years to get intelligence reorganized with no success whatever.” It was a strong echo of Eisenhower’s final burst of anger at the end of his presidency, his fuming at his “eight-year defeat” in his battle to whip American intelligence into shape. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5686-89  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:16 PM

In his last days in office, Helms feared that Nixon and his loyalists would ransack the CIA’s files. He did everything in his power to destroy two sets of secret documents that could have ruined the agency. One was the paper trail of the mind-control experiments with LSD and many other drugs that he and Allen Dulles had personally approved two decades before. Very few of those records survived. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5689-92  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:17 PM

The second was his own set of secret tapes. Helms had recorded hundreds of conversations in his executive office on the seventh floor during the six years and seven months that he had served as the director of central intelligence. By the date of his official departure on February 2, 1973, every one had been destroyed. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5722-25  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:21 PM

winding up with the surmise that the CIA itself had been penetrated at or near the highest levels by Moscow in the 1960s. In short, the enemy had breached the CIA’s defense and burrowed deep within. Schlesinger bought the Briefing, entranced by Angleton’s guided tour of hell. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5743-50  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:22 PM

I have ordered all senior operating officials of this Agency to report to me immediately on any activities now going on, or that have gone on in the past, which might be construed to be outside the legislative charter of this Agency. I hereby direct every person presently employed by CIA to report to me on any such activities of which he has knowledge. I invite all ex-employees to do the same. Anyone who has such information should call…and say that he wishes to tell me about “activities outside CIA’s charter.” The CIA’s exceedingly vague charter was clear on one point: the agency could not be the American secret police. Yet over the course of the cold war the CIA had been spying on citizens, tapping their telephones, opening first-class mail, and conspiring to commit murder on orders from the White House. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5750-51  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:23 PM

Schlesinger’s order was dated May 9, 1973, and effective immediately. That same day, Watergate began to destroy Richard Nixon. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5773-80  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:25 PM

On March 7, 1973, President Nixon met in the Oval Office with Tom Pappas, a Greek American business magnate, political fixer, and friend of the CIA. Pappas had delivered $549,000 in cash to the 1968 Nixon campaign as a gift from the leaders of the Greek military junta. The money had been laundered through the KYP, the Greek intelligence service. It was one of the darker secrets of the Nixon White House. Pappas now had hundreds of thousands of dollars more to offer the president—money to buy the silence of the CIA veterans jailed in the Watergate break-in. Nixon thanked him profusely: “I am aware of what you’re doing to help out,” he said. Most of it came from members and supporters of “the colonels”—the Greek junta that seized power in April 1967, led by George Papadopoulos, a recruited CIA agent since the days of Allen Dulles, and the KYP’s liaison to the agency. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5780-83  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:25 PM

“These colonels had been plotting for years and years,” said Robert Keeley, later the American ambassador to Greece. “They were fascists. They fitted the classic definition of fascism, as represented by Mussolini in the 1920s: a corporate state, uniting industry and unions, no parliament, trains running on time, heavy discipline and censorship…almost a classic fascist ideal.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5799-5802  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:27 PM

By 1973, the United States was the only nation in the developed world on friendly terms with the junta, which jailed and tortured its political foes. “The CIA station chief was in bed with the guys who were beating up the Greeks,” said Charles Stuart Kennedy, the American consul general in Athens. “I would raise issues of what would amount to human rights, and this would be discounted by the CIA.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5805-7  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:27 PM

The agency was Ioannidis’s sole contact with the government of the United States; the ambassador and the American diplomatic establishment were out of the loop. Jim Potts, the CIA station chief, was the American government, insofar as the junta was concerned. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5840-41  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:29 PM

On August 8, 1974, Richard Nixon resigned. The final blow was his admission that he had ordered the CIA to obstruct justice in the name of national security. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5857-59  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:30 PM

Ambassador Kubisch said that he had seen in Athens, for the first time in his life, “the terrible price the U.S. Government must pay when it associates itself so intimately…with a repressive regime.” Part of the cost was the consequence of letting the CIA shape the foreign policy of the United States. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5923-26  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:33 PM

The power of secrecy had been undone by the lies of presidents, told in the name of national security of the United States. The U-2 was a weather plane. America would not invade Cuba. Our ships were attacked in the Gulf of Tonkin. The Vietnam War was a just cause. The fall of Richard Nixon showed that these noble lies would no longer serve in a democracy. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5990-93  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:38 PM

On January 16, 1975, President Ford hosted a luncheon at the White House for senior editors and the publisher of The New York Times. The president said that it was decidedly not in the national interest to discuss the CIA’s past. He said the reputation of every president since Harry Truman could be ruined if the deepest secrets spilled. Like what? an editor asked. Like assassinations! Ford said. Hard to say which was stranger—what the president had said, or that the editors managed to keep the statement off the record. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6012-16  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:40 PM

“The real question now,” said Colby, “is do we try for a redoubt around Saigon?” Or negotiate a face-saving, possibly life-saving, settlement so as to evacuate the capital without bloodshed? No negotiations, Kissinger said—“not as long as I am in this chair.” Keep the weapons flowing to Saigon and let the North and the South work it out. “We can save nothing,” he said. “Nothing but lives,” Colby replied. But Kissinger was adamant. He would not negotiate a peaceful end to the war. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6052-54  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:42 PM

A famous photograph shows one of the last helicopters leaving Saigon, perched on a rooftop, as a trail of people climb a ladder to safety. That photo, for many years, was mislabeled as a shot of the embassy. But in fact it was a CIA safe house, and those were Polgar’s friends clambering aboard. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6054-60  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:42 PM

Polgar burned all the CIA’s files, cables, and codebooks that evening. Not long after midnight, he composed his farewell: “THIS WILL BE FINAL MESSAGE FROM SAIGON STATION…. IT HAS BEEN A LONG FIGHT AND WE HAVE LOST…. THOSE WHO FAIL TO LEARN FROM HISTORY ARE FORCED TO REPEAT IT. LET US HOPE THAT WE WILL NOT HAVE ANOTHER VIETNAM EXPERIENCE AND THAT WE HAVE LEARNED OUR LESSON. SAIGON SIGNING OFF.” Then he blew up the machine that sent the message. Thirty years later, Polgar remembered the final moments of the American war in Vietnam: “As we stepped up the narrow metal stairs to the helicopter pad on the roof, we knew we were leaving behind thousands of people in the Embassy’s logistics compound. We all knew how we felt, leaders of a defeated cause.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6098-6102  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:45 PM

“And then we left,” said the CIA’s Dick Holm, who had started his thirty-five-year career at the CIA in Laos. Those among the Hmong who survived wound up in refugee camps or in exile. “Their way of life has been destroyed,” Holm wrote. “They can never return to Laos.” The United States, he said, “failed to assume the moral responsibility that we owed to those who worked so closely with us during those tumultuous years.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6111-16  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:47 PM

Would the White House go to the courts to stop Congress? “We are better off with a political confrontation than a legal one,” said Don Rumsfeld. To prepare for that fight, the president shook up his cabinet at the end of October 1975. The move was instantly called the Halloween Massacre. Jim Schlesinger was dismissed and Don Rumsfeld became secretary of defense. Dick Cheney took his place as White House chief of staff. And, in an uncharacteristically Machiavellian move, Ford neutralized a potentially troublesome challenger for the 1976 presidential nomination by firing Bill Colby and making George Herbert Walker Bush the next director of central intelligence. It was on its face a strange choice. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6127-29  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:48 PM

The CIA was Skull and Bones with a billion-dollar budget. “This is the most interesting job I’ve ever had,” he wrote to a friend in March. In less than eleven months at the helm, he bucked up morale at headquarters, defended the CIA against all critics, and deftly used the agency to build a political base for his soaring ambitions. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6133-35  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:49 PM

Rumsfeld was “paranoid” about the CIA and, convinced that the agency was out to “spy on him,” cut off long-standing channels of communication and cooperation between the Pentagon and the CIA, the veteran analyst George Carver said in a CIA oral history interview. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6144-46  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:50 PM

If only the president could find a way to shield the CIA from Congress, Bush wrote, then “covert action operations will continue to make the positive contribution to our foreign policy that they have made over the past twenty-eight years.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6151-54  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 10:58 PM

Continuing failures in the field also sapped the CIA’s spirit in 1976. Among the biggest was in Angola. Two months after the fall of Saigon, President Ford approved a big new operation to secure Angola against communism. The country had been Portugal’s biggest prize in Africa, but Lisbon’s leaders had been among the worst of the European colonialists, and they sacked Angola as they withdrew. The country was coming apart as rival forces went to war. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6162-67  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:00 PM

“We weren’t going to be able to walk down to Congress, in the aftermath of Vietnam, and say, ‘Look, let’s send American military trainers and equipment over there to Mobutu,’ so Kissinger and the President made the decision to go to the Agency,” Wisner said. But the CIA-backed troops in Angola faltered, and their enemies, strongly supported by Moscow and Havana, took control of the capital. Kissinger ordered up another $28 million in secret support. There was no money left in the CIA’s contingency budget. Early on in Bush’s short year at the CIA, Congress publicly banned covert support for the Angolan guerrillas and killed the operation while it was in progress. Nothing of the kind had ever happened before. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6172-73  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:01 PM

Bush and his national intelligence deputy, Dick Lehman—who had grown so frustrated watching Allen Dulles hefting reports instead of reading them—found Carter extremely interested. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6179-82  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:02 PM

The CIA’s men talked all afternoon and into the evening. Carter, who had been a nuclear engineer in the navy, grasped the arcane details of the American strategic arsenal. He was particularly interested in the evidence spy satellites obtained about Soviet weapons, and he understood that the intelligence they gleaned would play a vital role in arms control. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6187-88  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:03 PM

A new generation of satellites was coming on line that summer. Code-named Keyhole, they provided real-time television images instead of slow-to-develop photos. The CIA’s science and technology division had been working on Keyhole for years, and it was a great breakthrough. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6195-98  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:05 PM

When Carter and Ford went head-to-head in the first televised presidential debates since Kennedy and Nixon, the governor cleaned the president’s clock on foreign policy. He also took a hard swipe at the agency, saying: “Our system of government—in spite of Vietnam, Cambodia, CIA, Watergate—is still the best system of government on Earth.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6204-6  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:06 PM

By the end of 1976, Bush was in bad odor with some of his former fans at the agency. He had made a baldly political decision to let a team of neoconservative ideologues—“howling right-wingers,” Dick Lehman called them—rewrite the CIA’s estimates of Soviet military forces. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6212-21  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:08 PM

In May 1976, Bush approved “Team B” with a cheery scribble: “Let her fly!! O.K. G.B.” The debate was highly technical, but it boiled down to a single question: what is Moscow up to? Team B portrayed a Soviet Union in the midst of a tremendous military buildup—when in fact it was cutting military spending. They dramatically overstated the accuracy of Soviet intercontinental ballistic missiles. They doubled the number of Backfire bombers the Soviet Union was building. They repeatedly warned of dangers that never materialized, threats that did not exist, technologies that were never created—and, most terrifying of all, the specter of a secret Soviet strategy to fight and win a nuclear war. Then, in December 1976, they selectively shared their findings with sympathetic reporters and opinion columnists. “The B Team was out of control,” Lehman said, “and they were leaking all over the place.” The uproar Team B created went on for years, fueled a huge increase in Pentagon weapons spending, and led directly to the rise of Ronald Reagan to the top of the list of front-runners for the 1980 Republican nomination. After the cold war was over, the agency put Team B’s findings to the test. Every one of them was wrong. It was the bomber gap and the missile gap all over again. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6223-28  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:08 PM

Intelligence analysis had become corrupted—another tool wielded for political advantage—and it would never recover its integrity. The CIA’s estimates had been blatantly politicized since 1969, when President Nixon forced the agency to change its views on the Soviets’ abilities to launch a nuclear first strike. “I look upon that as almost a turning point from which everything went down,” Abbot Smith, who ran the agency’s Office of National Estimates under Nixon, said in a CIA oral history interview. “The Nixon administration was really the first one in which intelligence was just another form of politics. And that was bound to be disastrous, and I think it was disastrous.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6246-49  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:14 PM

“I find no degradation in the quality of intelligence analysis,” Kissinger said at their last meeting before the inauguration of Jimmy Carter. “The opposite is true, however, in the covert action area. We are unable to do it anymore.” “Henry, you are right,” said George Herbert Walker Bush, one of the greatest boosters the CIA had ever had. “We are both ineffective and scared.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6305-9  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:21 PM

The political warfare that Jimmy Carter waged opened a new front in the cold war, said the CIA’s Bob Gates, then serving as a Soviet analyst on Brzezinski’s National Security Council staff: “Through his human rights policies, he became the first president since Truman to challenge directly the legitimacy of the Soviet government in the eyes of its own people. And the Soviets immediately recognized this for the fundamental challenge it was: they believed he sought to overthrow their system.” Carter’s aims were more modest: he wanted to 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6305-16  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:22 PM

Carter’s aims were more modest: he wanted to alter the Soviet system, not abolish it. But the clandestine service of the CIA did not want to take on the task. The White House faced resistance to the stepped-up covert-action orders from the chiefs of the Soviet/East Europe division. They had a reason: they had a prized agent to protect in Warsaw, and they did not want the White House’s ideals about human rights to threaten him. A Polish colonel named Ryszard Kuklinski was giving the United States a long hard look at the Soviet military. He was the highest-ranking source that the agency had behind the iron curtain. “Colonel Kuklinski was himself never in a strict sense a CIA agent,” Brzezinski said. “He volunteered. He operated on his own.” He had secretly offered his services to the United States during a visit to Hamburg. Keeping in touch with him was difficult; six months at a stretch went by in silence. But when Kuklinski traveled through Scandinavia and Western Europe, he always left word. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6319-24  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:22 PM

Freed from the paranoia of the Angleton era, the Soviet division was beginning to recruit real spies behind the iron curtain. “We had moved away from all the grand and glorious traditions of the OSS and become an espionage service, dedicated to gathering foreign intelligence,” said the CIA’s Haviland Smith. “By God, we could go over to East Berlin and not get caught. We could recruit Eastern Europeans. We were going after and recruiting Soviets. The only thing missing is—we don’t have anything on Soviet intentions. And I don’t know how you get that. And that’s the charter of the clandestine service. If we had been able to recruit a member of the Politburo, we would have had everything.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6324-29  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:23 PM

The Politburo of the late 1970s was a corrupt and decrepit gerontocracy. Its empire was dangerously overextended, dying from within. The politically ambitious Soviet intelligence chief, Yuri Andropov, had created a false image of the Soviet Union as a superpower for his doddering superiors in the Kremlin. But the Soviets’ Potemkin village fooled the CIA as well. “We were appreciating as early as ’78 that the Soviet economy was in serious trouble,” Admiral Turner said. “We didn’t make the leap that we should have made, I should have made, that the economic trouble would lead to political trouble. We thought they would tighten their belt under a Stalin-like regime and continue marching on.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6335-36  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:23 PM

President Carter also tried to use the CIA to undermine apartheid in South Africa. His stance changed the course of thirty years of cold-war foreign policy. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6336-40  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:24 PM

On February 8, 1977, in the White House Situation Room, the president’s national-security team agreed that it was time for the United States to try to change the racist South African regime. “The possibilities are there to change this from a black-white conflict into a red-white conflict,” Brzezinski said. “If this is the beginning of a long and bitter historical process, it is in our interest to accelerate this process.” It was not about race but about getting on the right side of history. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6346-50  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:25 PM

The Soviets supported the strongest enemy of apartheid, the African National Congress. The ANC’s leader, Nelson Mandela, had been arrested and imprisoned in 1962, thanks in part to the CIA. The agency had worked in the closest harmony with the South African BOSS, the Bureau of State Security. The CIA’s officers had stood “side-by-side with the security police in South Africa,” said Gerry Gossens, a station chief in four African nations under Presidents Nixon, Ford, and Carter. “The word was that they had fingered Mandela himself.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6401-2  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:27 PM

That same week, the world started falling in on the CIA. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Bookmark Loc. 6411  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:28 PM


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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6403-16  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:28 PM

On February 11, 1979, the army of the shah collapsed and a fanatic ayatollah took control in Tehran. Three days later, a few hundred miles to the west, came a killing that would come to bear the same heavy weight for the United States. The American ambassador in Afghanistan, Adolph “Spike” Dubs, was snatched off the streets of Kabul, kidnapped by Afghan rebels fighting the pro-Soviet puppet regime, and killed when Afghan police—accompanied by Soviet advisers—attacked the hotel where he was held. It was a clear sign that Afghanistan was spinning out of control. The Islamic rebels, supported by Pakistan, were gearing up for a revolution against their godless government. The geriatric leaders of the Soviet Union looked south in fear. More than forty million Muslims lived in the Soviet republics of central Asia. The Soviets saw the flames of Islamic fundamentalism burning toward their borders. At an extended Politburo meeting that began on March 17, the Soviet intelligence chief, Yuri Andropov, declared that “we cannot lose Afghanistan.” Over the next nine months, the CIA failed to warn the president of the United States of an invasion that changed the face of the world. The agency had a fair grasp of Soviet capabilities. It understood nothing of Soviet intentions. “The Soviets would be most reluctant to introduce large numbers of ground forces into Afghanistan,” the CIA’s National Intelligence Daily, its top secret report to the White House, the Pentagon, and the State Department, confidently stated on March 23, 1979. That week, thirty thousand Soviet combat troops began to deploy near the Afghan border in trucks, tanks, and armored personnel carriers. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6438-41  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:29 PM

Three days later, Vice Admiral Bobby Ray Inman, the director of the National Security Agency, the American electronic-eavesdropping empire, got a flash message from the field: the invasion of Afghanistan was imminent. In fact, it was under way. More than a hundred thousand Soviet troops were seizing the country. Carter immediately signed a covert-action order for the CIA to begin arming the Afghan resistance, and the agency began to build a worldwide arms pipeline to Afghanistan. But the Soviet occupation was an accomplished fact. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6442-44  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:46 PM

The CIA not only missed the invasion, it refused to admit that it had missed it. Why would anyone in his right mind invade Afghanistan, graveyard of conquerors for two thousand years? A lack of intelligence was not the cause of the failure. A lack of imagination was. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6448-51  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:46 PM

Ever since the CIA secured his throne in 1953, the shah of Iran had been the centerpiece of American foreign policy in the Middle East. “I just wish there were a few more leaders around the world with his foresight,” President Nixon reflected in April 1971. “And his ability to run, basically, let’s face it, a virtual dictatorship in a benign way.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6451-54  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:47 PM

Nixon may not have intended to send a message by sending Richard Helms out as the American ambassador to Iran in 1973. But he did. “We were amazed that the White House would send a man who, after all, had such associations with the CIA, which was deemed by every Iranian responsible for the fall of Mossadeq,” said Henry Precht, the American embassy’s chief political officer. “It seemed to us to abandon any pretense of a sort of a neutral America and to confirm that the shah was our puppet.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6476-79  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:50 PM

A secular prime minister still held power alongside a Revolutionary Council, and the CIA tried to work with him, influence him, and mobilize him against Saddam Hussein. “Some very, very sensitive classified conversations occurred at the level of Prime Minister,” said Bruce Laingen, the chargé d’affaires at the American embassy. “We went to the degree of actually sitting down with them and giving them highly classified intelligence on Iraq.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6474-76  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:50 PM

A few days later, on February 1, 1979, the popular revolution that pushed the shah from the Peacock Throne opened the way for Khomeini’s return to Tehran. Thousands of Americans, including most of the embassy’s staff, were evacuated as the chaos in the streets grew. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6489-92  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:51 PM

After passing the officer money and false documents to help him flee Tehran, Hart ran into a cordon of Khomeini’s Revolutionary Guards. They beat him brutally, shouting “CIA! CIA!” Flat on his back, Hart drew his pistol and killed them both with two shots. Many years later, he remembered the glittering zeal he saw in their eyes. It was the face of holy war. “We haven’t a clue as a nation,” he reflected, “as to what the hell this is.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6507-11  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:52 PM

Under intense political pressure from friends of the shah—notably, Henry Kissinger—President Carter, against his better judgment, had decided that day to admit the exiled monarch to the United States for medical treatment. The president had agonized about this decision, fearing that Americans would be taken hostage in reprisal. “I shouted, ‘Blank the Shah! He’s just as well off playing tennis in Acapulco as he is in California,’” Carter recalled. “‘What are we going to do if they take twenty of our Marines and kill one of them every morning at sunrise? Are we going to go to war with Iran?’” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6587-89  | Added on Wednesday, March 26, 2014, 12:03 AM

But Casey believed that he was responsible for Reagan’s election and that they had a historic role to play together. Like Reagan, Casey had big visions. Like Nixon, he believed that if it’s secret, it’s legal. Like Bush, he thought the CIA embodied the best American values. And, like the Soviets, he reserved the right to lie and cheat. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6596-6603  | Added on Wednesday, March 26, 2014, 12:04 AM

On March 30, 1981, a lunatic shot the president on a sidewalk in Washington. Reagan came very close to dying that day, a fact the American people never knew. When Al Haig—hoarse, sweating, trembling—grabbed the press-room podium at the White House with white-knuckled hands and proclaimed himself in charge, he did not inspire confidence. The president’s recovery was slow and painful. So was Haig’s meltdown. Throughout 1981, “there was an underlying problem,” said Vice Admiral John Poindexter, then a National Security Council staffer. “Who was going to be in charge of foreign policy?” That question was never answered, for Reagan’s national-security team was in a never-ending state of war with itself, riven by fierce personal and political rivalries. The State Department and the Pentagon fought like opposing armies. Six different men served as national security adviser over the course of eight tumultuous years. Reagan never tried to stop the backstabbing. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6603-7  | Added on Wednesday, March 26, 2014, 12:05 AM

Casey gained the upper hand. When George P. Shultz took over from Haig as secretary of state, he was astonished to find Casey freelancing plans such as an invasion of Suriname, on the northeastern shoulder of South America, with 175 Korean commandos backed by the CIA. “It was a hare-brained idea,” said Shultz, who killed it. “Crazy. I was shaken to find such a wild plan put forward.” He quickly came to understand that “the CIA and Bill Casey were as independent as a hog on ice and could be as confident as they were wrong.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6641-43  | Added on Wednesday, March 26, 2014, 12:09 AM

Like a newspaper bent by its publisher’s prejudices, the analytical powers of the CIA became one man’s opinion. “The CIA’s intelligence was in many cases simply Bill Casey’s ideology,” Secretary of State Shultz said. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6649-54  | Added on Wednesday, March 26, 2014, 12:10 AM

In 1980, President Carter had approved three small covert-action programs in Central America. They took aim at the Sandinistas, the leftists who had taken power in Nicaragua, wresting it from what remained of the brutal forty-three-year-old right-wing dictatorship of the Somoza family. The Sandinistas’ mixture of nationalism, liberation theology, and Marxism was tilting ever closer to Cuba’s. Carter’s covert actions committed the CIA to support pro-American political parties, church groups, farmer’s co-ops, and unions against the spread of the Sandinistas’ socialism. Casey turned the small-bore operations into a huge scattershot paramilitary program. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6658-63  | Added on Wednesday, March 26, 2014, 12:11 AM

Casey convinced the president that the CIA’s little army could take Nicaragua by storm. If they failed, he warned Reagan, an army of Latino leftists could roll northward from Central America to Texas. The CIA’s analysts tried to contradict him. The contras are not going to win, they said; they do not have popular support. Casey ensured that the naysayers’ reporting never reached the White House. To counteract them, he built a Central American Task Force with its own “war room,” where covert-action officers cooked the books, inflated the threats, exaggerated the prospects for success, and pumped up reports from the field. Gates says he “raised hell with Casey” about the war room for years, to no avail. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6677-79  | Added on Wednesday, March 26, 2014, 12:13 AM

President Reagan stuck with the cover story, maintaining the fiction that the United States was not seeking to topple the Nicaraguan regime, giving his assurances to a joint session of Congress. That was the first time the well-loved president lied to Congress to protect the CIA’s covert operations, but not the last. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6693-98  | Added on Wednesday, March 26, 2014, 12:14 AM

“Casey was guilty of contempt of Congress from the day he was sworn in,” said Bob Gates. Called to testify, he would mumble and obfuscate and occasionally lie through his teeth. “I hope that will hold the bastards!” he said on emerging from one hearing. The deceit spread downward from the director’s office. Many of Casey’s senior officers learned the fine art of testifying in ways that were “specifically evasive,” in the words of his Central America Task Force chief, Allen Fiers. Others resisted. Admiral Inman resigned as Casey’s deputy director after fifteen months because “I caught him lying to me in a number of cases.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6704-13  | Added on Wednesday, March 26, 2014, 12:16 AM

A January 1981 global finding ordered the CIA to do something about the Libyan dictator Muhammar Qaddafi, who was serving as a one-stop weapons depot for radical movements all over Europe and Africa. Seeking a base for operations against Libya, the CIA set out to control the government of its next-door neighbor, Chad, one of Africa’s poorest and most isolated nations. The agent for this mission was Hissan Habré, Chad’s defense minister, who had broken with his government and holed up with about two thousand fighters in western Sudan. “American aid started to flow, the result of a Casey decision,” said Ambassador Don Norland, the senior American diplomat accredited to Chad at the start of the Reagan era. “The CIA was deeply involved in the whole operation. Habré was getting assistance directly and indirectly.” The official foreign policy of the United States was to promote a peaceful resolution of the factional fighting in Chad. Habré had committed countless atrocities against his own people; he could only rule by brute force. The CIA, knowing little about Habré and his history, helped him take over Chad in 1982. It supported him because he was Qaddafi’s enemy. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6713-19  | Added on Wednesday, March 26, 2014, 12:16 AM

CIA supply planes flew the weapons into North Africa in shipments coordinated by the National Security Council. This was the first major covert operation in which a young lieutenant colonel on the NSC staff named Oliver North caught Bill Casey’s eye. David Blakemore, a military aide in the Chad operation, took an urgent call from North on a Friday night in late 1981. “He asked what the delay was in getting the equipment out to Chad. He wanted to see it move immediately.” “I said, ‘Well, Colonel North, that is fine. We have notified the Congress and we have to wait so many days and then we will get it moving. We understand the urgency.’ “North’s reply was: ‘Fuck the Congress. Send the stuff now.’ Which we did.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6720-28  | Added on Wednesday, March 26, 2014, 12:18 AM

Thousands died as Habré and his forces fought for control of Chad. As the fighting intensified, the agency armed him with Stinger missiles, the world’s best shoulder-carried anti-aircraft weapon. Ambassador Norland said it cost the United States “perhaps a half-billion dollars to put him in power and keep him there for eight years.” American support for Chad—Casey’s policy—was “a misguided decision,” he said. But few Americans had ever heard of the country, much less cared about its fate. Fewer still knew that throughout the 1980s, the CIA’s ally Habré received direct support from Saddam Hussein. On the eve of the 1991 Gulf War against Iraq, the CIA realized that a dozen or so of the Stingers that it had sent to Chad were missing and unaccounted for—and possibly in Saddam’s hands. When Secretary of State James A. Baker III heard that, he was thunderstruck. Baker had been the White House chief of staff when the covert action began, but he had lost track of the operation. He wondered aloud: “What the hell did we give Stinger missiles to Chad for?” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6735-45  | Added on Wednesday, March 26, 2014, 12:19 AM

From the start, the Saudis matched the CIA’s support for the rebels, dollar for dollar. The Chinese kicked in millions of dollars’ worth of weapons, as did the Egyptians and the British. The CIA coordinated the shipments. Hart handed them over to Pakistani intelligence. The Pakistanis skimmed off a large share before delivering them to the exiled political leaders of the Afghan resistance in Peshawar, east of the Khyber Pass, and the rebel leaders cached their own share before the weapons ever got to Afghanistan. “We didn’t try to tell the Afghan rebels how to fight the war,” John McMahon said. “But when we saw some of the Soviet successes against the mujahideen, I became convinced that all the arms that we had provided were not ending up in Afghan shooters’ hands.” So he went to Pakistan and convened a meeting of the seven leaders of the Afghan rebel groups, who ranged from Parisian exiles wearing soft loafers to rough-hewn mountain men. “I told them I was concerned that they were siphoning off the arms and either caching them for a later day or, I said, ‘God forbid, you’re selling them.’ And they laughed. And they said, ‘You’re absolutely right! We’re caching some arms. Because someday the United States will not be here, and we’ll be left on our own to carry on our struggle.’” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6745-49  | Added on Wednesday, March 26, 2014, 12:19 AM

The Pakistani intelligence chiefs who doled out the CIA’s guns and money favored the Afghan factions who proved themselves most capable in battle. Those factions also happened to be the most committed Islamists. No one dreamed that the holy warriors could ever turn their jihad against the United States. “In covert action,” McMahon said, “you always have to think of the endgame before you start it. And we don’t always do that.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6774-77  | Added on Wednesday, March 26, 2014, 12:21 AM

They sought the software on the open market in the United States. Washington rejected the request but subtly pointed to a certain Canadian company that might have what Moscow wanted. The Soviets sent a Line X officer to steal the software. The CIA and the Canadians conspired to let them have it. For a few months, the software ran swimmingly. Then it slowly sent the pressure in the pipeline soaring. The explosion in the wilds of Siberia cost Moscow millions it could ill afford to spare. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6800-6805  | Added on Wednesday, March 26, 2014, 11:34 AM

Starting at the end of 1973, Salameh and Ames negotiated an understanding that the PLO would not attack Americans. For four years, they shared intelligence on their mutual enemies in the Arab world. During that time, the CIA’s reporting on terrorism in the Middle East was better than it ever had been, or ever would be again. It showed an understanding that terrorism transcended state sponsorship, that it was rooted in the rage of the dispossessed. An April 1976 CIA study concluded that “the wave of the future” was “the development of a complex support base for transnational terrorist activity that is largely independent of—and quite resistant to control by—the state-centered international system.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6805-7  | Added on Wednesday, March 26, 2014, 11:34 AM

This line of thought disappeared from the CIA’s reporting after 1978, when Israeli intelligence assassinated Salameh in revenge for Munich. It did not reappear for a generation. When President Reagan took office, the CIA had next to no good sources on terrorism in the Middle East. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6820-26  | Added on Wednesday, March 26, 2014, 11:35 AM

On September 1, President Reagan announced a grand strategy to transform the Middle East. It had been put together in secret by a small team that included Bob Ames. Its success depended on a harmonic convergence in which Israel, Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, and the PLO cooperated at the command of the United States. It lasted all of two weeks. On September 14, President Gemayel was assassinated when a bomb destroyed his headquarters. In revenge, the CIA’s Maronite allies, abetted by Israel’s troops, slaughtered some seven hundred Palestinian refugees stranded in the slums of Beirut. Women and children were buried under rough stones. In the wake of the killings and the outrage they engendered, President Reagan sent a contingent of U.S. Marines to serve as peacekeepers. There was no peace to keep. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6833-34  | Added on Wednesday, March 26, 2014, 11:36 AM

Mughniyah’s name has been forgotten now, but he was the Osama bin Laden of the 1980s, the scowling face of terror. As of this writing, he remains at large. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6845-48  | Added on Wednesday, March 26, 2014, 11:37 AM

Sixty-three people were dead, among them seventeen Americans, including the Beirut station chief, Ken Haas, a veteran of the Tehran station; his deputy, Jim Lewis; and a CIA secretary, Phyllis Filatchy, who had toughed it out through years in the provinces of South Vietnam. In all, seven CIA officers and support staff were killed, the deadliest day in the <You have reached the clipping limit for this item>
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- Highlight Loc. 6848-52  | Added on Wednesday, March 26, 2014, 11:37 AM

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- Highlight Loc. 6852-55  | Added on Wednesday, March 26, 2014, 11:38 AM

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- Highlight Loc. 6880-85  | Added on Wednesday, March 26, 2014, 11:40 AM

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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 33 | Loc. 773-79  | Added on Sunday, March 30, 2014, 12:50 AM

Portraying Nixon demands a Rashomon-like approach if one is to understand those varied images he projected, and the society and constituencies that stimulated and responded to him. The varieties and vagaries of biographies have left us with a portrait of a deeply troubled man, insecure and sometimes tottering on the brink of mental instability; and yet we can also discover a cool, rational man, totally in command of his emotions and reconciled to his destiny. We have been given a cold, impersonal, awkward man; and yet we also have portrayals of a compassionate personality, inwardly and outwardly expressing the Quaker values instilled in him as a child. For some, Nixon vacillated between being sanctimonious and supercilious; others saw stoicism and strength in his character. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 34 | Loc. 797-99  | Added on Sunday, March 30, 2014, 12:52 AM

Lippmann described Nixon’s 1952 “Checkers” speech (which defended his use of certain campaign contributions) as “the most demeaning experience my country has ever had to bear.” He found it “disturbing,” and “with all the magnification of modern electronics, simply mob law.” 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 34 | Loc. 805-6  | Added on Sunday, March 30, 2014, 12:53 AM

Arthur Schlesinger asked Lippmann if Nixon had been the worst president in history. “No, not the worst,” Lippmann replied, “but perhaps the most embarrassing… . Presidents are not lovable. They’ve had to do too much to get where they are.” 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 34 | Loc. 807-12  | Added on Sunday, March 30, 2014, 12:53 AM

All that layering, all that complexity, all that elusiveness, beggars attention. Ronald Steel once remarked that Nixon was like the Ancient Mariner, forever tugging at our sleeve, anxious to tell his story. But if we are to understand and explain Richard Nixon and what he did, we, too, are compelled to tell it again and again. “I was born in a house my father built.” So begin the memoirs of Richard Nixon. This pointed opening illustrates his humble beginnings and his strong sense of familial community, and offers a twentieth-century analogue to being born in a log cabin. Any view of Nixon, friendly or unfriendly, comes down to a Horatio Alger-style political story. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 36 | Loc. 840-42  | Added on Sunday, March 30, 2014, 12:56 AM

Newman, Nixon recalled, had no tolerance for Grantland Rice’s sentimental credo that how one played the game mattered more than whether the game was won or lost. “Show me a good loser, and I’ll show you a loser,” Nixon remembered Newman as saying. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
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Critics have denounced Nixon’s campaign for its smears and innuendoes. For example, his attacks on Voorhis’s labor connections emphasized the PAC’s “Communist principles and its huge slush fund.” Nixon’s leaflets described him as “the clean, forthright young American who fought in defense of his country in the stinking mud and jungle of the Solomons,” while Voorhis remained “safely behind the front in Washington.” 
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The evil genius behind Nixon’s campaign supposedly was Murray Chotiner, a Southern California political public-relations man 
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Nixon’s debate training and speaking skills, combined with his youth and war record, provided a perfect match for the Chotiner formula. Technique dominated, and substance was immaterial—all “a calculated part of the synthetic image that [Nixon] with the help of his financial backers contrived.” 
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Nixon’s victory over Voorhis gave him some measure of national visibility, but nothing was as extraordinary as his meteoric emergence as a national public figure during his freshman term in Congress. Timing and events operated in his favor. Nixon coveted a seat on the House Labor Committee, and he was duly rewarded by the victorious Republicans. But they also selected him for the Committee on Un-American Activities, for reasons that are somewhat uncertain; membership on the committee had not been considered a plum assignment. Nixon claimed that Speaker Joe Martin asked him to serve as a personal favor and to help reverse the dubious reputation the committee had acquired through the years. “[I]t was an offer I could not very well refuse,” he later recalled almost apologetically, adding that he accepted only reluctantly. 
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According to Nixon, a poll revealed that three-fourths of his constituents opposed any aid package, and he received warnings not to be seduced by eastern Republicans and the siren calls of Europeans. Nevertheless, he eventually supported the Marshall Plan, invoking Edmund Burke’s classic injunction that representatives must vote their conscience, not the whims of their constituents.’ 17 But it was Nixon’s service on the Un-American Activities Committee that catapulted him to national prominence. 
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most sensational moment came when he testified that a ring of Soviet sympathizers had infiltrated the government. The most prominent member of the group, he claimed, was Alger Hiss. Hiss was then working for the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, but as a ranking State Department official he had accompanied Roosevelt to Yalta in 1945 and choreographed the San Francisco Conference that inaugurated the United Nations that same year. By 1948, Yalta was a synonym for “sell-out,” even treason for some critics. Hiss was made to order for the moment. He was many things, but above all, he served to focus many hatreds: Harvard Law School graduate, New Deal bureaucrat, eastern-oriented internationalist. In his subsequent public appearances, he struck many as haughty and arrogant, and thus only confirmed their visceral reactions. 
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First, Voorhis. Then Hiss. And all in such short order. In two congressional terms, Richard Nixon had spectacularly captured headlines and national attention. And there was more to come. 
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Nixon’s campaign literature depicted Douglas as “the Pink Lady,” and his staff circulated pink sheets comparing her voting record to Marcantonio’s. Nixon had support from the notorious anti-Semite Gerald L. K. Smith and from the China Lobby supporters of the deposed Chiang Kai-shek. In November, the young Republican Congressman scored a smashing victory, besting Douglas by more than 600,000 votes. And with that, the nation first heard of “Tricky Dick.” 
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Even pro-Nixon accounts of the campaign concede that the campaign was “the most hateful” California had experienced in years. 
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Nixon’s accomplishments as Senator stand in almost inverse proportion to the immense expenditure of energy in the 1950 campaign. His tenure was notable only for the further visibility it gave him, a visibility that led to his nomination for the vice presidency in 1952. The notoriety of his campaign victory, along with his growing reputation, made him much in demand as a speaker at party gatherings. 
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Senator Nixon resolutely supported the delegate claims of Taft’s rival, General Dwight Eisenhower, at the 1952 Republican Convention, a procedural move that eventually cost Taft the nomination. 
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Nixon’s selection as Eisenhower’s running mate is cloaked in ambiguity and obscurity. Clearly, Eisenhower’s advisers, led by Thomas E. Dewey, saw Nixon as a vigorous young man, ideally fit to carry the burden of a partisan campaign while leaving the General above the main battle lines, thereby preserving his statesman-like image. Nothing came to Richard Nixon without controversy, however. Pledged to support the candidacy of Earl Warren as California’s favorite son, Nixon seemed all too eager throughout the convention to abandon Warren and provide the necessary support to give Eisenhower his margin of victory. Warren and his friends thereafter bore a grudge against their fellow Californian. 
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More tellingly and more cuttingly, Stevenson derided Nixon as a comic figure, describing him as the “kind of politician who would cut down a redwood tree, then mount the stump for a speech on conservation.” 
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However commonplace such funds, Nixon’s gave the Republicans special problems. Pledged to clean up that mess in Washington, the Republicans now found themselves in a dilemma. Eisenhower talked about the necessity for being as “clean as a hound’s tooth,” and the party’s high command gave serious consideration to dropping Nixon from the ticket. Eventually, Eisenhower’s campaign strategists decided to give the vice-presidential candidate an opportunity to explain his situation to the public. 
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Nixon was “upset, terribly nervous and high-strung” from the situation, and according to Milton Eisenhower, he drank six martinis before dinner. Nixon solicited opinions on his speech, and then, Eisenhower noted, he used “vulgar swear words and everything else in this mixed company.” Altogether, the President’s brother thought Nixon “a strange character.” 31 The Vice President, however, never doubted his success. The media widely reported the Kitchen Debate, portraying Nixon as the man who “had stood up to Khrushchev.” Nixon had in one sense elevated his California style to the international arena, and the supposedly hostile media had credited him with a triumph. Some, however, saw the trip as confirming that Nixon could never successfully negotiate with the Soviets. The net result—as was often the case for Nixon—was a grab bag of pluses and minuses. 
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Nixon was devastated. “Of the five presidential campaigns in which I was a direct participant,” Nixon recalled, “none affected me more personally…. It was a campaign of unusual intensity.” And it was bitter: “[T]he way the Kennedys played politics and the way the media let them get away with it left me angry and frustrated.” 32 Through the following years, the memories of “the Kennedys” and “the media” festered in Nixon like an angry boil. The memory was Nixon’s nemesis. It periodically engulfed him, diverted him, and led him to rash, ill-considered action—eventually with tragic results. 
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The secretary summed up the views of Eisenhower’s closest associates (views that might well have been Ike’s as well): the President, she wrote, “is a man of integrity and sincere in his every action… . [E]verybody trusts and loves him. But the Vice-President sometimes seems like a man who is acting like a nice man rather than being one.” 
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The 1960 debates offered a preview to an unsuspecting America of the years to come, when style, format, and media, rather than issues and substance, would prevail in political campaigns. Communications theorist Marshall McLuhan learned vastly more from the Kennedy-Nixon exchanges than did the electorate. 
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In the finale, on October 21, Nixon managed to reach out in the other direction and cast Kennedy as the adventurist Cold Warrior. He chided the Senator for his proposal to assist anti-Castro elements, noting that the charters of both the United Nations and the Organization of American States prohibited such intervention in Cuban internal affairs. If we followed Kennedy’s policy, he warned, “we would lose all of our friends in Latin America, we would probably be condemned in the United Nations, and we would not accomplish our objective.” 39 At that moment, of course, Nixon was privy to the Eisenhower Administration’s efforts to organize military intervention in Cuba. In any event, his remarks were profoundly prophetic. 
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America, said Nixon, needed a man to respect. He was “very proud that President Eisenhower restored dignity and decency and, frankly, good language to the conduct of the presidency of the United States.” And if elected, Nixon promised, he would maintain the dignity of the office. Parents would be able to tell their children: “Well, there is a man who maintains the kind of standards personally that I would want my child to follow.” 40 Fourteen years later, when Nixon’s tapes revealed his own salty vocabulary, the hypocrisy of his comments about Truman and Eisenhower finally triumphed over their banality. 
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Supporters and friendly biographers generally have praised him for not challenging the outcome, thus sparing the nation a great deal of anguish and difficulty. But Nixon’s outward magnanimity and graciousness masked his faith in the relativeness of political morality. Privately, he seethed over Kennedy’s tactics and behavior. A dozen years later, President Nixon repeatedly invoked the behavior of others to defend his own actions. 
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The letdown must have been excruciating. A few weeks before he left office, the Vice President fulfilled his constitutional duty by formally counting the electoral votes in the Senate and declared Kennedy the victor. Nixon was gracious in performing this function as the first Vice President since 1861 to confirm his opponent’s victory. That seemed to be his last hurrah. “I found that virtually everything I did seemed unexciting and unimportant by comparison with national office,” Nixon later wrote. 
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After fourteen years in public life, Nixon and Nixon-watchers alike seemed uncertain, even confused, over his future course. Certainly, he remained a public figure. Almost from the moment of his defeat, speculation centered on whether Nixon would challenge California Governor Edmund G. (“Pat”) Brown in 1962. The reasoning was simple: Nixon had to have a political base if he were to maintain any leadership role in the party and the nation. 43 But the reasoning was flawed: Brown was fairly popular, with a long record of state electoral success, and he had done a creditable job as governor. Most important, Richard Nixon knew precious little about the special problems confronting state governments, particularly in the burgeoning principality of California. 
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The California gubernatorial campaign in 1962 had a surrealistic quality. Nixon’s familiar campaign methods seemed irrelevant, if nothing else. 
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The event may have been contrived; in the end, it proved Nixon to be alive and well. As soon as it was over, he told his young campaign aide, H. R. Haldeman: “I finally told those bastards off, and every goddamned thing I said was true.” Haldeman has recalled Nixon as “delighted.” 44 At last he had used the media; his performance was the news, not his defeat. California television stations replayed filmed coverage of the press conference several times throughout the day and evening. Audiences watched and watched again with almost morbid fascination. Nationally, ABC News offered an instant analysis entitled “The Political Obituary of Richard Nixon.” But ABC used Alger Hiss as a commentator—and that itself quickly became the news, even creating a backlash of sympathy for Nixon. With or without Hiss, ABC, along with those other media pundits who cogitated about the political death of Richard Nixon, would have been better advised to read the story of Lazarus. 
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But a fifty-year-old man, in the prime of life, who had come so close to the pinnacle of his ambition, simply could not abandon the very life that sustained him. Nixon may not have liked the last shuffle or two, but he liked the game. 
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Politics never strayed far from Nixon’s thoughts. He realized that he had little claim on the Republican presidential nomination in 1964. The California debacle was still fresh in memory, underlining an emerging theme: Nixon was a loser. 
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After Goldwater’s rout in the 1964 election, someone had to pick up the Republican pieces. Nixon was there. 
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for nearly three years; but now, new voices of counterprotest emanated from what, unscientifically but not without reason, would be dubbed the “Silent Majority.” The important, sustained revolution came from within the ranks of what had been the dominant political coalition. The “risen” middle class, the blue-and white-collar workers, and ethnics who had nourished the growth of the Democratic majority, now found themselves unhappy with the young protesters who were the new cohabitants of its political home. The protesters’ challenges to cherished views of the American way of life, the criticisms of what was wrong with America, left the “old-fashioned Democrats” confused, shaken, and above all frightened, especially as events took a violent turn. 
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militant H. Rap Brown called violence “as American as cherry pie,” only compounding the liberal dilemma and further legitimating Nixon’s law-and-order demands. 
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As the 1968 primary season wound down, and as he had imposed his own moratorium on discussions of the war, Nixon turned to the “law-and-order” theme. He scoffed at Johnson’s Great Society programs. Money, he insisted, had not solved the problem of crime. We needed more police and more money for them, less “soft” Supreme Court decisions, an Attorney General who would enforce the law, more wiretapping—in short, more support for the “peace forces” and less sympathy for the “criminal forces.” Nixon never strayed far from that theme. 7 Meanwhile, black militant H. Rap Brown called violence “as American as cherry pie,” only compounding the liberal dilemma and further legitimating Nixon’s law-and-order demands. 
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After King’s assassination, Nixon advisers hotly debated whether he should attend the funeral services. His law partner Leonard Garment reportedly remarked: “Things have come to some pass when a Republican candidate for President has to take counsel with his advisers about whether he should attend the funeral of a Nobel Prize winner.” Nixon eventually went, but he did not march behind the mule-drawn wagon bearing King’s body—that presumably was no place for a centrist candidate. Still, Nixon would periodically thereafter rebuke those who had suggested he attend the funeral, complaining that it had been “a serious mistake” and almost cost him the South. 
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Party leaders steadily gravitated toward Nixon. Republican Senate leader Dirksen regarded Nixon as a party loyalist—“kosher” was his improbable description. 
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Eisenhower praised Nixon in the predictable fashion, but he added a personal note on a copy of his prepared text that he sent his Vice President: “Dear Dick—This was something I truly enjoyed doing—DE.” 9 
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And then there was Vice President Hubert Humphrey, eagerly trying somehow to repudiate his President and yet succeed him. His formula was the “politics of joy,” a slogan that rang hollow amid the growing casualties in Vietnam, the state of siege and open rebellion in major American cities and universities, and the gloominess and defeatism pervading an Administration he was obligated to defend. Joy somehow seemed perverse. 
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When the Republicans gathered in Miami for their convention in August, Nixon’s well-oiled machine projected an impression that the convention was merely a coronation ritual. After all, Nixon was the “people’s choice,” as the primaries had shown; since Romney’s withdrawal, no candidate had seriously challenged him. But the Miami convention closely resembled the pro-Goldwater gathering in San Francisco four years earlier, and the thunder on the right was ominous. For many delegates, Nixon was a choice, yet not one that enraptured either their hearts or their minds. Conservatives desired a rollback of the liberal welfare state and realized all too well that Nixon had often opportunistically supported it. 
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By 1968, Barry Goldwater lacked credibility as a national electoral candidate, but the Republican Right now had Ronald Reagan, then in his first term as California governor and a rising star on the political scene. After years on the lecture circuit, attacking big government and promoting free enterprise, Reagan had gained national prominence with a last-minute television speech on behalf of Goldwater in 1964. Two years later, he parlayed his newfound fame into a rout of Governor Pat Brown. Reagan had promised a reduction in spending, lower taxes, and an end to campus disruptions. 
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The Reagan people had an informal alliance with the Rockefeller forces, one characterized by cynicism and convenience. The New York governor believed that to stop Nixon and gain the support of a deadlocked convention for himself necessitated giving Reagan running room. Such thinking was futile, naive, and downright dangerous—unless the allegedly “liberal” Rockefeller actually preferred Reagan to Nixon. Many Nixon delegates reportedly were prepared to bolt to Reagan after an obligatory first-ballot declaration for the former Vice President. The Texas delegation had voted 41–15 for Nixon, but supposedly the figures would have been reversed in Reagan’s favor on a second ballot. The real danger to Nixon came from Southern delegations, ones deeply committed to the conservative agenda. Reagan clearly had gained some momentum in Miami, particularly after the Nixon camp had let it be known they would seriously consider various liberal Republicans for the vice presidency. 
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“Southern Strategy,” whereby, first, Southern convention delegates would be corraled, and ultimately, Southern electoral votes sealed for the candidate in November. Such a strategy entailed close alliances with prominent Southern political leaders. South Carolina Senator J. Strom Thurmond, a former Democrat who led the “Dixiecrat” revolt against Harry Truman in 1948, was the key figure. Nixon assured Thurmond of his opposition to school busing to achieve racial balance and promised to restore “local control” over education—a code phrase for reversing or at least limiting the process of desegregation that had been underway since the Supreme Court had declared “separate but equal” facilities unconstitutional in Brown v. Board of Education in 1954. Thurmond was Nixon’s most important operative at the Miami convention. He moved among the Southern delegations, affirming his satisfaction with Nixon’s stand on the busing and school issues. Equally important, he repeated what Nixon had told him in Atlanta on June 1: Nixon pledged “to appoint Supreme Court Justices who will respect the Constitution rather than rewrite it.” 
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Thurmond, however, maintained his trust in Nixon and his commitment to him. John C. Calhoun, the great antebellum Southern political theorist and Thurmond’s ancestral political godfather, would have rejoiced when the South in effect realized Calhoun’s cherished notion of a concurrent veto. 
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The Nixon lines held at the Republican Convention, and he gained his first-ballot victory, with 692 votes. But the combined total of his opposition was 641. It was not his last close call of the electoral season. 
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The result was an impossible situation for Humphrey. As he entered the race, he predicted that “Johnson’s not going to make it easy.” 13 Given his position within the Administration, and given Johnson’s residue of power, Humphrey simply could not build bridges to the party’s detached wings. 
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The anger and activism in the streets had turned to contempt. One demonstrator held aloft a sign reading: “There Are Two Sides to Every Question—Humphrey Endorses Both of Them.” A few weeks later, George Wallace formally launched his American Independent Party. Talk persisted of a fourth-party candidacy for McCarthy. Humphrey was surrounded. The polls showed him trailing Nixon by more than fifteen points and ahead of Wallace by only five. Among the press and public there was enough contempt to allocate equally among the candidates. 
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Comedian Dick Gregory thought that Humphrey looked like the man who would buy a used car from Nixon, and Wallace looked like one who would steal it.’ 14 
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The Republican candidate broke new ground with a “made-for-media” campaign, largely avoiding longwinded orations, relying instead on clever thirty- or sixty-second commercials and using carefully screened public audiences for “grassroots” question-and-answer sessions. The Democratic candidate meanwhile ran perhaps the last traditional campaign in American presidential elections, featuring large rallies of the party faithful whom he addressed with hortatory stemwinders, desperately hoping to create a bandwagon psychology. 
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(Some reporters confided to one another that they preferred Nixon: his victory would mean Key Biscayne presidential vacations rather than Minnesota ones.’ 
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The arrangement with Thurmond and other southerners sealed the course. The candidate’s surface talk of unity thinly disguised a blatant appeal to darker forces. Tape-recorded conversations with convention delegates revealed Nixon’s instinct for the expedient positions on the war, the role of the courts, open housing, gun control, and desegregation. In brief, Nixon chose to exploit the divisions in American society, carefully calculating what he thought was the winning position. 
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One aide later observed that the staff had tired of balloons and rallies and yearned for “issue-oriented drop-bys,” but he admitted that they produced few “because we were short on ideas.” Nixon and his handlers sought only to enhance his image as the man who would reassert traditional American values, while seeking to paint his opponent as one who had tarnished those values. 
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The “selling” of Nixon in 1968 is central to understanding the campaign. 
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Nixon was too anxious to sell himself, perhaps too pushy. His staring, dark eyes, McLuhan thought, gave him the image of a “railway lawyer who signs leases that 
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Nixon was too anxious to sell himself, perhaps too pushy. His staring, dark eyes, McLuhan thought, gave him the image of a “railway lawyer who signs leases that are not in the interests of the folks in the little town.” 
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Phillips said: “Throughout his public career, Mr. Nixon has always tried to please his audience, seeking their confidence and admiration by becoming the man he thinks they want him to be. The changing perceptions of Nixon—the New Nixon, the Old Nixon, the statesman, the strategist—do not reflect a change in the man but in the audience to which he is at any moment appealing.” 
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The war that had consumed much of American life and energy for three years festered like an open wound. Nixon’s great achievement through that fateful year of 1968 was that he skillfully skirted the issue and moved to his more comfortable law-and-order terrain. With Wallace in the race, Nixon easily seized the “moderate” ground. 
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Finally, he commissioned a speech on the subject but privately told the writer that “there’s no way to win the war. But we can’t say that of course. In fact, we have to seem to say the opposite.” 
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The Nixon camp scheduled the speech for radio delivery the evening of March 31, when Johnson announced his intention not to run again. The prepared text proposed subduing Hanoi by offering Moscow some vaguely conceived “mutually advantageous cooperation.” But when Nixon learned of Johnson’s plan to address the nation the same night, he canceled his own speech. The President’s efforts at negotiation gave candidate Nixon the perfect excuse for declining to offer his own views. He would not undermine “the American position,” and therefore would say nothing. 21 A few days later, he polled nearly 80 percent of the Wisconsin Republican primary vote. 
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- Highlight on Page 69 | Loc. 1596-1602  | Added on Sunday, March 30, 2014, 02:15 PM

Nixon strategists assembled an array of devastating statistics demonstrating skyrocketing crime and violence in America since 1960: murder up 34 percent, assault 67 percent, narcotics violations 165 percent, and home burglaries 187 percent. Nixon chided Attorney General Ramsey Clark, quoting him as having said that the crime level had risen “a little bit, but there is no wave of crime in this country.” Nixon sensed that the nation thought otherwise. The lesson was clear: the nation could no longer afford such leadership as it had with Johnson and Humphrey. The first order of business for President Nixon, he promised, would be a new Attorney General, “to restore order and respect for law in this country.” Nixon conceded that law enforcement was primarily a local responsibility, but he pledged that his Administration would create the necessary “public climate” in order “to win the war” against crime. 
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- Highlight on Page 70 | Loc. 1605-11  | Added on Sunday, March 30, 2014, 02:16 PM

Nixon recognized in crime and morality a basic concern of the unorganized, inarticulate segments of society. More crucially, he acknowledged their existence. Accepting his party’s nomination on August 8, Nixon pointedly decried the new wave of political protest. He insisted that a president must listen not only to the “clamorous voices,” but also to the “quiet voices.” He promised to go beyond the “wail and bellow of what too often passes today for public discourse” and find the “real” sentiments and purposes of the people. Here was the unheeded “great, quite forgotten majority—the nonshouters and the nondemonstrators, the millions who ask principally to go their own way in decency and dignity, and to have their own rights accorded the same respect they accord the rights of others.” 
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- Highlight on Page 70 | Loc. 1618  | Added on Sunday, March 30, 2014, 02:16 PM

Still he dodged Nixon’s contention that poverty and crime had no relationship. 
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- Highlight on Page 71 | Loc. 1627-29  | Added on Sunday, March 30, 2014, 02:17 PM

Media people knew that there was no plan, but they were in their “let’s be fair to Nixon” mode. In other words, a reverse-intimidation situation existed. Seventeen years later, Richard Nixon finally admitted that he had no plan, that his program for peace was only campaign talk. 
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- Highlight on Page 71 | Loc. 1641-45  | Added on Sunday, March 30, 2014, 02:18 PM

The last-minute Vietnam developments, accompanied by cooling passions among the warring Democrats, dramatically chipped away at Nixon’s earlier lead. Nixon had enjoyed a fifteen-point Gallup poll advantage over Humphrey in mid-September. By Election Day, they were almost dead even. Nixon had gained nothing in nearly two months. He commanded a 43 percent rating in the September poll, and that is the percentage he received on November 6. All the imagery, all the contrivances of his campaign organization, changed nothing. 
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- Highlight on Page 72 | Loc. 1669-71  | Added on Monday, March 31, 2014, 01:21 PM

The counterrevolution of 1968 had partially succeeded. But it was not the one set in motion by the Left earlier in the decade. America was lurching rightward. The revolt inspired by the Left against the war turned into a challenge against established authority in general. Those dismayed by the turn of events, shocked as they were by the pervasive turmoil and near anarchy, drifted to Nixon, convinced that he offered a respite. 
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- Highlight on Page 73 | Loc. 1674-75  | Added on Monday, March 31, 2014, 01:22 PM

There is no explanation for the reversal other than the volatile political-social climate. 
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- Highlight on Page 73 | Loc. 1677-78  | Added on Monday, March 31, 2014, 01:22 PM

That right-wing breakthrough in 1968 prefigured the next four presidential elections. 
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- Highlight on Page 74 | Loc. 1704-9  | Added on Monday, March 31, 2014, 01:25 PM

Nixon’s narrow triumph and his decline in the polls prior to Election Day reflected his innate capacity for survival. He had survived eight grueling years as Eisenhower’s Vice President; he had survived the heartbreaking loss of the presidency in 1960; he had survived the humiliating defeat in the 1962 California gubernatorial campaign; he had survived the 1968 primary season and the convention—largely by default, but also by his resolve and stamina; and through a combination of perseverance, luck, and the self-inflicted wounds of his opponents, he had survived the electorate’s close decision on November 5. Survival is success of its own sort; but now Nixon needed success to survive. BOOK 
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- Highlight on Page 77 | Loc. 1725-27  | Added on Monday, March 31, 2014, 01:27 PM

Nixon alternately despised and feared Washington’s “iron triangle”—legislators, bureaucracy, and lobbyists—but he altered the geometric design with a fourth side: the media. 
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- Highlight on Page 78 | Loc. 1741-42  | Added on Monday, March 31, 2014, 01:28 PM

as Alexander Bickel observed: “Men who are loudly charged with repression before they have done anything to substantiate the charge are apt to proceed to substantiate it.” 
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- Highlight on Page 79 | Loc. 1752-53  | Added on Monday, March 31, 2014, 01:29 PM

The net result of the demonstrations, according to Ruckelshaus, was that they provoked extreme reactions on the other side as well. However justified the civil disobedience, the counter-reaction, he thought, “inevitably” would go beyond what good judgment considered appropriate. 
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- Highlight on Page 79 | Loc. 1758-62  | Added on Monday, March 31, 2014, 01:30 PM

Wars historically impose enormous strains on the Constitution, and the Vietnam war proved no exception. The Administration’s responses to antiwar activists (wiretapping), demonstrators (mass arrests), and leaks from Administration operations (more wiretapping and illegal break-ins of private offices to obtain ostensible evidence) reflected a government threatened from without and besieged from within. Nixon’s oft-declared insistence that he would not be the first American President to lose a war to a large degree inspired his Administration’s behavior and justified it to him and his loyal supporters. 
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- Highlight on Page 79 | Loc. 1770-72  | Added on Monday, March 31, 2014, 01:32 PM

When the President pushed an affirmative-action program, Senate Republican leader Dirksen warned that Nixon would split the party if he insisted on the law. “[I]t is my bounden duty to tell you,” Nixon remembered Dirksen as saying, “that this thing is about as popular as a crab in a whorehouse.” 
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- Highlight on Page 81 | Loc. 1796-99  | Added on Monday, March 31, 2014, 01:35 PM

John Mitchell, Nixon’s 1968 campaign manager and the first of his five Attorneys General, testified in 1973 about the “White House horrors,” a term he applied generically to a range of political “dirty tricks” he considered far more disturbing than the Watergate break-in. Mitchell’s comment was pointed at roguish presidential aides who he believed had misled and badly advised the President. 
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- Highlight on Page 81 | Loc. 1799-1801  | Added on Monday, March 31, 2014, 01:35 PM

Other contemporaries referred to the staff more charitably, characterizing them as the “Beaver Patrol,” dutifully parceling out “Mickey Mouse” missions. The sarcastic veneer of that judgment barely concealed the reality that Richard Nixon commanded the patrol and dictated its missions. 
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- Highlight on Page 81 | Loc. 1802-8  | Added on Monday, March 31, 2014, 01:36 PM

Since the Eisenhower years, it had come increasingly to resemble a monarchical court. Former Johnson aide George Reedy accurately portrayed that development and uncannily anticipated its continuance. White House life, Reedy wrote, basically served the material needs of the President, from providing the most luxurious means of travel to having a masseur constantly present. But, more important, he was treated with kingly reverence. “No one speaks to him unless spoken to first. No one ever invites him to ‘go soak your head’ when his demands become petulant and unreasonable.” Reedy’s master was well known for his almost compulsive drive for micro-managerial control which paralyzed initiatives and innovations from others. In Johnson’s White House, presidential aides seemingly existed to carry out the leader’s whims and decrees and, in time-honored fashion, they were to have a “passion for anonymity.” 
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1. 1. April - May 2014

The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 84 | Loc. 1873-74  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:32 AM

A decade earlier, Nixon had acknowledged the difficulty, even the impossibility, of certain administrative functions. For those, he said, “you need a son-of-a-bitch in it.” 
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- Highlight on Page 84 | Loc. 1891-93  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:36 AM

Alexander Butterfield, a Haldeman aide who monitored the paper and staff flow to the President and set his schedule each day, saw the President as much, if not more, than Haldeman did. 
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- Highlight on Page 86 | Loc. 1917-23  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:40 AM

The Haldeman directives, whether written memos or shouted instructions to awed subordinates, are legendary for their authoritativeness. Even when the staff characterized them as “Mickey Mouse” orders—such as harassing a senator who had said something critical about the President the day before—they knew, as Dent remembered, that the instructions really came from the President. The authority was Nixon’s, that “one well, one spring,” as Dent said. Butterfield vividly recalled how Haldeman regularly emerged from the Oval Office with his yellow legal pad, reading directives to others or going to his “dictating machine [to] spit out instructions to the staff members.” Presidential commands, both important and trivial, were often formulated as the President sat alone at night in his Executive Office Building hideaway or in the Lincoln Room in the White House residential quarters. 
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- Highlight on Page 86 | Loc. 1928-33  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:41 AM

Haldeman was only “an implementer,” who did “nothing without the knowledge of the President”; “he was not a decision maker,” Butterfield later told House and Senate investigators. “Haldeman’s preoccupation [was] … to see that things went in accordance with the President’s likes and dislikes.” To that, Haldeman was “dedicated … in a very selfless way.” Inadvertently, Butterfield confirmed the danger that Reedy had sighted four years earlier. The President’s staff, Butterfield thought, sometimes mirrored his personality too readily, and even accentuated his weaknesses rather than compensating for them. 
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- Bookmark on Page 86 | Loc. 1939  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:42 AM


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- Highlight on Page 87 | Loc. 1939-41  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:42 AM

Harry Dent, on the other hand, remembered that he and others would simply ignore some of the more outrageous or silly orders. Stephen Bull, who also worked in the Oval Office and later assumed many of Butterfield’s duties, thought that Haldeman occasionally ignored Nixon’s instructions or allowed others to ignore them. 
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- Highlight on Page 87 | Loc. 1951-52  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:43 AM

“Most of us operated in watertight compartments, unaware of what Nixon was ordering our colleagues to do,” Ehrlichman wrote. 
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- Highlight on Page 87 | Loc. 1955-56  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:44 AM

Compartmentalization ensured fragmentation of power, precisely what Nixon desired. (Of course, the technique was not new; Franklin D. Roosevelt was a past master at such administrative dealings.) 
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- Highlight on Page 87 | Loc. 1959-60  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:44 AM

“Things didn’t happen around that White House willy-nilly,” Dent insisted. “The man on top was on top.” 
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- Highlight on Page 88 | Loc. 1971-73  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:46 AM

Kissinger claimed that he could recognize an “impulsive instruction,” and thought it wise to have the “reflective Nixon” go over it before taking any action. 20 The observation is instructive for its insight into personality; more important, it demonstrates a president in command—with whatever personality was momentarily dominant in his psyche. 
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- Highlight on Page 88 | Loc. 1986-92  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:47 AM

“I’ve always thought this country could run itself domestically without a President,” Nixon said in 1967. “All you need is a competent Cabinet to run the country at home. You need a President for foreign policy; no Secretary of State is really important; the President makes foreign policy.” This oft-repeated remark implied that Nixon really had little interest in domestic affairs and was prepared to allow a “competent Cabinet” to run its own course. Nothing was further from the truth. In his eyes, the Cabinet was only an extension of Richard Nixon and the Oval Office; he well realized how domestic affairs intersected with political and public-relations considerations which in turn vitally affected his public standing. As a result, Nixon intimately involved himself in overseeing Cabinet activities, once again using his trusted staff to determine and protect his interests. His interests, as usual, were political and personal rather than those of substantive policies. 
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- Highlight on Page 90 | Loc. 2015-18  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:49 AM

Henry Kissinger, who worked within both the White House and the Cabinet, saw the President’s relations with his Cabinet as psychologically complex. He thought “students of psychology” could explain why every President since Kennedy trusted his immediate aides more than his Cabinet. 24 The answer, of course, lies in presidential perceptions of political and personal needs, the need to enhance his image and power, as well as to protect his public standing. 
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- Highlight on Page 92 | Loc. 2059-63  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:58 AM

By mid-1971, with little more than a year remaining before the next presidential election, the public-relations groups seemed concerned that the nation did not view the President as “being personally involved in domestic issues.” One staffer thought it important that the President, not Attorney General Mitchell, speak out on drugs; that President Nixon, not the Environmental Protection Agency’s William Ruckelshaus, talk about pollution; and again, that President Nixon, not Secretary of the Treasury George Shultz, discuss the economy. Ehrlichman and Haldeman agreed that the President must be more involved—or, at least, more visible—in domestic matters. 
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- Highlight on Page 92 | Loc. 2071-72  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:59 AM

Now, ten months into his presidency, Nixon wanted someone to develop his philosophy. Safire’s observation was revealing, however inadvertent: “Strange, fitting a philosophy to the set of deeds, but sometimes that is what has to be done.” 
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- Highlight on Page 93 | Loc. 2098-2100  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 02:02 AM

Connally stirred his audience most when he urged that someone do something about the President’s awkward thrusting up of his arms and giving the V-for-Victory signal with his fingers. The other presidential aides thought Connally was the only one who could tell Nixon to stop the gesture. 
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- Highlight on Page 94 | Loc. 2125-30  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 02:06 AM

John F. Kennedy’s aide and biographer, Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., recalled many instances of his and Kennedy’s frustration in getting the bureaucracy to respond to policy directives. Schlesinger claimed that he spent three years unsuccessfully trying to persuade the State Department to stop using outmoded references to the “Sino-Soviet Bloc.” More generally, he observed that “the President used to divert himself with the dream of establishing a secret office of thirty people or so to run foreign policy while maintaining the State Department as a facade in which people might contentedly carry papers from bureau to bureau.” (Ironically, that was precisely the system that Nixon and Kissinger installed.) 
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- Highlight on Page 96 | Loc. 2162-66  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 02:11 AM

As a practical matter, however, bureaucrats under Nixon did what they always did, even when not ideologically hostile to the Chief Executive: they fought for position and a share of power and often settled on the basis of mutually satisfactory group bargains. 38 That was not the game favored by the President and his men. And as the White House staff grew, that bureaucratic structure, with its own subunits, confronted the myriad of established bureaucracies scattered throughout the government, giving a new dimension to jurisdictional warfare. 
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- Highlight on Page 99 | Loc. 2225-31  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 02:17 AM

Much of the difficulty probably was due to Hoover’s declining energies; he preferred to consolidate his empire and not open it to further assaults. Hoover no longer could be counted on to meet CIA or White House demands for actions that, if carried out and subsequently revealed, might have irreparably harmed his beloved Bureau. Consequently, he refused requests for mail openings, break-ins, wiretaps, and campus infiltrations. Hoover’s finely attuned political antennae remained intact; indeed, they operated far better than those of the White House. Given the heightened judicial and public consciousness of the importance of maintaining rigorous constitutional standards, Hoover recognized that the operations favored by the White House threatened problems for the President—and not least of all, for “his” Bureau and for himself. 
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- Highlight on Page 100 | Loc. 2255-59  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 02:21 AM

Hoover was more direct: he warned Mitchell that he would insist on the President’s signature for any activity that might be illegal. Mitchell saw the danger and informed the President. Two weeks after his initial approval, Nixon ordered the plan scuttled. And in the meantime, Hoover remained free to conduct the “dirty war” against subversion, in a fashion not too different from that proposed by Huston, but on J. Edgar Hoover’s terms. Hoover’s victory only heightened the White House antagonism toward him. 
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- Highlight on Page 101 | Loc. 2274-76  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 02:23 AM

Nixon returned from the funeral, announced that the new FBI building would be named in Hoover’s honor, and ordered the Acting Director, L. Patrick Gray, to bring Hoover’s files to the White House. It developed that they were gone; supposedly, Hoover’s secretary got there first. 
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- Highlight on Page 98 | Loc. 2217-20  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 10:48 AM

LBJ told Nixon that he must depend on “Edgar” to “maintain security.” Put your “complete trust” in him, Johnson advised. Nixon needed little prompting, for he had forged a close bond with Hoover since his service on the House Un-American Activities Committee in the 1940s. Hoover had kept up the contact, providing Nixon with information throughout the latter’s “wilderness years.” 
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- Highlight on Page 97 | Loc. 2192-96  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 10:48 AM

Huston pushed hard for an interagency working group, “chaired by the White House,” to coordinate intelligence in the internal-security area. Huston told Egil Krogh, another young lawyer concerned with law-and-order issues, that the “President’s interest” in discrediting Students for a Democratic Society, the Black Panthers, and other activist groups simply was not being served by the Department of Justice—which meant the FBI. 
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- Highlight on Page 98 | Loc. 2203-7  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 10:50 AM

On June 5, 1970, Nixon met with the directors of various intelligence agencies: the FBI, the CIA, the Defense Intelligence Agency, and the National Security Agency. He criticized their overlapping activities and jurisdictions, and he demanded that they reorganize to provide him with one informed body of opinion on domestic political intelligence. He named Hoover as Chairman of the group—first among equals, so to speak—and installed Tom Huston as “staff director.” 
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- Highlight on Page 102 | Loc. 2294-96  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 10:50 AM

As 1970 drew to a close, Richard Nixon, as was his custom, prepared a list of goals for the future and made random notes that left tracings of his moods. His writing offered an idealized version of himself and his Administration, a view he ardently sought to impose on the nation, his entourage, and history. 
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- Highlight on Page 103 | Loc. 2324-28  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 10:53 AM

Less than three months into the first term, John Ehrlichman had hired John Caulfield, a former New York City policeman, to establish a White House “investigations unit.” Caulfield had been a Nixon bodyguard in 1968, and Haldeman assigned him to Ehrlichman after the election. Caulfield’s ostensible job was to serve as liaison with the Secret Service and local police units, but he eagerly plunged into the task of investigating Senator Edward Kennedy and the Chappaquiddick accident of 1969, in which Kennedy drove a car into the water, drowning a female companion. 
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- Highlight on Page 105 | Loc. 2368-71  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:25 PM

Nixon later candidly acknowledged his own involvement in such harassment. He “hit the ceiling,” he recalled, when he learned that the IRS had audited John Wayne and Billy Graham. He told his aides: “Get the word out, down to the IRS, that I want them to conduct field audits of those who are our opponents, if they’re going to do in our friends.” He immediately suggested Democratic National Chairman Larry O’Brien as a target. 
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- Highlight on Page 106 | Loc. 2379-80  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:26 PM

The White House strongly believed that IRS commissioners could not be trusted to carry out its will and assigned John Caulfield to work with Vernon Acree, the IRS Assistant Commissioner for Inspection, to stimulate activity. 
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- Highlight on Page 106 | Loc. 2394-98  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:28 PM

The Service had been too “unresponsive and insensitive” to the White House. Commissioner Walters, Caulfield noted, appeared “oversensitive” in his concern that IRS actions might be labeled political. That had to change, Dean said. Specifically, Dean told Haldeman that Walters “must be made to know that discreet political actions and investigations on behalf of the administration are a firm requirement and responsibility on his part. We should have direct access to Walters for action in the sensitive areas and should not have to clear them with Treasury.” Finally, the inevitable rationale: the Democrats “used [IRS] most effectively. We have been unable.” 
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- Highlight on Page 107 | Loc. 2406-12  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:30 PM

President Nixon and his men also considered direct action, less subtle and including physical force, against “enemies.” During antiwar demonstrations in Washington in May 1971, Haldeman told the President that Charles Colson would use his connections with the Teamsters’ Union and hire some “thugs” to attack the protesters. Haldeman’s enthusiasm was unmistakable: “Murderers. Guys that really, you know, that’s what they really do. Like … the regular strikebusters-type and all that … and then they’re gonna beat the [obscenity] out of some of these people. And, uh, and hope they really hurt ’em.” Nixon enthusiastically chimed in: those “guys” would “go in and knock their [the demonstrators’] heads off.” His contempt was obvious: “These people try something, bust ’em,” he added. 
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- Highlight on Page 107 | Loc. 2415-17  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:30 PM

“Aren’t the Chicago Seven all Jews?” the President asked. (They were not.) The two men had a wide-ranging discussion of political “dirty tricks” that various aides had organized. 
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- Highlight on Page 107 | Loc. 2419-22  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:31 PM

Senator Muskie, then considered to be Nixon’s most likely opponent in 1972. Nixon and Haldeman were particularly pleased and amused by Colson’s attempts to disrupt Muskie’s campaign. Haldeman, with obvious relish, reported that Colson had “got a lot done that he hasn’t been caught at.” Nixon and Haldeman laughed throughout the exchange. But in that compartmentalized White House world, Haldeman was equally glad to report that “we got some stuff that he [Colson] doesn’t know anything about, too.” 
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- Highlight on Page 108 | Loc. 2432-36  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:33 PM

Charles Colson reported the President as saying: “I don’t give a damn how it is done, do whatever has to be done to stop these leaks and prevent further unauthorized disclosures; I don’t want to be told why it can’t be done. This government cannot survive, it cannot function, if anyone can run out and leak whatever documents he wants to…. I want to know who is behind this and I want the most complete investigation that can be conducted…. I don’t want excuses. I want results. 1 want it done, whatever the cost.” 
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- Highlight on Page 108 | Loc. 2436-37  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:33 PM

Haldeman assigned Caulfield to find the source of leaks to columnist Jack Anderson. 
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- Highlight on Page 108 | Loc. 2444-47  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:35 PM

In and out of office, Richard Nixon consistently was preoccupied with his place in history. To him, the control of information and documents was then—and continued to be—essential for ensuring a satisfactory standing at the bar of history. Perhaps nothing illustrated this better than the 1971 episode involving the White House’s response to the publication of the Pentagon Papers. 
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- Highlight on Page 109 | Loc. 2447-53  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:35 PM

On Sunday morning, June 13, 1971, the New York Times carried a frontpage photograph of the President and his daughter Tricia, standing together in the Rose Garden following her wedding ceremony. The other side of the page carried the first installment of the “Pentagon Papers,” a 7,000-page document commissioned by Robert McNamara, Defense Secretary under Kennedy and Johnson. The study traced the origins of the American involvement in Vietnam and offered significant insight into decision-making processes in the foreign-policy and military establishments. Nothing better revealed how secrecy had served the cause of deception than the revelations in these papers. Melvin Laird, Nixon’s Secretary of Defense, told the President that 98 percent of the Pentagon Papers could be declassified. But Nixon responded that “the era of negotiations can’t succeed w/o secrecy.” 
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- Highlight on Page 110 | Loc. 2470-72  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:37 PM

Two weeks after publication of the papers, he acknowledged his complicity in their release. That admission put the issue of the war—its necessity, its wisdom, as well as its morality—squarely at the center of public attention. 
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- Highlight on Page 110 | Loc. 2475-76  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:37 PM

Nixon told Ehrlichman at one point that he would go “an extra mile to defend the security system to reassure China and friendly governments.” 
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- Highlight on Page 110 | Loc. 2476-77  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:37 PM

Both Nixon and Kissinger realized the personal danger if any president lost control over classified documents and allowed them to be used to smear his predecessors. 
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- Highlight on Page 111 | Loc. 2494-96  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:39 PM

Eventually, the Administration brought criminal charges against Ellsberg (against Griswold’s recommendation), but the proceeding ended in a mistrial—ironically, because of the Administration’s own illegal behavior. 
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One of the more bizarre by-products of the Pentagon Papers affair was a plan either to raid or to firebomb the Brookings Institution and to pilfer papers there belonging to Leslie Gelb and Morton Halperin, former National Security Council aides. These papers allegedly represented a Pentagon Papers analogue for the Nixon years. 
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Thus, the Pentagon Papers incident intensified the adversarial relationship between the Administration and the media, a relationship that was to deteriorate still more sharply. These developments, together with a failure of the courts to provide the desired protection and relief demanded by the Administration, led directly to one of the most fateful decisions of the Nixon presidency: the creation of the Plumbers. 
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And thus the President of the United States called into being the Plumbers, a group specifically created to do what J. Edgar Hoover would not do without the validation of Nixon himself. According to Harry Dent, Lyndon Johnson told Nixon to rely on Hoover to cope with enemies within; but Hoover had failed his longtime friend Nixon. Five men connected to this group would go to jail for a specific crime committed in fulfillment of the President’s wishes. One of them, Egil Krogh, later recalled being told by Ehrlichman (another of those convicted) that the President suggested he read the Hiss chapter in Nixon’s book Six Crises. Dutifully carrying out the assignment, Krogh concluded that the President wanted him to proceed “with a zeal comparable to that he [Nixon] exercised … in investigating Alger Hiss.” 
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- Highlight on Page 113 | Loc. 2545-49  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:44 PM

Krogh, a lawyer and an Ehrlichman protégé” from Seattle (he viewed Ehrlichman as a “father-figure”), had served in the White House in a variety of posts, chiefly centering on the Administration’s antidrug measures and on District of Columbia affairs. Young had served with Kissinger as a Rockefeller retainer, and the two worked together on the National Security Council before Ehrlichman peremptorily recruited Krogh for his own needs. 
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- Highlight on Page 113 | Loc. 2554-55  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:44 PM

(The group’s quaint name was coined when one member, David Young, told his mother-in-law that he was plugging leaks of sensitive information. She thought it was nice to have a plumber in the family.) 
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Ehrlichman also told Krogh that the Administration would not use the CIA, because its jurisdiction was legally limited to operations abroad, and this was a domestic matter. (A somewhat exceptional adherence to scruples given the President’s entanglement of the CIA with the Huston Plan and the collection of domestic intelligence. In fact, the CIA did get involved in the Plumbers’ operations, by aiding its notorious alumnus Howard Hunt.) 
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- Highlight on Page 114 | Loc. 2578-81  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 11:21 PM

When Nixon and Ehrlichman had their last official meeting on May 2, 1973, the President asked if he, Ehrlichman, had known about the Fielding break-in earlier. Ehrlichman noted that he silently nodded, and Nixon replied: “If so, it made no impression.” Colson indirectly supported Ehrlichman’s claim that Nixon knew. Colson assumed, he testified, “that John Ehrlichman wouldn’t take something like that upon his own shoulders.” 
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- Highlight on Page 116 | Loc. 2609-12  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 11:25 PM

When Attorney General Richardson reviewed the Fielding operation in May 1973, he immediately recognized that it would be impossible to make any public distinction between it and the Watergate break-in. Both events, he realized, involved Hunt and Liddy, both were illegal, and both could be traced to the White House. He favored prompt disclosure if “the trail” led no further than Krogh and Young. Richardson had good reason for making that qualification. 
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- Highlight on Page 116 | Loc. 2627-31  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 11:28 PM

The White House ordered the FBI to tap Radford’s telephone, hoping to uncover his ties to Anderson. Instead, the wiretap disclosed that Radford had been pilfering documents from Kissinger and the NSC files and turning them over to the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Radford eventually confessed that he had stolen perhaps a thousand documents from NSC files and bum bags and then delivered them to Welander, who served as middleman for Admiral Thomas Moorer, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs. Radford steadfastly denied he had leaked to Anderson. 
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- Highlight on Page 117 | Loc. 2633-35  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 11:28 PM

He saw Radford’s revelations as “an extremely serious matter.” The Seven Days in May scenario of a military coup crossed his mind. “It was a question whether there was an actual move by the military into the deliberations of the duly-elected and appointed civilians to carry out foreign policy.” 
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- Highlight on Page 117 | Loc. 2647-49  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 11:30 PM

To be sure, someone—the President? Ehrlichman?—had ordered a Department of Defense investigation of Radford and one within the White House carried out by the Plumbers. Those reports remain buried. 
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- Highlight on Page 117 | Loc. 2649-54  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 11:31 PM

The only public discussion of the Radford affair came in a desultory Senate Armed Services inquiry in 1974, artfully managed by Senator John Stennis (D–MS) to produce the least possible information. None of the principal investigators testified. Senator Stuart Symington (D–MO) wanted Ehrlichman called as a witness, but Stennis dodged on this. Defense Department Counsel J. Fred Buzhardt filed a report on the affair, but none of it was discussed. The hearing, in sum, dealt with few substantive issues, although several interesting tidbits filtered out. For example, Admiral Welander testified that Haig had arranged his meeting with David Young, indicating Haig had knowledge of the Plumbers. (Curiously, according to Ehrlichman, Young thought Haig was behind the whole spying effort.) 
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- Highlight on Page 120 | Loc. 2719-21  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 11:37 PM

Unhappily for Nixon, after admitting he approved the tap on Morton Halperin, a Kissinger aide, he became the first president ordered to pay damages—a $5 award, meant to be symbolic—to a private citizen for acts committed by the Chief Executive while in office. 
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- Highlight on Page 122 | Loc. 2756-65  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 11:40 PM

Some twenty months later, in the summer of 1972, the pending case had moved to the Supreme Court. Ervin put in an appearance to argue against the government’s policy, describing the Army’s action as a “cancer on the body politic.” Chief Justice Burger led a five-man majority which specifically followed Rehnquist’s formulation that the mere existence of governmental surveillance activities was not a violation of First Amendment rights. Rehnquist, now an Associate Justice, refused to disqualify himself in the case, claiming—in the face of his public testimony—that he had no personal knowledge of the case itself. He also insisted that he had never acted in an advisory role for the government in the case. Rehnquist’s vote, of course, was crucial; a tie vote would have sustained the lower-court ruling against the government. Fourteen years later, in 1986, Rehnquist faced the issue again during hearings on his nomination to be Chief Justice of the United States Supreme Court. He reiterated that he had “no recollection” of participating in the formulation of Army surveillance or intelligence policies. But earlier testimony from the Army’s General Counsel clearly contradicted Rehnquist. 
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- Highlight on Page 124 | Loc. 2791-92  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 11:44 PM

The case now took on the paradoxical title United States v. United States Court for the Eastern District of Michigan , but is more simply known as the Keith Case. 
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- Highlight on Page 124 | Loc. 2797-2801  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 11:45 PM

In the Keith Case, the government strikingly ignored the Steel Seizure Case of 1952, though this was the leading case on inherent presidential powers. There, the Supreme Court had rejected President Truman’s claims of inherent powers to nationalize the steel mills because of the Korean War emergency. The Court of Appeals in the Keith Case thought it odd that the President of the United States should claim the sovereign powers of George III, whose authorization of indiscriminate searches and seizures had been a vital issue in the Revolutionary Era. 
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- Highlight on Page 126 | Loc. 2822-25  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 11:49 PM

Richard Nixon’s assuming office marked the first time since Zachary Taylor’s election in 1848 that a first-term president failed to meet a Congress controlled by his own party. The Democratic majority, however, represented only part of the problem. Nixon confronted a Congress sympathetic to ideological and institutional forces increasingly resistant to presidential wishes. 
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- Highlight on Page 127 | Loc. 2837-39  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 11:50 PM

Franklin D. Roosevelt’s “Hundred Days” in 1933 is often cited as a standard for demonstrating modern-day presidential leadership, but a close examination of the legislative process in this case reveals, as in so many others, that partnership between President and Congress which must prevail in American political life. 
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- Highlight on Page 127 | Loc. 2839-41  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 11:50 PM

John F. Kennedy remarked after two years in office that “Congress looks more powerful sitting here than it did when I was there in the Congress.” Nixon apparently never shared that insight. 
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- Highlight on Page 127 | Loc. 2844-47  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 11:51 PM

Richard Nixon’s experience in both the legislative and executive branches for fifteen years must have made him mindful of political reality. Nevertheless, he directed his staff toward a policy that alternated contempt for Congress with a belief that, through the borrowed techniques of advertising and public relations, the White House could sell its program directly to the public and so make Congress irrelevant. 
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- Highlight on Page 128 | Loc. 2865-68  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 11:52 PM

In foreign-policy matters, Eisenhower respectfully regarded Congress’s role, whether consultative or formal. He carefully touched congressional bases during the tense moments surrounding the French collapse in Vietnam in 1954, the Formosan Straits crisis in 1955, the Suez invasion in 1956, and the civil war in Lebanon in 1957. Nixon, on the other hand, discussed his Cambodian invasion plans with Congress in 1970 only after the decision had been reached. 
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- Highlight on Page 129 | Loc. 2879-83  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 11:54 PM

Special combinations of man and times—a Franklin D. Roosevelt or a Dwight D. Eisenhower—followed the unpopular tenures of Herbert Hoover and Harry Truman. The nation waited in 1969 to see what it had chosen. It soon became clear that the election had not stilled any of the nation’s civil strife; most significantly, Nixon’s installation as President only widened the chasm and conflict between the executive branch and Congress. Moreover, that conflict had taken on a new character in recent years. 
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- Highlight on Page 129 | Loc. 2896-97  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 11:55 PM

A distinguished political scientist, James MacGregor Burns, summarized the deadlock-of-democracy notion in a book by that title in 1963. 
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- Highlight on Page 130 | Loc. 2905-7  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 11:55 PM

believed that we had allowed the Madisonian system of checks and balances to thwart and fragment “leadership instead of allowing it free play within the boundaries of the democratic process.” The result was a political system divided along both partisan and institutional lines—and, all too often, a paralysis of governmental will and power. 
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- Highlight on Page 131 | Loc. 2931-36  | Added on Wednesday, April 02, 2014, 04:51 PM

The Nixon speech sounded as if it had been crafted by speechwriter Theodore Sorensen in the Kennedy style. Nixon spoke of presidential involvement in the “intellectual ferment” of the time. He recognized that “the lamps of enlightenment are lit by the spark of controversy.” The President, Nixon noted, was both “a user of thought” and a “catalyst of thought.” He talked of attracting “the ablest men” to his Cabinet, and he promised “a reorganized” executive and “a stronger White House than any yet put together.” Finally, there was a Kennedyesque call for elevation of the crusade: “Our cause today is not a nation, but a planet—for never have the fates of all the people of the earth been so bound up together.” 
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- Highlight on Page 132 | Loc. 2965-67  | Added on Wednesday, April 02, 2014, 04:54 PM

That faith rested on Theodore Roosevelt’s concept of a president free to do anything except what was expressly prohibited in the Constitution. Now Nixon was telling the people the same thing. In Alexander Bickel’s well-chosen metaphor, Richard Nixon caught the liberals bathing, and walked off with their clothes. 
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- Highlight on Page 133 | Loc. 2985-92  | Added on Wednesday, April 02, 2014, 04:56 PM

In 1803, President Thomas Jefferson matter-of-factly reported to Congress that he had not spent a $50,000 appropriation for Mississippi River gunboats because “the favorable and peaceful turn of affairs … rendered an immediate execution of the law unnecessary.” 11 Thus began the history of presidential impoundment of duly authorized funds. Impoundment had always posed practical constitutional problems, but these seemed of minor consequence until the Nixon Administration (with an important precedent from the Johnson years) transformed an occasional practice into a special test of wills with Congress. For Nixon, the exercise of impoundment also became part of his constitutional responsibility. In a January 31, 1973 press conference, he announced “the Constitutional right for the President of the United States to impound funds[,] and that is not to spend money, when the spending of money would mean … increasing prices or increasing taxes for all the people, that right is absolutely clear.” 
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- Highlight on Page 135 | Loc. 3028-33  | Added on Wednesday, April 02, 2014, 05:00 PM

Congressional inertia on impoundment amounted to benign acquiescence, which in turn emboldened the Administration to expand impoundment actions. Cost-cutting activities most often involved programs that the White House wanted eliminated and replaced with state initiatives financed by revenue-sharing measures. Altogether, Nixon impounded more than $18 billion in his first term. 15 Unlike the impoundments of his predecessors, none of his involved defense expenditures; the impounded funds consistently affected pet pork-barrel projects and traditional liberal causes. Impoundment became an instrument serving preferred presidential policies, policies that aided fiscal restraint and at the same time frustrated congressional wishes. 
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- Highlight on Page 137 | Loc. 3067-68  | Added on Wednesday, April 02, 2014, 05:03 PM

the fact that impoundment had risen to the respectability of being considered grounds for impeachment measured the furies Richard Nixon aroused in Congress. 
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- Highlight on Page 138 | Loc. 3089-91  | Added on Wednesday, April 02, 2014, 05:05 PM

“We’re going to reorganize the government come hell or high water,” he told Nelson Rockefeller in 1971. But Leonard Garment recognized the dangers of making a “lunge at the private parts … of all the different establishments in Washington.” 
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- Highlight on Page 139 | Loc. 3113-16  | Added on Wednesday, April 02, 2014, 05:07 PM

The President subsequently named John Ehrlichman to head the Domestic Council, and the aide soon confirmed the fears of both Cabinet and congressional critics. Ehrlichman seemed less interested in broad policy formulation than in making the council into an operational agency. By all accounts (except Ehrlichman’s, of course), the Cabinet became increasingly isolated, even irrelevant, as contacts increased between the White House and middle-level bureaucrats. 
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- Highlight on Page 143 | Loc. 3209-14  | Added on Wednesday, April 02, 2014, 11:47 PM

Court-watchers knew, however, that Warren Burger stood out as the exception who proved the rule. Burger, a former Assistant Attorney General, had been appointed to the Circuit Court by Eisenhower in the late 1950s. He consistently took issue with his liberal colleagues, often sarcastically berating what he considered their activism, elitism, and excessive concern with the rights of defendants at the expense of social order. In 1967, U.S. News & World Report published excerpts from some of Burger’s dissents and speeches, emphasizing his law-and-order themes. The article caught the attention of then-candidate Richard Nixon, and he used some of the ideas in his presidential campaign. Impressed with Burger’s “moderate conservatism,” Nixon nominated Burger as Chief Justice on May 21, 1969. 
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- Highlight on Page 144 | Loc. 3229-33  | Added on Wednesday, April 02, 2014, 11:50 PM

Black’s definition in its own way departed from the original understanding of the term. In the early nineteenth century, strict construction was advocated by those who opposed what they regarded as the overly broad interpretations of the Constitution by Chief Justice John Marshall. But at that time, Marshall was regarded as the consummate conservative. His opponents, particularly Thomas Jefferson (who on occasion found it convenient to discard his own notions of strict construction), were the liberals of their day. 
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- Highlight on Page 144 | Loc. 3237-40  | Added on Wednesday, April 02, 2014, 11:51 PM

Perhaps nothing with the exception of the ever-growing interinstitutional conflicts of the Vietnam war so poisoned the relations between Nixon and Congress as the Senate’s rejection of his successive nominations of Clement Haynsworth and G. Harrold Cars-well to the Court. A failure to confirm a presidential nomination is rare enough, but for it to happen with two successive nominees was truly extraordinary. 
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- Highlight on Page 144 | Loc. 3248-49  | Added on Wednesday, April 02, 2014, 11:52 PM

As the pressure intensified against Fortas, Attorney General Mitchell visited Chief Justice Warren and briefed him on the department’s evidence; shortly afterward, Fortas submitted his resignation. 
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- Highlight on Page 144 | Loc. 3243-45  | Added on Wednesday, April 02, 2014, 11:52 PM

a Life magazine article charged that Fortas had accepted improper fees and had intervened with a federal regulatory agency in behalf of a former client whose foundation he served as a paid consultant. And Department of Justice investigators reportedly turned up more incriminating evidence. 
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- Highlight on Page 145 | Loc. 3264-66  | Added on Wednesday, April 02, 2014, 11:54 PM

The President’s selection of Burger had obvious political motivations. His next choices for the Court offered payment on his obligation to key Southern supporters, particularly Senator J. Strom Thurmond, to appoint a man from the South—presumably a judge who would be less amenable to pressures to uphold desegregation measures. 
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- Highlight on Page 146 | Loc. 3289-90  | Added on Wednesday, April 02, 2014, 11:57 PM

For the first time since 1930, the Senate had turned down a presidential nomination to the Supreme Court. The Haynsworth defeat demonstrated the fragility of Richard Nixon’s congressional support only one year after his election. 
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- Highlight on Page 151 | Loc. 3392-97  | Added on Thursday, April 03, 2014, 12:06 AM

Ehrlichman had his protégé Egil Krogh devise procedures to tighten the White House grip and influence on Court nominations, primarily at the expense of the Justice Department. Krogh told Ehrlichman that the President could not again “play catch up ball with a nomination.” Conceding initial selection and checkout procedures to Justice and the FBI, Krogh suggested that a White House unit be established to oversee the proceedings—with John Ehrlichman at the helm. Krogh devised roles for the President’s key men in securing future nominations: Clark MacGregor and William Timmons to handle Congress, William Safire to deal with the press, Charles Colson to brief various interest groups, and John Dean to coordinate the 
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- Highlight on Page 151 | Loc. 3391-99  | Added on Thursday, April 03, 2014, 12:07 AM

By late 1971, with two new nominations to submit and an election only a year away, the Administration could no longer afford mistakes. Ehrlichman had his protégé Egil Krogh devise procedures to tighten the White House grip and influence on Court nominations, primarily at the expense of the Justice Department. Krogh told Ehrlichman that the President could not again “play catch up ball with a nomination.” Conceding initial selection and checkout procedures to Justice and the FBI, Krogh suggested that a White House unit be established to oversee the proceedings—with John Ehrlichman at the helm. Krogh devised roles for the President’s key men in securing future nominations: Clark MacGregor and William Timmons to handle Congress, William Safire to deal with the press, Charles Colson to brief various interest groups, and John Dean to coordinate the others. Krogh urged that David Young, his fellow Plumber—whom Krogh called “the one independent mind, very facile and penetrating”—should be heavily involved. Krogh also did not trust the FBI. 
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- Highlight on Page 151 | Loc. 3404-8  | Added on Thursday, April 03, 2014, 12:07 AM

The White House knew that numerous members of the Court were in precarious health. Shortly after his sharp attack on the Nixon Administration for its attempts to censor the press in the Pentagon Papers case, Justice Hugo Black became gravely ill. He submitted his resignation in September 1971. A week later, Justice Harlan, nearly blind and debilitated by bone cancer, also resigned. It was a golden opportunity for the President, but he came perilously close to opting for mediocrity and confronting the Senate once more. 
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- Highlight on Page 154 | Loc. 3479-81  | Added on Thursday, April 03, 2014, 12:15 AM

Those names might have provided some short-range political mileage for Nixon, but their obscurity belittled the Court’s significance as an institution, and their mediocrity only signaled the President’s willingness to devalue the Court’s role in the governmental apparatus. 
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- Highlight on Page 155 | Loc. 3498-3504  | Added on Thursday, April 03, 2014, 12:18 AM

Congress’s customary behavior had permitted an extravagant growth of executive war powers. Perhaps Congress had been overwhelmed by a “cult of executive expertise”; perhaps there was a residue of guilt left over from the Senate’s 1919 rejection of the League of Nations and American international responsibilities; or perhaps, as a Senate committee suggested in 1969, Congress found itself “unprepared” to assert its constitutional role as the United States suddenly found itself in a new and dangerous world after 1945. 50 In any event, for better than a generation, presidents generally dealt with tame, pliant congresses in foreign-policy matters. The frustrating obstacles Congress regularly had imposed on presidential domestic policies simply were absent in foreign affairs. With cause, Richard Nixon thought he had a “free hand” in the international arena. 
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- Highlight on Page 156 | Loc. 3506-10  | Added on Thursday, April 03, 2014, 12:18 AM

In a rare moment, however, detachment prevailed as Kissinger clearly stated the ironic, tragic nature of the conflict between the President and Congress over foreign policy. The Vietnam debate, Kissinger later wrote, “represented a flight into nostalgia,” a notion that America had somehow lost its way and desperately needed to recover its moral purity. Kissinger dismissed the confusion and debate over the war as an expression of self-indulgence that “opened the floodgates of chaos and exacerbated … internal divisions.” 
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Nixon sensed the new mood. Just a few weeks earlier, he attacked critics of American foreign policy as “neo-isolationists.” Yet several months later he effectively neutralized his critics with his response to the massive protests in October 1969. In a national television address, he appealed to the “Silent Majority,” confidently asserting that they outnumbered the protesters and supported his goal of “peace with honor.” North Vietnam, he insisted, could not defeat or humiliate the United States; “only Americans can do that.” 
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- Highlight on Page 157 | Loc. 3551-57  | Added on Thursday, April 03, 2014, 12:24 AM

congressional restlessness gave rise to a gesture of rebellion. As part of a defense-authorization bill, Congress called on the President to terminate military operations in Indochina and provide for withdrawal within nine months, subject to the release of prisoners of war. In a bold fashion of his own, Nixon said he would ignore the proviso, since it did “not reflect my judgment about the way in which the war should be brought to a conclusion,” adding that he considered the statement “without binding force or effect.” The next year a federal court repudiated the President: “No executive statement denying efficacy to the legislation could have either validity or effect,” the court’s decision said, and the court characterized Nixon’s statement as “very unfortunate.” 
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- Highlight on Page 159 | Loc. 3587-94  | Added on Thursday, April 03, 2014, 12:28 AM

Modern presidential-congressional relations have a checkered history. Some observers have been critical of an altogether too compliant Congress. Carl Vinson, who first arrived as a Georgia Congressman in 1914, sadly lamented in 1973 that Congress was a “somewhat querulous but essentially kindly uncle who complains while furiously puffing on his pipe but who, finally, as everyone expects, gives in and hands over the allowance, grants the permission, or raises his hand in blessing, and then returns to his rocking chair for another year of somnolence broken only by an occasional glance down the avenue and a muttered doubt as to whether he had done the right thing.” Indeed, even Richard Nixon could be a beneficiary of that kindly old uncle. Congress passed the Economic Stabilization Act in 1970, which gave the President sweeping authority to regulate wages and prices—a domestic equivalent to the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution, as one writer remarked. 
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- Highlight on Page 161 | Loc. 3631-35  | Added on Thursday, April 03, 2014, 09:00 AM

The Nixon Administration mounted an unprecedented, transparent assault on the media and individual reporters; yet that Administration, like others, went to extraordinary lengths to cultivate the press. And for good reason: the media had become an essential component in the task of governance in late-twentieth-century America. Mastery of it, or at least maintaining its goodwill, became a recognized, desirable prize as presidents sought to reach and shape public opinion and to build constituencies for their programs and future campaigns. 
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- Highlight on Page 162 | Loc. 3648-51  | Added on Thursday, April 03, 2014, 09:01 AM

Nixon and Haldeman installed Ronald Ziegler as Press Secretary. This was apparently a conscious move to diminish, certainly to subordinate, the position. Ziegler had been a Disneyland guide and a Haldeman aide in an advertising agency. Not to name a working reporter for the post marked a dramatic departure for a new Administration, although LBJ had done the same late in his presidency. 
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- Highlight on Page 167 | Loc. 3750-57  | Added on Thursday, April 03, 2014, 09:13 AM

Emphasizing the “enormous responsibilities” of the presidency, Nixon insisted that the Chief Executive “must not be constantly preening in front of a mirror, wondering whether or not he is getting across as this kind of individual or that.” He had no truck with the public-relations types “constantly riding me, or they used to in the campaign, and they do now. ‘You have got to do this, that, and the other thing to change your image.’ I am not going to change my image, I am just going to do a good job for this country.” The facts were otherwise. Nixon was constantly concerned and preoccupied with image; and it was the President himself, not “spinmakers” and public-relations men, who set the agenda for this concern. Just prior to his Today appearance, Nixon told Haldeman that it was time to use a “full-time PR man to really convey the true image of a President to the nation.” 
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- Highlight on Page 170 | Loc. 3827-33  | Added on Thursday, April 03, 2014, 09:17 AM

The presidential press conference has come to be the most visible point of public contact between presidents and the media. It is often said that this is the closest American approximation to the British parliamentary practice of periodically questioning government ministers. The comparison pales. The British system is institutionalized and works on a regular basis, operating between assumed equals in status, if not quite in power. All questioners are members of Parliament, standing in deference to their monarch but not to the Prime Minister. The questioners stand forth openly as political opponents, with the opportunity to coordinate and focus a series of questions designed to secure political advantage for themselves. Above all, parliamentary examination is a vital component of ministerial accountability. Presidential press conferences simply have lacked those qualities of tradition and institutionalization. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
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Roosevelt, like Wilson, believed that if he made page one, the editorial pages were of minor consequence. FDR’s first press conferences in 1933 (fashioned after those he had held as Governor of New York) marked a new stage in presidential relations with the press, one in which the President personally assumed control to manage the news flow. FDR largely succeeded, through a combination of charm, guile, cajolery, and flattery. He was, a recent biographer noted, “a picture of ease and confidence.” Without television to convey a visual image of himself, the President nevertheless portrayed himself to the press—and hence to the public—as “unprecedentedly frank, open, cordial, personal.” 
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Eisenhower held 193 press conferences in his eight years in office, far more than any other president, before or since. Sophisticated audiences often responded contemptuously to the President’s jumbled syntax, his rambling, “often inappropriate or impossibly confusing answers,” and his confessions of “I don’t know.” But his style was effective, and the press conferences contributed to Eisenhower’s continuing extraordinary popularity. Eisenhower cultivated good relations with reporters, regularly inviting them to cook-outs during his vacations, playing golf with them, and treating them as “quasi members of his staff.” Occasionally, he might betray some anger or annoyance at a particular incident involving the press, but he never permitted or fostered open antagonism.’ 
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Press conferences are not as spontaneous as they seem. The live televised proceedings dictate careful preparation on the part of the President, including briefings and even rehearsals. Good staff work usually ensures that there are no surprises. The likely questions are obvious and generally are confined to issues of the moment. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
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Given their numbers and differences, reporters at press conferences have no opportunity for coherent questioning. Thus control of the event usually belongs to the President. His problem is to guard against the infrequent slip of the tongue, the inadvertent remark. Nevertheless, control can on occasion slip from his hands: witness Nixon’s experience on June 1, 1971. A reporter raised a question regarding alleged civil liberties violations surrounding the mass police arrests of the May Day antiwar demonstrators that year. (Charges already had been dropped against more than two thousand arrested individuals.) Nixon’s reply focused on the danger of the demonstrations to the government, ignoring the civil liberties question. What followed was unusual, as one reporter after another rose to bore in on the same issue, pressing hard on the question of improper police tactics. Nixon evaded them, finally finding a “safe” reporter who invariably strayed from the pack to ask irrelevant, obscure questions. She did not disappoint him in this case, dropping the dangerous line of questioning to inquire about a surplus of telephone poles in Vietnam. The President, visibly relieved as the press conference quickly returned to its familiar anarchy, nevertheless realized the danger. He did not hold another televised press conference for nearly thirteen months. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 176 | Loc. 3953-56  | Added on Thursday, April 03, 2014, 09:34 AM

The President’s anger focused in a particularly vicious manner in November that year, when Haldeman, at Nixon’s direction, called J. Edgar Hoover and asked for “a rundown on the homosexuals known and suspected” in the Washington press corps. Hoover confirmed he had the material and noted that he would not need to make any specific investigation. The Director sent the files to the White House. 
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Haldeman had his man. It was a perfect match: Magruder was pliant, reliable, and obedient. In time, Haldeman dispatched Magruder to Herb Klein as the “Deputy” in the White House Office of Communications, and fatefully, in 1972 he became Mitchell’s “Deputy” at the Committee to Re-elect the President. Klein was my “nominal boss,” but Haldeman was his “real boss,” Magruder acknowledged. 
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The Agnew speech in Des Moines had been nurtured in the darker moments of the Goldwater candidacy in 1964. The Vice President offered the nation, particularly its heartland, a conspiracy theory that blamed the anti-Nixon bias of the media on an Eastern liberal establishment. “A small group of men, numbering perhaps no more than a dozen anchormen, commentators, and executive producers, settle upon twenty minutes or so of film and commentary that’s to reach the public… . [They] live and work in the geographical and intellectual confines of Washington, D.C., or New York City… . They draw their political and social views from … one another, thereby providing artificial reinforcement to their shared viewpoints.” It was time, he said, to question the power of this “small and un-elected elite.” Given the government’s role in regulating the broadcast networks, Agnew’s threat was only thinly veiled: “the people,” Agnew warned, “are entitled to a full accounting of [the networks’] stewardship.” Agnew had struck the sensitive nerves of the media and liberal intellectuals, but he also won the hearts and minds of those who already believed the notions he espoused. They responded with passionate support for the Vice President. Antisemitic letters constituted II percent of one network’s mail, while tirades against blacks made up another 10 percent. In an ABC poll, 51 percent of the respondents agreed with Agnew. 
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When he returned, he planned to do a documentary on his visit, but Richard Salant, head of CBS News, “cross-examined” him at length over his inability to get more information on the POWs and his failure to report more unfavorably on the North. Instead of doing a documentary, Hart appeared on only a few late-night spot reports. He believed that he had lost the confidence of his bosses. He later realized that he had covered the story as a journalist, not as an “American journalist.” One of his colleagues emphasized how important it was to preface or conclude his reports with reminders that “these people were Communists.” 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
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Several hours later, in the early morning of the seventeenth, police arrested five men in the Watergate offices of the Democratic National Committee in Washington. A security guard discovered an apparent burglary in progress and notified the local police. When captured, the suspects had several cans of Mace, carried lock-picking devices, and wore surgical gloves. One had a portable radio receiver. The police also found camera equipment and telephone-bugging devices. Because of the possibility that the federal Interception of Communications statute had been violated, the D.C. police called in the FBI. Preliminary investigations on the scene led Bureau agents to believe that the burglars were in the process of installing the listening devices in the Democratic offices. Shortly after the arrest, an attorney showed up at police headquarters, stating that he represented the men in custody. The suspects, however, had refused to make any telephone calls, and the lawyer would not tell agents how he had learned of their arrest. 
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Four of the men in custody were identified as Cubans, although they gave aliases at first. They had with them when they were arrested $2,400 in cash, including thirteen new hundred-dollar bills. Later that day, FBI agents obtained warrants and searched the suspects’ hotel room. They discovered a sealed envelope with a check written by E. Howard Hunt. Hunt’s name, along with the notations “W.H.” and “W. House,” appeared in the address books of two suspects. Bureau records revealed that Hunt had been the subject of an inquiry a year earlier when he was hired for a White House staff position. Hunt’s file also showed that he had listed Douglas Caddy, a local attorney, as a reference. Caddy was the same lawyer who had appeared at police headquarters, after—it was later discovered—Hunt and the wife of one of the defendants had called him. FBI agents further learned that the Cubans had previously been employed by the CIA. 
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What the FBI did not immediately learn was that Howard Hunt and G. Gordon Liddy, the then-counsel for the re-election committee, with another operative, had observed the whole arrest procedure at the Watergate from a room in a nearby hotel. One of those arrested, however, had a key to that room, and eventually police searched it and discovered that Hunt had been present. 
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Alexander Butterfield told FBI agents that Hunt had been a consultant for the White House on “highly sensitive confidential matters” less than a year earlier but had not been used since. But by June 19, agents had learned that Hunt had been a longtime CIA agent and that he had worked for the White House in late March, directly for Charles Colson. That day, the FBI requested permission to interview Colson. On June 23, less than a week after the arrests, FBI Acting Director L. Patrick Gray ordered the “highest priority investigative attention” for the Watergate case. Meanwhile, the President and Haldeman made a desperate gamble to curtail the Bureau’s investigation and enlisted Gray and the CIA in their effort. 
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- Highlight on Page 190 | Loc. 4210-12  | Added on Thursday, April 03, 2014, 07:32 PM

By the twentieth, Colson’s and Hunt’s names, as well as McCord’s employment at the re-election committee, had become public knowledge. O’Brien called a press conference and announced that the Democrats had filed a $1 million damage suit against CREEP. Citing the involvement of Colson, O’Brien charged that the case had developed “a clear line to the White House.” 
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Meanwhile, Colson assured Nixon that “we won’t let this one bug us.” For himself, the President concluded that “I [will] just stonewall it.” 
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Nixon met reporters on June 22, telling them that the “White House has had no involvement whatever in this particular incident.” On June 25, Lawrence O’Brien challenged the President and called for the appointment of a “special prosecutor of unimpeachable integrity and national reputation.” He claimed that abundant evidence now existed linking the White House to the Watergate burglary. Six days later, John Mitchell announced his resignation as the President’s campaign manager, claiming that he wanted to spend more time with his family. Before he left, however, Mitchell dismissed Gordon Liddy when he learned that the CREEP aide had refused to cooperate with the FBI. Within several weeks, the FBI found that Liddy had been employed by the White House and the Treasury Department for several years. Eventually, the Bureau also discovered that Liddy had worked for John Ehriichman on “law enforcement matters.” In fact, Liddy had been in the Special Investigations Unit, better known as the Plumbers. His colleagues had included Howard Hunt and several of the Watergate burglars. The Watergate break-in was part of a seamless web. 
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The conversation established the foundation for a strategy that Nixon and his top aides pursued for nearly a year: John Mitchell would take the fall. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
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Late in October, after CBS had devoted extensive attention to Watergate, the President complained at length to Haldeman. He ordered Kissinger to do nothing with the network for a week. Ziegler was not to talk to CBS reporters or to the Post. Colson upbraided CBS’s top executives and succeeded in having the network reduce a promised follow-up program. 
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Nixon recalled in his memoirs that he had “insisted to Haldeman and others … that in this campaign we were finally in a position to have someone doing to the opposition what they had done to us. They knew that this time I wanted the leading Democrats annoyed, harassed, and embarrassed—as I had been in the past.” The rationale always centered on retaliation: “I told my staff that we should come up with the kind of imaginative dirty tricks that our Democratic opponents used against us and others so effectively in previous campaigns.” He acknowledged that he ordered “a tail on a front-running Democrat” (without saying for what purpose) and directed that federal agencies’ files be checked for suspicious or illegal behavior by Democrats. 
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John Mitchell reportedly listened to the proposal of Gemstone, puffed on his pipe, and told Liddy that it was “not quite what I had in mind” and that he was to devise more “realistic” and less expensive plans. The entry and bugging of the Watergate offices of the Democratic National Committee was the more realistic plan concocted by CREEP’S “security” forces. 
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Mitchell later ruefully reflected that he should have thrown Gordon Liddy and his entire plan out the window. As Attorney General—which he was until March 1972—Mitchell might have done better to arrest Gordon Liddy for his proposed conspiracy. 
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At the time, the certainties of the Watergate break-in were three: the burglars were real; they had entered the office complex; they had bugging devices with them. The five perpetrators eventually were convicted for breaking and entering and for violating laws prohibiting unauthorized wiretaps. Hunt and Liddy were also found guilty. As the prosecutors developed their case, they discovered, as did subsequent investigations, that the seven men had important links to CREEP and the White House; in particular, all had received money from questionable campaign contributions. But what was the purpose of the break-in? Clearly, the operation was political. But what had been its end? For what specific gain had the break-in been planned? 
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Arthur Kinoy, the lawyer who successfully challenged the Administration’s broad claims for inherent presidential powers to wiretap without warrants, offered a second hypothesis to account for the break-in. Earlier in the spring, Kinoy had represented federal judge Damon Keith, who had ordered the Administration to disclose wiretaps in a case involving alleged White Panther members. Throughout the proceedings, the Justice Department attorneys had pressed luxuriant claims of inherent executive powers to wiretap. If the Supreme Court had accepted the government’s position, the Administration would have had a perfect cover for wiretaps and “black” operations already underway or planned. The Watergate break-in occurred, Kinoy suggested, because the Administration was privy to the Court’s adverse decision and someone ordered that the phone taps be removed before the Court gave its ruling, scheduled for announcement the Monday after the break-in. Why were so many men caught at Democratic headquarters if their mission was only to repair one faulty tap? Kinoy theorized that the burglars were removing equipment. 
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Haldeman also endorsed Senator Howard Baker’s 1973 comment: “Nixon and Helms have so much on each other, neither of them can breathe.” 
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Haldeman later argued that the CIA and the Democratic National Committee knew about the first Watergate break-in and that, singly or together, they sabotaged the second. He claimed that the Cubans, Hunt, and McCord remained on the CIA payroll. The CIA’s animosity toward the Administration, its fear that after his re-election Nixon would move decisively to bridle its power, and its determination to protect an old ally, industrialist and financial manipulator Howard Hughes, Haldeman argued, explained the failure of the break-in. 
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Jim Hougan’s book, Secret Agenda, fleshes out Haldeman’s claims for a pervasive CIA role in Watergate. Hougan has established the most thorough reconstruction of the crime. As evidence of the CIA’s involvement in the events of May-June 1972, Hougan traced the Agency’s dealings back to Howard Hunt’s roles in the Pentagon Papers case and the break-in of Daniel Ellsberg’s psychiatrist’s office. Throughout this period, Hougan argues, Hunt was a CIA operative and regularly reported on Administration doings, particularly the sexual peccadillos of various politicians. 
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Questions regarding the CIA appear in various segments of the Watergate story. The Agency’s role, however, seems destined to remain shadowy. Such CIA principals as Helms, Deputy Director Vernon Walters, and future Director William Colby have adamantly denied any CIA role in initiating any Watergate events or in implicating the White House. But Assistant U.S. Attorney Earl Silbert charged, and Colby admitted, that the CIA had withheld cooperation with the investigation. What eventually emerged from the inquiries into Watergate—wholly apart from the events of the break-in and subsequent cover-up—was the CIA’s changed relationship to other power centers in the government. 
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- Highlight on Page 204 | Loc. 4532-36  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 05:36 PM

Dean turned the O’Brien matter over to John Caulfield, Ehrlichman’s in-house private detective. Caulfield found little on O’Brien, but he kept running into more details of the Hughes-Nixon connection and warned Dean that it might be dangerous. Nevertheless, the IRS began a tax audit of Robert Maheu, Hughes’s ousted chief aide. Maheu retaliated with a leak to columnist Jack Anderson about a reported $100,000 Hughes payment to Nixon through Bebe Rebozo. Las Vegas journalist Hank Greenspun told Herb Klein that he had information the money had been used to furnish the President’s San Clemente estate. 
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The so-called “Greek Connection” provides yet another theory for the Watergate break-in. Once again, there is a link to Lawrence O’Brien, and the motive may, like the O’Brien-Hughes theory, lie in G. Gordon Liddy’s contention that the Watergate break-in “was to find out what O’Brien had of a derogatory nature about us, not for us to get something on him or the Democrats. “ James McCord also testified that the purpose of the June 17 break-in was “to do photocopy work of documents” as well as to install new listening devices. The story has its origins in a September 1968 campaign speech delivered by vice-presidential candidate Spiro Agnew. 
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- Highlight on Page 205 | Loc. 4563-69  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 05:39 PM

What had happened? According to Demetracopoulos, the Greek KYP—the intelligence service which had been founded by the CIA and subsequently subsidized by the Agency—had transferred three cash payments totalling $549,000 to the Nixon campaign fund. The conduit was Thomas Pappas, a prominent Greek-American businessman with close links to the CIA, the Colonels, and the Nixon campaign. (Agnew insisted that he “had absolutely no knowledge” of such money.) The charges that KYP money had come into the presidential campaign, with CIA knowledge, were circulated in the United States and in Greece. CIA Director Richard Helms commented with studied ambiguity: “Even if somebody suggests they would like to do it, I would insist that they don’t tell me about it because that is dynamite.” 
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James McCord, Watergate burglar, former CIA agent, and Chief of Security for CREEP, testifying before the Senate Select Committee.( 
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Nixon met with Haldeman in the late afternoon of September 15. Watergate was very much on their minds, as was the young lawyer in charge of damage control. Haldeman congratulated himself on having designated John Wesley Dean III for that task. While Dean would not “gain any ground for us,” Haldeman told the President, he would make “sure that you don’t fall through the holes.” Haldeman knew the way to Richard Nixon’s heart. Dean, he noted, was “moving ruthlessly on the investigation of McGovern people, Kennedy stuff, and all that too.” Altogether, Haldeman reported, Dean had turned out to be tougher than he had anticipated. 
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Such a performance apparently merited a presidential audience. It was close to 5:30 P.M. when the President summoned the White House Counsel. Nixon greeted Dean rather casually. “Hi, how are you?” “Yes sir,” Dean responded. The President wasted no time in coming to the point: “Well, you had quite a day today, didn’t you? You got, uh, Watergate, uh, on the way, huh?” 1 September 15 was an important day for the President’s growing involvement in the cover-up of any White House connection to the break-in. For John Dean, especially, it was a red-letter day, for now he was about to receive official recognition, even blessing, for his direction of the cover-up campaign. He had worked hard for three months to keep the President from falling through the holes. Dean thought he was on his way to the top. From another perspective, at another time, he saw his life that day as “touching bottom.” 
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Dean’s modest experience typified the Nixon White House; the essential qualifications for important positions consisted of loyalty and subordination. 
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After he had applied unsuccessfully for a clerkship with District Judge John Sirica, Dean had worked in staff positions in Congress and the Justice Department. Richard Kleindienst, his immediate superior, learned to dislike Dean, yet acknowledged that he had performed with “great distinction.” Kleindienst also claimed that he had warned Dean against moving to the White House, telling him that he would only be “a runner for Ehrlichman”; being “counsel to the President,” he said, was only an illusion. But John Dean—the WASP Sammy Glick—was an adaptable young man: he would move from being John Mitchell’s “boy” to become Haldeman’s, not Ehrlichman’s. 
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- Highlight on Page 214 | Loc. 4799-4803  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 08:59 PM

Solicitor General Erwin Griswold, well acquainted with ambitious young lawyers from his days as Dean of the Harvard Law School, considered John Dean a “nice young man” but nevertheless “was astounded” when he heard of his appointment as White House Counsel. Griswold believed Dean unqualified by either ability or experience. The position, Griswold said, “required a more mature person, with the fiber and strength to stand up to the President and to other people in the White House, and to do it gracefully so that you avoid head-on collisions.” Neither Nixon nor Haldeman included those qualities in their job description, however. 
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- Highlight on Page 215 | Loc. 4816-18  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 09:00 PM

The new Counsel shrewdly sensed that handling what seemed to be the dull, routine matter of interest conflicts offered a key to advancement. He realized that by knowing a man’s financial situation he could gain his confidence. And winning confidence, Dean knew, would bring more “business”—contacts and chores that would make Dean more visible and ever more valued. 
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- Highlight on Page 216 | Loc. 4836-40  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 09:02 PM

Dean’s desire for visibility reaped big dividends following the Watergate break-in. The White House Counsel had just returned from a trip to the Orient, but at Ehrlichman’s instructions he lost no time in talking to a variety of Administration principals regarding their knowledge of the burglary. Dean interviewed Colson, Magruder, Mitchell, Kleindienst, Liddy, and Gordon Strachan, a Haldeman aide. From Strachan, Dean learned that Haldeman had received logs from the wiretaps of the Democratic National Committee. If Haldeman were implicated, Dean realized, the President could not be far behind. 
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Dean’s role in Watergate began, in his words, as that of a fact-finder. From there, he worked his way up to idea man, and “finally to desk officer.” He met with involved officials, advised them, and made recommendations as to the disposition of evidence. He shuttled between the warring camps in the White House and the Committee to Re-elect the President. John Dean did not initiate the Watergate cover-up, but in time he came to be the orchestrator of the various disparate parties to the cover-up. 
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- Highlight on Page 216 | Loc. 4849-56  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 09:03 PM

The first step in the cover-up belonged to Mitchell and was taken several hours after the news of the burglars’ arrest broke, when he denied any involvement by CREEP officials. On June 19 Colson urged that Howard Hunt’s White House safe be confiscated. Mitchell suggested to Magruder that he “have a little fire” at his house with the Gemstone files. The next day, Haldeman ordered Gordon Strachan to “make sure our files are clean.” Strachan promptly shredded numerous documents. Later that afternoon, Dean and his Associate Counsel, Fred Fielding, sifted the contents of Hunt’s safe, finding evidence of more “dirty tricks,” including an attempt to fabricate a direct link between President Kennedy and the assassination of South Vietnamese President Diem. The safe also contained memos between Colson and Hunt regarding the Plumbers. Dean informed Ehrlichman about the materials, and Ehrlichman told him to “deep six” them. Dean instead gave them to FBI Acting Director L. Patrick Gray. 
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Haldeman later expressed surprise when he discovered on June 23 that Dean was the “‘project manager’ on the Watergate problem.” He thought Ehrlichman was in charge, but “my crafty friend,” as Haldeman characterized Ehrlichman, had managed to fade out of the picture for the current business. Ehrlichman hastily informed other relevant parties, such as Gray, that Dean had White House responsibility for an “inquiry” into the break-in. Ehrlichman scrambled for distance. 
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- Highlight on Page 217 | Loc. 4872-77  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 09:05 PM

Petersen liked Dean and even confided in him, quite unsuspecting of Dean’s role. Petersen later bitterly recalled that Dean had become the “linch pin” (a term Dean himself used) of the conspiracy, acting through Haldeman and Ehrlichman. He grudgingly recognized that Dean was a splendid choice to direct the cover-up. Because Dean had worked in Congress on the committee to reform the criminal laws, and because he had been in the Justice Department, Petersen said, “we trusted him. We thought he was one of us. He had a degree of rapport with us that an ordinary counsel who just came in out of the political hinterlands never would have had with the Justice Department.” 
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Helms remembered that he immediately thought Haldeman’s concerns amounted to “baloney,” but he did not know “what the baloney was.” Gray himself testified that Helms told him on July 22, and again on July 27, that the CIA had no concern about the FBI investigation of the burglars’ money. Helms claimed to be mystified about a current White House notion that an FBI investigation would uncover the Agency’s “money-laundering” operation in Mexico; “we never used the term,” he insisted. The CIA, Helms revealed, had no need to operate in such a fashion: “We could get money any place in the world. We ran a whole arbitrage operation. We didn’t need to launder money—ever.” 
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A couple of weeks later, on July 6, the President telephoned Gray from San Clemente. Gray told Nixon that he and Walters believed that “people on your staff are trying to mortally wound you by using the CIA and the FBI and by confusing the question of CIA interest in, or not in, people the FBI wishes to interview.” The President, Gray reported, paused slightly, and then urged Gray to continue his “aggressive and thorough investigation.” After the call, Nixon advised Ehrlichman not to “raise hell” with Gray or Walters, adding that the White House could take the heat. 
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- Highlight on Page 221 | Loc. 4966-72  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 09:11 PM

“I was being set up by the President of the United States to take a fall.” Thus Richard Helms made his assessment of the President’s political tactics as the summer of 1972 wore on. But Helms was determined not to be the “goat” of the affair. Helms knew that Walters had been a longtime Nixon loyalist and that the President could have his way with him. Helms believed that Nixon intended to “embroil the Agency … and use the Agency as the cover for the cover-up.” Although he later resisted further demands from the White House, however, Helms at first cooperated in allowing the Agency to be used accordingly. His resistance eventually cost him his standing with the President, and his cooperation exposed his treasured organization to unprecedented public scrutiny. The Watergate affair was a disaster for Richard Helms and the CIA. 
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- Highlight on Page 222 | Loc. 4980-86  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 09:13 PM

He pointed to the FBI’s investigation, one by the House Banking and Currency Committee, and John Dean’s “complete investigation” as ample evidence that “we are doing everything we can to take this incident and to investigate it and not to cover it up.” Dean’s investigation had satisfied him, Nixon insisted. “I can say categorically that his investigation indicated that no one in the White House staff, no one in this administration, presently employed, was involved in this very bizarre incident.” Charitably, the President said that “overzealous” people often do wrong things in campaigns. But his charity had limits. “What really hurts” in dealing with wrongdoing, he remarked, “is if you try to cover it up.” 
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- Highlight on Page 222 | Loc. 4996-98  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 09:14 PM

Richard Nixon claimed that his diary entry for September 15 only briefly alluded to the grand-jury indictment of the Watergate burglars. “We hope,” he wrote at the time, “to be able to ride the issue through in a successful way from now on.” For Nixon, this meant that the incident was of only minor concern to him and that the trial of the burglars would end the matter. 
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- Highlight on Page 226 | Loc. 5078-79  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 10:46 PM

Dean left the Oval Office shortly after the remarks about the newspapers. He had his orders; he did not talk to the President again until February 28, 1973. The mood then would not be so confident. 
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- Highlight on Page 235 | Loc. 5280-84  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 11:38 PM

Patman, by now, was playing for the historical record. On October 31 he released the House Banking and Currency Committee’s staff report linking CREEP officials to the burglars and charging that the White House had authorized the most effective “curtain of secrecy ever erected.” Ford remained faithful to the Administration, demanding dismissal of the staff members. He derided the report and the Chairman for “last-minute smear tactics.” 42 Just as predictably, the report had no influence on the electorate. 
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- Highlight on Page 235 | Loc. 5293-97  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 11:39 PM

Patman’s inquiry accomplished nothing in the immediate sense, but its encounters with CREEP and the White House had some important consequences. Patman’s pressure required that the cover-up be intensified and expanded, thus widening chances for error and eventual exposure. Meanwhile, Patman had perceived the cover-up. He was a formidable enemy, with a long memory and a penchant for settling scores. Several months later, he ordered his staff to share its materials and findings with Senator Sam Ervin and the newly created Senate Select Committee, named to probe 1972 campaign financing. Patman himself wrote to Ervin, urging that Dean be questioned closely on his interference with the House Banking and Currency Committee. 
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- Highlight on Page 236 | Loc. 5317-18  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 11:41 PM

Richard Nixon and his campaign managers pursued Lyndon Johnson’s 1964 prescription of isolating the opposition and persuading the nation that it had no real alternative to “four more years” of the incumbent. 
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- Highlight on Page 237 | Loc. 5336-39  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 11:43 PM

The President consistently talked about the opportunity to forge a broad mandate. The campaign of 1972 was to be very different from the calculated divisiveness of 1968. Now, the President assiduously courted Democrats, labor, blacks, Jews, and the young, while expecting (quite correctly) that his 1968 constituency would remain with him if only because it had nowhere else to go. 
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- Highlight on Page 239 | Loc. 5383-88  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 11:48 PM

John Dean still had his tasks, busily trying to keep the ball of yarn tightly wrapped. His “firm” was esteemed in inner circles—and was ever more indispensable. “John Dean is handling the entire Watergate matter now,” Haldeman told Colson in March 1973, “and any questions or input you have should be directed to him and to no one else.” For the President, John Dean was “a superb young man.” Later, others would, with anger and bitterness, argue that Dean had “organized and directed” the resistance to the Patman hearings, miraculously absolving anyone else of responsibility and culpability—the incontrovertible evidence of the Oval Office tapes notwithstanding. 
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- Highlight on Page 241 | Loc. 5418-22  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 11:50 PM

In March 1973, Colson told the President that Dean had “done a spectacular job. I don’t think anybody could do as good a job as John has done.” From the other side of the fence, Dean also received lavish praise when FBI investigators later acknowledged “that the President’s most senior associates at the White House conspired for nine months to obstruct our investigation.” 55 The President’s Counsel had not yet fallen from grace. On September 15, 1972, John Dean had promised the President fifty-four days; he had delivered more. 
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- Highlight on Page 243 | Loc. 5443-46  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 11:53 PM

Meanwhile, the President’s familiar enemies-Congress, the government bureaucracy, and the media—began to look beyond the White House version of Watergate as a “third-rate burglary.” New wars seemed in the offing. For good reason, a channel of apprehension paralleled the confident course of the Nixon White House after the November election. 
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- Highlight on Page 247 | Loc. 5548-49  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 12:02 AM

The Gray nomination went to the Senate on February 17. It was the President’s most fateful and disastrous decision in this crucial period, for Gray’s confirmation hearings offered the Democratic Congress an immediate opportunity to raise questions about Watergate. 
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- Highlight on Page 249 | Loc. 5599-5604  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 12:08 AM

But the writer offered several items for consideration, including a reminder that the defendants had been involved in “highly illegal conspiracies … at the behest of senior White House officials.” The warning was blunt: the Administration had been “deficient” in living up to its commitments for financial support and pardons. “To end further misunderstandings,” the defendants set 5:00 P.M. on November 27 as a deadline for the White House to meet financial requirements and offer “credible assurances” that other commitments would be honored. “Loyalty,” they said, “has always been a two-way street.” Liddy, meanwhile, told Dean that he needed money for his lawyer. 
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- Highlight on Page 250 | Loc. 5621-26  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 12:10 AM

Given the times, suspicions were aroused, and some linked the crash to the Watergate case. Dorothy Hunt had traveled with an unusual amount of money. Talk circulated that allegedly she had the same CIA links as her husband, and there was shadowy talk of “hush money.” In any event, the final report of the National Transportation Safety Board on August 29, 1973, found no evidence of “sabotage or foul play” in connection with the accident. Meanwhile, the White House was aware of Mrs. Hunt’s importance in the cover-up. Three months after her death, Dean told the President that she “was the savviest woman in the world. She had the whole picture together,” he said. 19 
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- Highlight on Page 251 | Loc. 5639-47  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 12:12 AM

Nixon knew that his aides had paid money to Hunt and the defendants, but he only worried about finding new donors for “hush money.” “Goddamn hush money,” the President complained, “uh, how are we going to [unintelligible] how do we get this stuff….” In a February 14 conversation with Colson, he talked about maintaining the cover-up: “The cover-up is the main ingredient,” he told Colson. “That’s where we gotta cut our losses; my losses are to be cut. The President’s losses gotta be cut on the cover-up deal.” The day before, Nixon bluntly told Colson that the cover-up must be maintained: “When I’m speaking about Watergate,” the President said, “that’s the whole point of the election. This tremendous investigation rests, unless one of the seven begins to talk. That’s the problem.” But the President had confidence in his old friend John Mitchell, as he was pleased that Mitchell had “stonewalled it up to this point.” Colson and Mitchell were adversaries, but Colson admiringly told the President in response: “John has one of those marvelous, ah, memories.” 
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- Highlight on Page 252 | Loc. 5649-53  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 12:13 AM

He told Colson he knew it was “tough” for him, Haldeman, Ehrlichman, and the rest. But, he promised, “[W]e’re just not gonna let it get us down. This is a battle, it’s a fight, it’s war and we just fight with a little, uh, you know, uh remember, uh, we’ll cut them down one of these days.” In March, both John Dean and Charles Colson advised the President to retain Colson as a consultant without pay in order to maintain a curtain of executive privilege around him. 
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- Highlight on Page 252 | Loc. 5654-57  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 12:13 AM

On January 6, Senator Mike Mansfield had called for a full investigation of Watergate, by a select committee armed with proper funds, staff, and subpoena powers. The time had come, Mansfield said, “to proceed to an inquiry into these matters in a dispassionate fashion.” The Senator thought that his North Carolina colleague, Sam Ervin, was the man to head such an investigation. 
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- Highlight on Page 252 | Loc. 5664-67  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 12:15 AM

Nixon was defensive once more about the press, complaining that L. Patrick Gray was often described as his “political crony.” They had never met in a social situation, Nixon insisted. But the talk of Gray made the President nostalgic for J. Edgar Hoover. “[H]e’d have scared them to death. He’s got [sic] files on everybody, God damn it,” meaning, it seems, that Hoover would have called off the dogs for Nixon. 
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- Highlight on Page 253 | Loc. 5680-85  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 12:17 AM

He emphasized that Dean must get through to Kleindienst—he was the “man who can make the difference,” Nixon said; moreover, Kleindienst “owes Mitchell” for his position. Finally, Nixon again raised the Hiss case and applied it in an odd, almost perverse way. He told Dean that Whittaker Chambers, Hiss’s accuser, suffered greatly because he was an informer. Chambers, he thought, was one of the great men and writers of his time. Still, “they finished him…. [T]he informer is not wanted in our society. Either way, that’s the one thing people do sort of line up against.” 21 Was that pointed advice for John Dean? 
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- Highlight on Page 253 | Loc. 5685-86  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 12:17 AM

The trial of Hunt, Liddy, and the Watergate burglars began on January 10 in the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia. 
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- Highlight on Page 254 | Loc. 5696-5700  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 12:19 AM

That same day, Hunt offered to plead guilty to three charges, but Sirica promptly refused the offer, citing the strength of the government’s case. The public, he admonished, must have “not only the substance of justice but also the appearance of justice.” On January 11 Hunt pled guilty to all six counts. Patriotism was his last refuge. He had acted, he insisted, “in the best interest of my country”; he added that he had no knowledge of “higher-ups” in the conspiracy. Sirica released Hunt on $100,000 bail. 
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- Highlight on Page 254 | Loc. 5700-5702  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 12:19 AM

The four Cuban burglars similarly pled guilty on January 15 to all counts in the indictment. Responding to questions from Sirica regarding their actions, the burglars insisted that they had acted on behalf of Cuban liberation, and because they believed McGovern’s election would lead to Communism in the United States. 
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- Highlight on Page 255 | Loc. 5720-22  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 12:20 AM

Patman’s earlier attempts to unravel the Watergate puzzle failed because of White House pressure, the distractions of the political campaign, and, not least, because his investigation was perceived as a partisan attempt to embarrass the President. 
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- Highlight on Page 257 | Loc. 5782-85  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 12:27 AM

But the White House was not oblivious. The creation of the Senate Select Committee meant that the maintenance of the cover-up would have to be expanded. The new dimensions, however, only increased the likelihood of exposure. Administration resources proved to be limited, vulnerable, and ultimately, incompetent. 
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- Highlight on Page 257 | Loc. 5785-86  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 12:27 AM

The President realized the danger. On February 11, he told Haldeman that they must discredit the hearings, reiterating the now-familiar theme that this was a commonplace “political crime.” 
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- Highlight on Page 260 | Loc. 5848-55  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 12:33 AM

He said nothing about the obvious risk for a Republican judge perceived as favoring a Republican president. Yet Sirica had been Nixon’s kind of judge. And until 1973, Richard Nixon had been John Sirica’s kind of president. Sirica had scheduled sentencing of the Watergate burglars for March 23. Three days earlier, James McCord delivered a letter to the judge’s chambers that led directly to the unraveling of the conspiracy. Recognizing the possibility of a stiff sentence, and “in the interest of restoring faith in the criminal justice system, … [and to] be of help to you in meting out justice in this case,” McCord told Sirica that pressure had been applied to have the defendants maintain silence; that perjury had occurred in the trial; that Watergate was not a CIA operation, but it involved other governmental officials; and that McCord wanted an opportunity to discuss the case at greater length with Sirica. The judge exuberantly told his clerk: “This is going to break this case wide open.” 
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- Highlight on Page 261 | Loc. 5858-60  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 12:33 AM

He wrote to his friend White House aide John Caulfield at the end of December, warning that “if Helms goes, and the Watergate operation is laid at [the] CIA’s feet where it does not belong, every tree in the forest will fall. It will be a scorched desert,” McCord warned. 
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- Highlight on Page 261 | Loc. 5861-65  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 12:33 AM

Richard Nixon knew in advance about McCord’s letter to Sirica. The day it was delivered, the President told Haldeman that Dean and others were concerned about the convicted burglars’ sentences and what Sirica might do. He knew that McCord did not want to go to jail and apparently had decided to talk. Haldeman realized the implications: McCord, he said, “would have a lot on Mitchell.” The President replied as if he were unaware of the connection between the two. John Dean knew the implications: “The dam was cracking,” he later said. 
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- Highlight on Page 261 | Loc. 5865-72  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 12:34 AM

At the same moment, the hearings on L. Patrick Gray’s nomination as Director of the FBI verged on disaster, with Gray about to admit that he had cooperated with Dean in seeking to limit the investigation of the break-in. The nomination also brought a confrontation with the Senate over executive privilege. The day after McCord sent his letter to Sirica, Dean told the President that there was “a cancer on the presidency.” Still, the “containment” effort persisted. Howard Hunt received a $75,000 payment from a White House emissary. Kleindienst, probably acting on White House orders, publicly minimized McCord’s charges and privately wrote to Sirica, chiding him for not sending McCord’s letter through Department of Justice channels. But Assistant Attorney General Petersen knew, as well as the prosecutors did, that Kleindienst’s complaint was beside the point: the case, to use a favorite Oval Office expression, was about to blow. 
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- Highlight on Page 261 | Loc. 5872-73  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 12:34 AM

The President and Haldeman in their March 20 meeting did not see any particular problems for themselves or any other key White House figures, however. 
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- Highlight on Page 261 | Loc. 5874-77  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 12:34 AM

Eight days later, Ehrlichman telephoned Kleindienst, conveying word that no White House people had prior knowledge of the break-in. Nixon wanted Kleindienst to keep him informed on developments in the case, particularly any information that involved White House officials. But he was concerned about Mitchell and the people at CREEP, Ehrlichman reported. “So am I,” Kleindienst added. 
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- Highlight on Page 261 | Loc. 5878-79  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 12:34 AM

After reading the McCord letter in court on March 23, Judge Sirica turned to the sentencing of the other defendants. 
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- Highlight on Page 262 | Loc. 5896-99  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 12:36 AM

Sirica’s threat of maximum sentences skirted dangerously close to the precipice of forcing self-incrimination. The judicial precedents were mixed. An appellate court had vacated sentences in a drug-trafficking case because they trenched upon the defendant’s right to avoid self-incrimination. “Mercy seasons justice,” the court said, “but the quality of mercy is strained when its price is abandonment of the classic freedom against self-incrimination.” 
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- Highlight on Page 262 | Loc. 5899-5904  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 12:36 AM

Two years later, a Second Circuit Court ruling sustained broad discretion for the sentencing judge, including his right to consider matters inadmissible at trial. More to the point of Sirica’s example, the court ruled that when a judge left open the possibility of sentence reduction if the defendant subsequently cooperated, any judicial reference to the defendant’s silence was not a punishment for exercising self-incrimination. Ironically, the losing attorney in that case was Samuel Dash, the designated Majority Counsel for the newly created Senate Select Committee. Dash had recommended the precedent to Sirica, hoping that it might persuade the defendants to cooperate. 
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- Highlight on Page 264 | Loc. 5929-33  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 01:53 PM

The President and his closest White House aides had determined by then that John Mitchell must be a sacrificial lamb if the strategy of containing the revelations was to work. Such passiveness occasionally gave way to exhortation. “Stonewall it,” “plead the Fifth Amendment,” “cover up”—anything to “save the plan,” he said defiantly. But in the next breath, he talked about his preference for “the other way”—in which his good friend John Mitchell would take the blame. 
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- Highlight on Page 264 | Loc. 5935-37  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 01:54 PM

But at bottom, the President recognized the peril. He instructed Haldeman to keep Dean working on the case. From the moment Senator Mansfield proposed a congressional investigation, Nixon was concerned. Dean, he said, should “try to turn it off.” 
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- Highlight on Page 265 | Loc. 5958-63  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 01:56 PM

The optimistic, even cocky, Dean of September 1972 had vanished; for him, the outlook was terribly grim. “We have a cancer within, close to the Presidency, that is growing,” Dean reported. “It is growing daily. It’s compounded, growing geometrically now, because it compounds itself.” Dean thereupon launched into a long narrative of the origins of Watergate and the subsequent White House responses. But radical surgery lay in the distance. For now, the President and his aides launched a new cover-up, one to mask their earlier effort and also to find appropriate people “to take the heat.” 1 Dean’s pronouncement of March 21 was no surprise to Richard Nixon; he already had prepared for that new stage. 
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- Highlight on Page 266 | Loc. 5965-68  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 01:56 PM

The Senate Judiciary Committee’s confirmation hearings began shortly after the President announced Gray’s nomination as FBI Director on February 17. By the end of the month, Gray had acknowledged his direct contacts with the White House during the Watergate investigation, and his ambitions lay shattered. 
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- Highlight on Page 267 | Loc. 6003-12  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 02:00 PM

Gray’s positive achievements were quickly disregarded once the Judiciary Committee hearings disclosed that he had regularly submitted FBI investigative reports to Dean. He contended that Hoover had made a practice of providing reports of ongoing investigations; further, he thought that he was merely supplementing Dean’s own investigation. In a conciliatory move, Gray offered to make the Watergate files available to the senators—an offer later vetoed by the White House. But more was to come. The committee learned that Dean took a week to turn over the contents of Howard Hunt’s White House safe to the FBI (Gray thought nothing was “irregular” about this: “the President’s got a rather substantial interest as to what might be in those papers,” he said on March 6). The Judiciary Committee also secured affidavits from CREEP employees who had cooperated with the investigation, stating that their superiors knew almost immediately about their statements to the FBI. By March 13 the committee had heard enough and voted unanimously to invite Dean to testify. The Democrats indicated that Gray’s nomination might be held hostage pending Dean’s appearance. The next day, however, Dean declined to appear, although he agreed to accept written interrogatories. 
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- Highlight on Page 268 | Loc. 6012-16  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 02:01 PM

The President invoked executive privilege and adamantly opposed any public testimony by his aides. Speaking at his March 2 press conference, Nixon insisted that “no President” could ever allow his Counsel to testify before a congressional committee. Ten days later, he found an enlarged sanctuary in the separation-of-powers doctrine. He transformed separation and independence into unbridled autonomy, maintaining that the manner of exercising assigned executive powers is not subject to questioning by other branches. The fig leaf of executive privilege carried with it high moral purpose. 
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- Highlight on Page 268 | Loc. 6021-22  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 02:01 PM

But in his memoirs, the President recalled that at that press conference, he suddenly realized: “Vietnam had found its successor.” 
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- Highlight on Page 268 | Loc. 6024-28  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 02:02 PM

But he told John Ehrlichman in a taped March telephone conversation that “John Wesley”—Gray appropriated an almost reverential name for Dean—must “stand awful tight in the saddle and be very careful about what he says.” Dean must say that he delivered everything developed by the White House investigation of the break-in to the FBI, Gray warned. All this he put on a note of knowing conspiracy: “I’m being pushed awfully hard in certain areas,” he reminded Ehrlichman, “and I’m not giving an inch and you know those areas.” 
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- Highlight on Page 269 | Loc. 6037-43  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 02:04 PM

The devious Ehrlichman quickly called Dean, and the two snickered about Gray’s alleged toughness. His testimony, Dean said, “makes me gag.” Ehrlichman wondered if Gray had called to “cover his tracks.” He contemptuously dismissed Gray. Ehrlichman wanted Gray to just hang there; “let him twist slowly[,] slowly in the wind.” Dean responded that those were exactly the sentiments of “the boss.” The President, he claimed, had questioned Gray’s ability to lead the Bureau, given the way he had conducted himself before the committee. The President himself decided that Gray was useless and expendable. Nixon told Dean on March 13 that Gray “should not be head of the FBI”; because of the hearings, Nixon added, “he will not be a good Director, as far as we are concerned.” 
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- Highlight on Page 270 | Loc. 6053-55  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 02:05 PM

On March 22, Byrd challenged Gray: was his first duty to the FBI or to the President?—a “tough question,” as Gray characterized it. But he could not “evade” the fact that he took orders from the President. 
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- Highlight on Page 270 | Loc. 6055-60  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 02:06 PM

Gray even admitted he would continue to give Dean FBI reports if the President requested them. Byrd then elicited Gray’s frank charge that Dean had lied when he had told FBI agents that he did not know whether Hunt had an office in the White House. Gray had broken contact with Dean by then, sensing that Dean had pushed beyond the bounds of propriety—and foolishly believing that the White House Counsel was an independent authority. Byrd’s questions were devastating. They involved Gray’s political speeches; his political uses of the FBI; his relations with the President, Dean, and other White House staff members; his conduct of the Watergate investigation; and his personal handling of evidence from Howard Hunt’s safe. 
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- Highlight on Page 272 | Loc. 6104-9  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 02:09 PM

No one better understood the shifting sands of public opinion than John Dean. He had determined that it was time for a direct, thorough discussion with the President of the United States. The President and his men had to confront their past—and their future. Meanwhile the President had created a new layer to the cover-up. On March 12 he issued a blunt statement asserting the nature and broadening the power of executive privilege. Cloaking himself in precedents dating back to George Washington, Nixon argued that executive privilege was sanctioned by the Constitution’s separation-of-powers doctrine and was necessary to protect internal communications of the executive branch regarding vital national concerns. 
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- Highlight on Page 272 | Loc. 6109-10  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 09:26 PM

He insisted that revelations of such communications threatened the candor of discussion and decision making. 
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- Highlight on Page 273 | Loc. 6123-27  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 09:28 PM

The Ervin Committee dominated the President’s thoughts at the March 13 meeting. He asked Dean to summarize the potentially damaging witnesses. Dean thought that particularly vulnerable were Hugh Sloan, the CREEP treasurer, who had passed money to Liddy, and Herbert Kalmbach, Nixon’s lawyer, who had provided hush money to the burglars. Nixon protested that Kalmbach, as his lawyer, merely handled some San Clemente property matters and his income tax—“he isn’t a lawyer in the sense that most people have a lawyer.” 
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- Highlight on Page 274 | Loc. 6147-50  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 09:31 PM

Again, Nixon acknowledged the vulnerability of Mitchell and Haldeman. But he always focused on the roles of others in planning or having knowledge of the break-in. On the surface, Nixon did not recognize that the deep involvement of the White House in the cover-up immediately following the break-in was the real problem. Or did he? Did he not realize that the task now was to cover up the cover-up—to “save the plan,” as he often said? If that was to happen, sacrificial lambs would have to be prepared. 
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- Highlight on Page 274 | Loc. 6151-57  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 09:33 PM

Dean told the President about Ehrlich-man’s role in the break-in of the office of Daniel Ellsberg’s psychiatrist. The President appeared stunned, even mystified, claiming that it was the first he had heard of the matter. “What in the world, what in the name of God was Ehrlichman having something [unintelligible] in the Ellsberg?” Nixon asked. Whatever the answer, the “hang-out road” now had to be even further circumscribed. Another key aide was vulnerable; another “horror” might be revealed. Furthermore, Dean told the President, the CIA had developed pictures Hunt had taken of Liddy in the doctor’s office. Was the CIA, not exactly a reliable Nixon friend, wholly knowledgeable about that break-in? Perhaps not, but the Agency knew that Hunt had some illegal involvement. Here the President lost some of his aplomb, some of his sense of command. 
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- Highlight on Page 275 | Loc. 6166-73  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 09:34 PM

Dean’s recitation began with Haldeman’s instruction that he establish “a perfectly legitimate campaign intelligence operation” at CREEP. John Caulfield first developed a plan, but Mitchell and Ehrlichman agreed with Dean that it was not suitable. Dean then suggested that they commission Gordon Liddy for the task. Liddy proposed several hare-brained and expensive schemes, which again were rejected, but he then enlisted Hunt as an ally. The two visited Colson who, in turn, pressed Magruder for action. Mean-while Haldeman, through his aide, Gordon Strachan, similarly pressured Magruder for campaign intelligence. Magruder responded by turning to Mitchell and urging the campaign to authorize Liddy’s plan to wiretap the Democratic National Committee. Mitchell agreed, and the fruits of the taps went to Strachan, who gave them to Haldeman. Dean informed the President that Magruder ordered Liddy to make a second foray into the Watergate offices—and added that “no one over here knew that. I know, uh, as God is my maker, I had no knowledge that they were going to do this.” 
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- Highlight on Page 276 | Loc. 6197-6200  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 09:38 PM

Money, however, seemed to be no problem. How much do you need, he asked Dean? A million dollars over the next two years, the Counsel replied. “We could get that,” the President said. “[I]f you need the money, I mean, uh, you could get the money… . [Y]ou could get a million dollars. And you could get it in cash. I, I know where it could be gotten…. I mean it’s not easy, but it could be done.” 
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- Highlight on Page 277 | Loc. 6217-24  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 09:40 PM

What was to be done? the President pleaded. Complete disclosure? “Isn’t that the best plan?” Nixon asked. It was Dean’s turn to dodge, for “complete disclosure” threatened him because of his role in the obstruction of justice. Dean wanted the President to ask for another grand jury, order the prosecutors to immunize witnesses, and sacrifice a few individuals. The lawyer-President seemed to have difficulty comprehending the point: “I don’t see it. I can’t see it,” he said. He thought Dean simply had served as a proper President’s Counsel; in any event, he seemed to think the matter could be handled easily enough. Suddenly, the President sounded satisfied with his prospects. “Sometimes it’s well to give them … something, and then they don’t want the bigger fish then.” And just as quickly, he realized that blackmail money still would have to be paid—“it would seem to me that would be worthwhile,” Nixon said. 
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- Highlight on Page 277 | Loc. 6231-32  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 09:42 PM

It was time, the President and Dean decided, for all of the key principals to meet to discuss future strategy—Haldeman, Ehrlichman, Mitchell, Dean, and the President. 
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- Highlight on Page 279 | Loc. 6260-65  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 09:46 PM

But Ehrlichman knew that the immediate problem involved Hunt. He favored continuing the pattern of containment and blackmail and ultimately giving Hunt a pardon. Nixon tentatively agreed, yet wondered whether Hunt might get clemency from the court if he talked. Dean warned the President that that was a real possibility; he outlined exactly the scenario that James McCord, not Howard Hunt, had initiated the day before. Dean then contemptuously sneered at those (Colson, Kalmbach, Chapin) who had hired criminal lawyers “to protect their own behinds … ; self-protection is setting in.” Ten days later, Dean himself called a prominent criminal lawyer, disingenuously telling Haldeman that he needed someone to “figure out what everybody else’s criminal liabilities are.” 
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- Highlight on Page 279 | Loc. 6267-68  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 09:47 PM

Ehrlichman’s plan had the virtue of most heavily implicating Dean; the President and his favored men apparently did not realize at that point that Dean would not let himself go down alone. 
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- Highlight on Page 279 | Loc. 6271-73  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 09:47 PM

Dean’s theory steered the discussion into the question of just who would go to jail. Awareness of possible criminal liability jolted the conversation back to the easiest course of all: continuing the cover-up. All agreed that Hunt must be paid, and the President offered to make a public statement promising cooperation with the Ervin Committee and an internal investigation to quiet growing 
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- Highlight on Page 279 | Loc. 6271-76  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 09:49 PM

Dean’s theory steered the discussion into the question of just who would go to jail. Awareness of possible criminal liability jolted the conversation back to the easiest course of all: continuing the cover-up. All agreed that Hunt must be paid, and the President offered to make a public statement promising cooperation with the Ervin Committee and an internal investigation to quiet growing concern. Dean warned, however, that these were merely stopgap arrangements, again stressing that the story would eventually become public knowledge. That route, Haldeman exclaimed, held out “a certainty, almost, of Magruder going to jail, Chapin going to jail, you going to jail … [and] probably me going to jail.” Soothingly, the President responded: “I question the last two.” 
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- Highlight on Page 280 | Loc. 6281-84  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 09:50 PM

Dean sensed at this point that Haldeman and Ehrlichman ultimately might isolate him. After the meeting broke up, Dean told Richard Moore (who had urged him to speak to the President) that “all of a sudden my two friends, Haldeman and Ehrlichman, don’t know anything about all of this.” Dean also informed his associate Fred Fielding that he saw problems because others refused to admit their complicity. 
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- Highlight on Page 281 | Loc. 6308-12  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 09:53 PM

Nixon relayed Dean’s concerns about the future, a cue for Nixon to praise Dean’s “superb job here keeping all the fires out” and for Colson to laud his “spectacular job—I don’t think anybody could do as good a job as John has done.” Colson realized that Dean could be charged with obstruction of justice, but he planted an idea Nixon later adopted, that Dean had the double protection of executive privilege and lawyer-client privilege. 
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- Highlight on Page 282 | Loc. 6347-51  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 09:57 PM

The March 21 discussions were an overture to the series of meetings that began the next day and continued into April. Much of that time was spent maneuvering John Mitchell and his CREEP aides into position to take responsibility for Watergate, leaving the White House entourage relatively immune. But that scenario had been devised before the President heard Dean’s “cancer” exposé on the twenty-first. The evening before, Nixon and Haldeman met for more than an hour. They knew that McCord had offered to talk; accordingly, they mapped their own strategy. 
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- Highlight on Page 283 | Loc. 6359-64  | Added on Sunday, April 06, 2014, 12:27 AM

Both Nixon and Haldeman believed that Ehrlichman posed a problem, however, not for what he knew about Watergate, but for the break-in of Daniel Ellsberg’s psychiatrist’s office. Haldeman suggested that key aides should prepare statements for publication in the Washington Star, but Nixon objected—“open[s] too many doors.” He would issue a statement, perhaps a general one, expressing confidence in his staff and basing it on “the Dean report”—a nonexistent document to be conjured up when convenient. But both men were sensitive to the danger of saying that any truth was “the whole truth.” “Never, never, never,” the President emphasized. 
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- Highlight on Page 283 | Loc. 6370-73  | Added on Sunday, April 06, 2014, 12:28 AM

The President quickly covered for Colson, asserting his conviction that Colson had no prior knowledge of the Watergate break-in. Nixon and Haldeman both believed that Mitchell had an interest in maintaining the cover-up because of his own complicity in—or at least awareness of—the plan. “No question about that,” Haldeman emphasized. The stage was set for Mitchell to play his part. 
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- Highlight on Page 283 | Loc. 6374-78  | Added on Sunday, April 06, 2014, 12:28 AM

Nixon and Haldeman resumed their conversation for nearly ninety minutes on the morning of March 22. First, Haldeman briefed the President on his use of $350,000 in campaign contributions to pay the defendants. Haldeman had directed Dean to channel the money to Strachan, who in turn gave it to Mitchell’s aide and friend at CREEP, Fred LaRue. The money had been collected since 1968 and had initially been set aside by Haldeman for taking polls and surveys. Nixon argued that none of this constituted an obstruction of justice (as Dean had contended it did) and that the funds were not covered by the recent campaign-financing laws. 
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- Highlight on Page 284 | Loc. 6379-83  | Added on Sunday, April 06, 2014, 12:29 AM

The President insisted that he would not be blackmailed: it was “right” to pay. “God damn it, the people are in jail, it’s only right for people to raise the money for them. I got to let them do that and that’s all there is to it. I think we ought to… . [W]e’re taking care of these people in jail. My God, they did this for—we’re sorry for them. We do it out of compassion… . What else should we do?” More a plea than a question, it seemed. But the bottom line was that the President agreed to blackmail payments. 
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- Highlight on Page 284 | Loc. 6394-97  | Added on Sunday, April 06, 2014, 12:30 AM

Mitchell’s “awfully close to you,” Haldeman said, as if to prod the President, but getting only a grunting “Yeah.” In the terms of an old political saw, Haldeman was a man who “seen his opportunities and took ’em.” Mitchell no longer was as close to the President as Ehrlichman, himself, and, now, Dean had become. Proximity was power and influence. 
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- Highlight on Page 285 | Loc. 6403-9  | Added on Sunday, April 06, 2014, 12:31 AM

At 2:00 P.M. on March 22, the President assembled Haldeman, Ehrlichman, Mitchell, and Dean and asked, “[W]hat, uh, words of wisdom do we have from this august body on this point?” Rather sarcastically, Ehrlichman remarked that “our brother Mitchell” had brought some wisdom on the matter of executive privilege. Mitchell seemed to sense his vulnerability and cautioned his erstwhile law partner that the more he waived executive privilege, the less it was worth. He urged tough negotiations with Senator Ervin, through Howard Baker, and he recommended organizing “a damn good PR team” in order to avoid “a political roadshow.” Given his vulnerabilities, Ehrlichman heartily endorsed Mitchell’s advice. Haldeman worried that any testimony might indicate that “the President was involved”—certainly an uncomfortable possibility for him, as well. 
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- Highlight on Page 285 | Loc. 6418-20  | Added on Sunday, April 06, 2014, 12:32 AM

Who would testify before the Ervin Committee? Haldeman knew the committee wanted “big fish,” meaning that he and Ehrlichman could not avoid an appearance. He seemed confident they could handle things. Clearly, everyone appeared anxious to keep Dean away from the committee: his vulnerability was the vulnerability of all. There was talk of the lawyer-client relationship to give him further protection. 
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- Highlight on Page 287 | Loc. 6451-53  | Added on Sunday, April 06, 2014, 12:35 AM

Thus Richard Nixon interpreting history and applying its lessons: “I don’t give a shit what happens,” he defiantly told his men. “I want you all to stonewall it, let them plead the Fifth Amendment, cover-up or anything else, if it’ll save the plan. That’s the whole point.” 
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- Highlight on Page 289 | Loc. 6510-12  | Added on Sunday, April 06, 2014, 12:41 AM

If Goldwater believed that the President and his men had lied, then indeed the President was in trouble. But Nixon preferred his own options: stonewalling, modified limited hang outs, sacrificial lambs. He remained confident that he could get his house in order as April approached. But truly, for him it became the “crudest month.” 
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- Highlight on Page 291 | Loc. 6543-46  | Added on Sunday, April 06, 2014, 12:44 AM

Two days later Magruder and his lawyer began extended discussions with Silbert leading to a confession and a plea bargain. The deal was struck on April 14, but a day earlier, Haldeman delegated his top aide, Larry Higby—popularly known as “Haldeman’s Haldeman”—to sound out Magruder. Magruder told Higby that the U.S. Attorney’s office would get all the facts, but Haldeman, he assured Higby, would have “no problem.” Mitchell, Dean, and Liddy had problems, but not Haldeman, Magruder insisted. 
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- Highlight on Page 292 | Loc. 6569-74  | Added on Sunday, April 06, 2014, 11:26 AM

The talks of April 14 began with a morning meeting of more than two and one-half hours between the President, Haldeman, and Ehrlichman. The tape recordings of the conversations at times appear disjointed. The transcripts have been cannibalized for a juicy tidbit here, a titillating curse there. Interpreting the transcripts as showing hesitation or uncertainty in the Oval Office would be an error, however. The transcripts reflect a consistent line of discussion. Certainly, participants occasionally sounded unsure of matters, but that only mirrored the compartmentalization that Nixon generally had imposed on his dealings with aides. The President himself always seemed to know the correct answers, and throughout he established and maintained the drift and tone of the conversations. In his most perilous moments, Richard Nixon remained the man on top. 
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- Highlight on Page 294 | Loc. 6614-15  | Added on Sunday, April 06, 2014, 11:30 AM

Perhaps Richard Nixon saw Agnew as a pawn; neither then nor later did he understand that Agnew represented a built-in insurance policy against impeachment proceedings directed at himself. 
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- Highlight on Page 295 | Loc. 6625-30  | Added on Sunday, April 06, 2014, 11:32 AM

Ehrlichman had his own agenda. Mitchell, of course, was his primary target, but Ehrlichman thought that Dean, too, should be given an opportunity to serve the President in like fashion. He reminded Nixon of Dean’s knowledge of the hush money, as well as several other links to the cover-up. Ehrlichman did not want Dean fired; if he remained as the President’s Counsel, Ehrlichman believed that Silbert and the grand jury would be more respectful. The President then spoke carefully about Dean’s role. He “only tried to do what he could to pick up the Goddamn pieces and … everybody else around here knew it had to be done… . Uh, let’s face it. I’m not blaming anybody else … That was his job.” 
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- Highlight on Page 297 | Loc. 6681-82  | Added on Sunday, April 06, 2014, 09:11 PM

Shortly after 5:00 P.M. on that April 14, Ehrlichman returned to the Oval Office to report on his meeting with Magruder and his lawyers. It was as expected: Magruder would implicate Mitchell, along with Dean. 
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- Highlight on Page 297 | Loc. 6682-84  | Added on Sunday, April 06, 2014, 09:11 PM

He had given the prosecutors details of the extent to which Dean’s coaching had led to his earlier perjured testimony. Nixon realized that Dean might be an enemy within, now that he found himself threatened. 
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- Highlight on Page 297 | Loc. 6687-94  | Added on Sunday, April 06, 2014, 09:12 PM

At the end of the conversation the President cursed the growing official and public preoccupation with the Watergate story. “[D]ragging the God damn … thing out and dragging it out and being—and having it be the only issue in town,” he complained to Ehrlichman. Get the “son of a bitch done,” he said. Indict Mitchell and the rest; there would be a horrible two-week scandal, but he was sure they could survive. He thought the story might appear worse than Teapot Dome, but he saw a difference: no venality, no thievery, no favors. Still, he realized the seriousness of the picture if Mitchell were indicted. And then there was what he described as the vulnerability of others—he must have realized that these others included him—regarding the charges of obstruction of justice. On this front, he exhorted Haldeman and Ehrlichman to fight. After all, he said, “we were simply trying to help these defendants.” 
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- Highlight on Page 299 | Loc. 6714-18  | Added on Monday, April 07, 2014, 10:38 AM

Whatever empathy or relief the President expressed toward Magruder in his diary entry was forgotten as he told Haldeman that he just could not depend on Magruder. He seemed particularly anxious to establish the line that money payments to the defendants had not been intended to obstruct justice. He reassured himself that it would be the word of felons such as McCord and Hunt against the word of those who raised the money. But he worried that someone might have “some piece of paper that somebody signed or some God damned thing… .”—as if in fear that written or taped evidence would undermine the White House in some way. 
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- Highlight on Page 302 | Loc. 6798-6800  | Added on Monday, April 07, 2014, 10:48 AM

Furthermore, for the first time Ehrlichman informed Nixon that he had urged Dean to reveal everything in the summer of 1972, but that Dean had refused, ostensibly because doing so would hurt the campaign. Dean in fact, Ehrlichman argued, had been protecting Mitchell. 22 
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- Highlight on Page 302 | Loc. 6789-93  | Added on Monday, April 07, 2014, 10:48 AM

John Dean still had some White House cards to play. He called Haldeman on April 15 to relay some messages to Nixon. Dean wanted the President to understand that he remained loyal; “if it’s not clear now, … it will become clear,” Dean said. He refused to meet Ehrlichman, but he would meet the President at any time. Finally, he urged Nixon to counsel with Petersen, “who I assure you does not want the Presidency hurt.” Although Nixon seemed unsure about Dean, Haldeman and most emphatically Ehrlichman had turned rather sharply on him. 
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- Highlight on Page 303 | Loc. 6809-11  | Added on Monday, April 07, 2014, 10:50 AM

Within a half-hour, Dean met the President. He remembered later that Nixon asked him “leading questions which made me think the conversation was being taped.” Specifically, he recalled Nixon’s remark that his March 21 statement about raising a million dollars to sustain the cover-up had been merely a joke. 
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- Highlight on Page 303 | Loc. 6816-23  | Added on Monday, April 07, 2014, 10:51 AM

Two hours later—near midnight—the President phoned Petersen again. The relationship seemed to be becoming intimate. Nixon anxiously tried to give Petersen the impression that he was deeply involved in the case and interested only in pursuing the truth. “The main thing, Henry, we must not have any question, now, on this, you know I am in charge of this thing. You are and I am. Above everything else and I am following every inch of the way and I don’t want any question … of the fact that I am … way ahead of the thing. You know,” he emphasized, “I want to stay one step ahead of the curve.” Petersen then revealed which principals would be questioned in the next several days. When the President slyly, almost parenthetically, asked about Haldeman and Ehrlichman, Petersen indicated that they might have to resign. He promised to give the President “all the facts with respect to them into a pattern.” Unwittingly, but understandably, Petersen had informed the wrong man of his plans. 
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- Highlight on Page 304 | Loc. 6838-40  | Added on Monday, April 07, 2014, 10:54 AM

John Dean clearly emerged as the principal “enemy.” Dean “stonewalled,” he “shot down” White House attempts to make a clean breast of things in 1972, and “he dug in his heels.” Haldeman and Ehrlichman desperately made the case against John Dean. 
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- Highlight on Page 304 | Loc. 6844-48  | Added on Monday, April 07, 2014, 10:54 AM

Haldeman and Ehrlichman passed Dean on their way out of the Oval Office, “laughing like college pranksters,” Dean recalled, until they saw him. Dean realized they did not look like men who had been told to resign. When he sat down, the President immediately confronted him with the alternative letters that Ehrlichman, apparently, had prepared. Dean balked, insisting that Haldeman and Ehrlichman, too, must resign. The President then baldly lied, claiming that he had similar letters from them. Dean warned Nixon against believing that the aides had no problem. “I’m telling you, they do,” he declared. Nixon then seemed to agree. 
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- Highlight on Page 305 | Loc. 6862-66  | Added on Monday, April 07, 2014, 10:55 AM

The President’s treatment included fatherly advice on truth-telling. “John, I want you to tell the truth,” the President said. “I have told everybody around here, said, ‘God damn it, tell the truth.’ ’Cause all they do [when they lie], John, is compound it.” The experienced Nixon offered his advice, resurrecting Alger Hiss’s perjury. “[D]on’t ever lie with these bastards,” Nixon emphasized. He reminded Dean that right clearly could be distinguished from wrong, but when Dean agreed, the President added: “perhaps there are gray areas.” 
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- Highlight on Page 307 | Loc. 6911-12  | Added on Monday, April 07, 2014, 10:59 AM

as Petersen later explained, “The Son of God could not have turned off that investigation in April 1973.” 
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- Highlight on Page 307 | Loc. 6918-21  | Added on Monday, April 07, 2014, 01:20 PM

John Dean was history for the President, who now focused his energies on Petersen. Perhaps Nixon remembered Dean’s March 21 characterization of Petersen as a “soldier,” one who “believes in this Administration.” Nixon called Petersen at nine that evening, again urging him to share information. He wanted grand-jury information, promising not to pass it on to anyone else—“because I know the rules of the Grand Jury.” 
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- Highlight on Page 308 | Loc. 6932-35  | Added on Monday, April 07, 2014, 01:21 PM

For the last two weeks in April, Haldeman and Ehrlichman underestimated the President’s resolve. They joined him in finger-pointing sessions to lay the blame at the feet of others (Magruder, Mitchell, Dean, Gray), conjuring up explanations, skewing memories—all designed to rationalize their behavior and impugn that of others. The idea of “getting out in front of the story” disappeared in a wash of recriminations and excuses. 
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- Highlight on Page 308 | Loc. 6941-43  | Added on Monday, April 07, 2014, 01:22 PM

When Petersen recommended that Haldeman and Ehrlichman resign, the President listened. He knew his aides had to go. Undoubtedly he was loath to dismiss them, but Richard Nixon’s antennae of self-interest left him no choice. He realized this by April 16: for the rest of the month, however, he played out the string, hoping that his advisers would leave quietly and of their own accord. 
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- Highlight on Page 309 | Loc. 6948-50  | Added on Monday, April 07, 2014, 01:24 PM

On April 17 he acknowledged that “major developments” had resulted from “intensive new inquiries” he had made into the affair. His Secret Service agent remembered that the President sobbed after his statement. Later that afternoon 
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- Highlight on Page 309 | Loc. 6951-52  | Added on Monday, April 07, 2014, 01:24 PM

On April 17, with one unforgettable word, Ziegler declared all his previous remarks on Watergate “inoperative.” 33 That dramatic concession clashed with Nixon’s reluctance to act decisively in his own house. 
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- Highlight on Page 310 | Loc. 6986-88  | Added on Monday, April 07, 2014, 01:27 PM

Ron Ziegler knew that he would face hostile questions, but he agreed to state simply that this now was the “operative” statement. “Don’t [expletive deleted] on Dean,” the President cautioned Ziegler, apparently still hoping to cut a deal in that quarter. 
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- Highlight on Page 314 | Loc. 7067-71  | Added on Monday, April 07, 2014, 01:33 PM

Ehrlichman warned that if he had to take leave, “I gotta start answering questions.” Whether he was presenting a fact or a threat was not clear. “Let me ask you this, to be quite candid,” the President responded. “Is there any way you can use cash?” Haldeman reacted with a blend of fury and sarcasm. They were being “drummed” out of office for their “supposed role” in payments to the defendants, and now the President offered them cash. “That compounds the problem,” he told Nixon. “That really does.” 
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- Highlight on Page 314 | Loc. 7074-79  | Added on Monday, April 07, 2014, 01:34 PM

Ehrlichman contributed his part: “The American people—you gotta go on the assumption that the American people want to believe in their President.” Cover-up still was the order of the day, but now John Dean would be the scapegoat. 43 Haldeman listened to the March 21 tape that afternoon and then gave an interpretation that would remain at the foundation of the President’s defense. Nixon and Dean had discussed the White House’s role in the break-in and the defendant’s demands for money. Now, Haldeman proposed the following version: Nixon had asked leading questions; he was trying to “bust the case,” and he did not know “whether to believe this guy [Dean] at this point.” 
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- Highlight on Page 314 | Loc. 7079-83  | Added on Monday, April 07, 2014, 06:38 PM

The President had also then realized that Hunt was blackmailing him on the Plumbers, but he no longer would support payments because he knew he could defend the burglary of Ellsberg’s psychiatrist on national-security grounds. Haldeman was not sure that this interpretation of the March 21 record could be sustained—particularly if Dean had a different version of the conversation. “I just wonder if the son-of-a-bitch had a recorder on him,” Nixon remarked. 
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- Highlight on Page 315 | Loc. 7096-99  | Added on Monday, April 07, 2014, 06:39 PM

Now, the President said, Ehrlichman had to take a leave of absence. Bad news exploded like Chinese firecrackers. Two minutes after Kleindienst called about the Plumbers, Nixon learned that the New York Times was about to reveal Pat Gray’s destruction of the evidence from Hunt’s safe linking Colson to the Plumbers—evidence Ehrlichman had suggested that Gray “deep six.” 
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- Highlight on Page 315 | Loc. 7101-2  | Added on Monday, April 07, 2014, 06:40 PM

“I mean, we don’t have any investigators, that’s our problem, see,” he said. This, as Haldeman later noted, from the man who created the Plumbers. 
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Not all the bad news reached the White House. The prosecutors had learned from Anthony Ulasewicz, a former New York policeman, that he had been a courier for Herbert Kalmbach and had delivered cash payments to several of the Watergate defendants, including $154,000 to Howard Hunt. 46 With Ulasewicz offering corroborating testimony, John Dean’s credibility increased significantly. So, too, did his vulnerability—as did that of his various superiors at the White House. 
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On April 27 Nixon spoke to Assistant Attorney General Petersen again. Published reports indicated that Dean had implicated the President. 
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Pat Gray’s withdrawal of his nomination as FBI Director, on April 5, allowed him to stay in place pending the appointment of a successor. But the end for Gray came suddenly on April 27—probably before either he or the President intended, particularly in the light of Nixon’s crisis involving the futures of his closest White House aides. The New York Times revealed that Ehrlichman and Dean had given Gray, then Acting FBI Director, the contents of Howard Hunt’s office safe at a White House meeting on June 28, 1972. Dean reportedly said that the contents “should never see the light of day.” Gray accepted the material after Dean assured him that it had nothing to do with the Watergate incident. 
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The Plumbers and the Gray revelations proved too much for Attorney General Kleindienst. On Friday, April 27, as Gray stepped down, Kleindienst decided to submit his resignation the following Monday. But Richard Nixon had other plans. On Sunday he summoned Haldeman and Ehrlichman to Camp David to demand their resignations. 
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Nixon called Kissinger that evening, “nearly incoherent with grief,” and told him that he needed him more than ever, to “help me protect the national security matters now that Ehrlichman is leaving.” Kissinger spitefully, but correctly, regarded the remark as both “a plea and a form of blackmail.” 
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Nixon later realized that he had amputated both arms. Perhaps he could survive, he recalled, but the day left him “so anguished and saddened that from that day on the presidency lost all joy for me.” He noted that he had written his last full diary entry on April 14. “Events became so cheerless that I no longer had the time or the desire to dictate daily reflections.” But an anonymous aide fit the event into a familiar Nixon pattern: “For Nixon,” he claimed, “the shortest distance between two points is over four corpses.” 
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Pat Buchanan pleaded with Nixon not to appease his opponents. This was not the time, Buchanan warned, “to surrender all claim to the positions we have held in the past”; instead it was a time for a “low profile and quiet rearmament in this worthwhile struggle.” He urged Nixon to take the offensive and not passively “suffer the death of a thousand cuts.” Nixon responded that it would be useful to unleash Spiro Agnew or John Connally to say that the President had been right in his handling of the Watergate affair. 
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he had been jumped over 240 senior officers. In January 1973, Nixon nominated Haig to be the Army’s Vice Chief of Staff to replace Palmer, although Haig’s selection went against the recommendations of both outgoing Chief of Staff William Westmoreland and his successor, Creighton Abrams. After Haig moved to the Pentagon, the President provided him with a secure phone link to the White House, and Haig remained “deeply involved” in Administration affairs. Haig’s connection only fueled resentment in the Pentagon. 6 Until the Watergate crisis, Haig was a shadowy figure, yet one Nixon trusted in a special way. In the wake of the Joint Chiefs of Staff’s spying on Kissinger and the National Security Council in 1971, the President directed that nothing be done to harm Haig. Haig was then Kissinger’s deputy, although many suspected that he kept both White House and Pentagon officials apprised of Kissinger’s activities. 
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When, as Secretary of State in 1981, Haig appeared at the White House following the attempted assassination of President Reagan and proclaimed, “I am in charge here,” many observers found him displaying a familiar pattern of behavior—characterized by Bull as a “very serious personality disorder.” Haldeman, Bull recalled, never had to remind others of his authority, and Haig often expressed insecurity about himself vis-à-vis Haldeman. 
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Haig had a way of making himself indispensable, like Thomas Cromwell, who in a famous play described his role for Henry VIII: “I do things.” 
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The President, Richardson claimed uneasily, had promised him that he would be a “counterweight” to Kissinger in mapping the Administration’s geopolitical strategy. 
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Richardson sensed that Nixon must curb his well-known proclivity for nursing grievances; above all, he believed, the President must realize that he had “arrived,” that he had stature in the eyes of the people. “[Y]ou have won—not only won, but been reelected by a tremendous margin. You are the President of all the people of the United States. There is no ‘they’ out there—nobody trying to destroy you.” But he remembered that the President sat mute, offering no expression of either agreement or disagreement. 11 Richardson’s truth, as he saw it, simply did not fit Richard Nixon’s perception of reality or his favorite guise of outsider. 
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More than half the lawyers who served in the Special Prosecutor’s office had graduated from the Harvard Law School. Cox’s sweeping authority alarmed the Administration even more than his personnel. 
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Richardson and Cox agreed on a charter, and on May 31, the Attorney General directed Cox to investigate all “possible offenses” of the Administration—not just those relating to the Watergate break-in, but including all other “allegations involving the President, members of the White House staff or presidential appointees.” Nixon was “shocked and angry.” Richardson assured Haig that the language referred only to the Watergate break-in and cover-up, but the President knew better. His doubts, resentments, and fears only magnified. His staff and supporters mirrored his mood. Within a few months, White House lawyers and the President’s supporters were contemptuously referring to the Special Prosecutor’s office as “Coxsuckers,” or as “Cox’s Army,” one with “sharp ideological axes to grind.” The Special Prosecutor’s office appeared to them as nothing less than the vanguard for Senator Kennedy’s march to the White House. 
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Perhaps Cox was the wrong man for the job. What he represented, and how he proceeded, undoubtedly exacerbated the situation. Henry Petersen, who naturally resented the transfer of the case from his own jurisdiction, thought Cox “ultra-liberal” and believed the post should have gone to “a less partisan man.” The job required a man “with more detachment”; Cox’s rectitude, Petersen thought, was “second only to God.” Less than three months after Cox’s appointment, Petersen bitterly described his resentment to the Senate Select Committee. “Damn it,” he exploded, “I think it is a reflection on me and the Department of Justice. We could have broken that case wide open, and we would have done it in the most difficult circumstances… . That case was snatched out from under us when we had it 90 percent completed.” By that time, Petersen realized how the President of the United States and his Counsel, John Dean, had so badly misled him. It was a frustrating conclusion to a worthy career. 
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The perception that the Justice Department’s investigation was compromised was not without reason, but both Cox and Ervin knew better. The U.S. Attorney’s office had in fact discovered the cover-up conspiracy and had broken the case by the time Cox took control, and before Senator Ervin’s committee provided a public venting of what the prosecutors had learned. 
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The Senator, furthermore, failed to acknowledge John Dean’s success in keeping the prosecutors at bay. 
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Time flew like an arrow for Silbert and his colleagues. The Senate hearings opened on May 17, and Richardson appointed Cox the next day. The U.S. Attorneys’ days in the case were numbered. 
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Cox eased the transition in order not to lose the momentum of the case. The federal prosecutors briefed their successors at great length as to the evidence and prosecutorial theories they had developed. James Neal, who had gained the conviction of Jimmy Hoffa, was brought to Washington by Cox in late May, to prepare for prosecutions. Neal graciously complimented the prosecutors for their efforts. Silbert was ambivalent. The appointment of the Special Prosecutor deprived him and his associates of a proper share of public credit; still, he had grown weary of the unfair criticism and of maintaining proper procedures and fairness in the face of media pressures. Ultimately, he acknowledged that “the special prosecutor may be considered necessary for the appearance of justice.” 
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The federal prosecutors’ report to Cox was a turning point for the President’s fortunes. For the first time a duly constituted authority had officially raised the possibility of Nixon’s own involvement in aspects of the criminal conspiracy. Ironically, the May 22 press conference statement of the President had raised the prosecutors’ suspicions. (“I neither authorized nor encouraged subordinates to engage in illegal or improper campaign tactics.”) 
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As the case passed to the Special Prosecutor, the U.S. Attorney’s office provided Cox with their materials. Silbert and his colleagues would not reap the harvest of a year’s intimate contact with the Watergate case and the growing ramifications of it; that glory would belong to others. On June 29 they wrote to Cox, renewing a request to withdraw from the case. They used the occasion to state the record of their long, arduous work. By mid-April their office had uncovered “the existence of a massive conspiracy to obstruct justice, the participants therein, and their motives.” 
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Cox perceived that his task force had a substantial rival in the Senate Select Committee. The committee had been at its work for more than three months when Cox appeared on the scene. The day before Richardson announced Cox’s appointment, the committee launched its public hearings. Cox quickly came to the same conclusion that Earl Silbert had reached: the committee’s public hearings could well interfere with future prosecutions. 
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When Dean and Baker later clashed over this meeting in an executive session of the committee, Dean admitted that Baker had urged the President to waive executive privilege. But he insisted that Nixon believed he had Baker’s commitment to aid the White House. Colson told the President on March 21 that Baker was eager to cooperate and that the Senator had signalled the President to ignore his public statements, as they were for “political” consumption. Baker met Kleindienst for secret consultations, and a Baker aide informed Colson that Baker hoped to “control” Ervin. 
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Baker and Ehrlichman held lengthy discussions regarding television coverage of the hearings. They talked several times in late March and early April, and on several occasions. Baker spoke to the President. 
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At a crucial May 8 executive session of the committee, Baker argued that the burglars (excepting McCord) and the arresting police officers should appear first, followed by Mitchell, Colson, Haldeman, and Ehrlichman. Dean would be last, thus enabling the others to avoid responding to his accusations. Baker also wanted senators to question witnesses before the committee counsels had their turn. Ervin would have none of it: “Well, my daddy used to say that if you hire a lawyer, you should either take his advice or fire him. Since we’re not planning to fire Sam Dash, I suggest we take his advice.” 
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Throughout March and April Weicker became a familiar television figure, particularly for his spirited defense of Pat Gray and then for his equally spirited assault on the White House for its manipulation of Gray. But for many, much of that anger appeared contrived to boost the political stock of a first-term Senator who had captured only 38 percent of the vote in a threeway race. 
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Yet those statements were devastating, particularly Baker’s relentless—but largely misunderstood—line: “What did the President know, and when did he know it?” 
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He projected extremely well on television, combining a boyish smile with the appearance of a diffident, nonpartisan pursuit of the truth. In the end, Baker served himself well: a Republican, he nonetheless emerged from a Democratic-dominated show with his reputation substantially enhanced. He subsequently parlayed that performance into the position of Senate Republican leader and gained national visibility as a presidential contender. 
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Sam Ervin had been a prime force in establishing the committee, and he easily dominated it. His Democratic colleagues gave him free rein. He hired Dash, a man with a considerable background in criminal law as a prosecutor and professor, who in turn assembled a formidable staff of lawyers and investigators. Dash, at forty-eight, was eighteen years older than Fred Thompson, his Republican counterpart. His experience in the Philadelphia District Attorney’s office and as a trial attorney in the Criminal Division of the Department of Justice, and his prominence in academic circles, dwarfed Thompson’s brief tenure as an Assistant U.S. Attorney in Tennessee with a few years in private practice. Ervin, Dash, and the majority staff simply overwhelmed the lesser—and divided—Republican forces. 
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By the beginning of the second week, the networks reached an unprecedented agreement among themselves to rotate live coverage, ostensibly to satisfy “viewer discontent.” The real discontent was in the boardrooms, since each hour of pre-empted programming lost the networks an estimated $120,000 in advertising revenues. 
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“It now appears,” he added, that some persons had “gone beyond” his directives and used national security as an excuse “to cover up any involvement they or certain others might have had in Watergate.” 
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A month earlier, on April 17, when the President publicly acknowledged his recognition of “serious charges” about the Watergate case, he had insisted emphatically that he “reserved” executive privilege and that it might be asserted regarding any questions raised during the hearings. 45 The President’s reversal on May 22 dramatically underscored his eroding position; nothing declined more sharply than his ability to challenge Congress. 
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Now, in May, such confidence, such arrogance was on the wane. Nixon’s reversal on executive privilege signaled the retreat. The steady stream of his men before the Senate Select Committee left the doctrine in shambles, at least as far as Congress was concerned. The courts, indeed, provided one final forum for invoking the privilege, but that was for another day. 
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His “friend” corroborated much of McCord’s story. Caulfield acknowledged that he had lengthy discussions with Dean regarding McCord’s silence and executive clemency. 
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The testimony of McCord and Caulfield revealed that Nixon would have vigorous support within the committee. When McCord offered the first intimation of White House involvement, Baker quickly interrupted to establish that McCord’s belief was based on hearsay evidence that he had picked up from Gordon Liddy. Gurney similarly broke in to note that Caulfield was not working in the White House when he allegedly delivered the messages to McCord. 
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Quoting Ralph Waldo Emerson, Ruckelshaus concluded that “this time ‘like all times is a very good one, if we but know what to do with it.’” 
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Sloan discussed the matter with the campaign finance chairman, Maurice Stans, who told him: “I do not want to know and you do not want to know” why Liddy needed money. 
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Magruder had a grant of immunity from Judge Sirica. When he testified, what had been rumor for weeks was publicly stated before the committee by a key principal, as Magruder implicated Mitchell, Dean, LaRue, and Strachan in the planning and cover-up of the Watergate break-in. 
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His mind was not a tape recorder, as he told Gumey and Inouye, but he had an uncanny ability to recall whole passages of conversation, recollections eventually substantiated by tape recordings of Oval Office talks. 
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The rest of Dean’s testimony described the cover-up and his role in it. He revealed with uncanny accuracy the crucial September 15, 1972 meeting with Nixon and Haldeman. Dean had left that meeting, he remembered, with “the impression that the President was well aware of what had been going on regarding the success of keeping the White House out of the Watergate scandal.” 
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John Dean was different. He had challenged the integrity and image of the Administration; more important, he had portrayed the Nixon White House as deeply entwined in illegal activities and the obstruction of justice. Dean’s exposing the falsity of Nixon’s sponsorship of any serious attempt to investigate Watergate was reminiscent of the remark of a critic of Freudian psycho-analysis who called it “the disease that presumes itself the cure.” 
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- Highlight on Page 360 | Loc. 8038-41  | Added on Sunday, April 13, 2014, 04:58 PM

Higby contended that people had talked to Dean believing that they were covered by lawyer-client confidentiality; now, Higby said, Dean used that information for his own advantage and to damage others. No one, however, understood the implications of Dean’s testimony better than the President. During Dean’s testimony, he listened to relevant tape recordings of his meetings with his former Counsel. 
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Throughout, Dean maintained his composure, his appearance of restraint, and above all, his consistency. 
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Earlier, in executive session, Ervin spoke to the President on the telephone and described the substance of the letter. Throughout the call, Ervin insisted that “we are not out to get anybody.” The Senator assured the President that he would be delighted to say that there was “nothing in the world to connect you with the Watergate in any way.” Nixon told Ervin that he was ill with viral pneumonia and would be hospitalized. He added that he would meet the Chairman at some future date to discuss the impasse. 
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- Highlight on Page 364 | Loc. 8140-44  | Added on Sunday, April 13, 2014, 05:09 PM

The printed record inadequately conveys Mitchell’s behavior. His recalcitrance, his foggy, vague answers, his angry interruptions, and his snide, sarcastic remarks directed at the committee and at some of his own associates need to be seen and heard to be fully appreciated. His long pauses, his silent rejection of questions, and his facial expressions amply reflected his absolute contempt for the proceedings and his total loyalty to the President. That loyalty is the more remarkable in view of what Mitchell and the President both knew: Mitchell acted as he did despite Nixon’s eagerness to make him a scapegoat just two months earlier. 
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- Highlight on Page 365 | Loc. 8174-78  | Added on Tuesday, April 15, 2014, 01:11 PM

As Dash led Mitchell through his knowledge of the Huston Plan and the Plumbers’ operations, Mitchell referred to these activities as the “White House horrors.” His remarks at this point effectively diminished the singularity and importance of the Watergate break-in and provided a window on the entire pattern of wrongdoing and abuse of power in the Administration. He bluntly stated that the cover-up really was designed to conceal the “horrors” rather than any aspects of the Watergate break-in. Watergate, in short, “did not have the great significance that the White House horror stories … had,” Mitchell concluded. 
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- Highlight on Page 370 | Loc. 8285-87  | Added on Tuesday, April 15, 2014, 01:21 PM

With obvious pain and emotion, Ervin described it as “the greatest tragedy” in American history—one even more profound than the Civil War, which at least had the redeeming qualities of sacrifice and heroism. “I see no redeeming features in Watergate,” he concluded. 
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- Highlight on Page 371 | Loc. 8309-14  | Added on Tuesday, April 15, 2014, 01:25 PM

Damon Runyon might have written the script for Ulasewicz’s testimony. The former New York policeman’s comic descriptions of driving on the Washington Beltway, carrying a money changer for telephone calls, putting keys and envelopes in phone booths, lurking around corners, behaving in an exaggeratedly surreptitious manner, and delivering cryptic messages would have been the stuff of Broadway comedy except for the serious implications of his efforts. “Who thought you up?” Baker asked, much to the amusement of the audience. But Inouye soberly demanded to know whether Ulasewicz actually believed that he had delivered money for the legal defense of the Watergate conspirators. “Not likely,” Ulasewicz admitted. 
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all of which, he noted, provoked disappointment and disillusionment in younger people and affected their attitude toward public service. What advice could Strachan give them? “Stay away,” he retorted, probably not offering quite the penitent statement Montoya desired. 
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When Ervin quoted a Biblical parable, Ehrlichman snapped back: “I read the Bible, I don’t quote it.” 
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Ehrlichman had managed to skirt discussion of the White House tapes. For Haldeman, who acknowledged that he had supervised the installation of the recording devices, that was not so easy. Furthermore, he infuriated the senators when they learned that he had had access to the tapes and had taken them to his house as part of his preparation for his testimony. Ervin sarcastically noted as a “strange thing” that Haldeman could listen to the tapes but the committee could not. 
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The tapes were a trap for Haldeman. His answers to Baker regarding the March 21 meeting with Dean and the President concerning the unraveling cover-up formed the basis for a subsequent perjury indictment, as the tapes demonstrated a quite different story from the one Haldeman had rendered. The former Chief of Staff, however, confidently believed that the contents of the tapes would never become public knowledge. 
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The summer of 1973 marked a sharp shift in Nixon’s fortunes. More verifiable proof than polls demonstrated his declining powers. 
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his giving in on the Cambodian bombing halt amounted to the “largest and most gratuitous concession” in the history of American foreign policy. 55 The President’s declining authority in foreign affairs, coupled with the growing disenchantment of his conservative supporters, ominously exhibited the reality of his deteriorating position. 
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- Highlight on Page 398 | Loc. 8905-8  | Added on Wednesday, April 16, 2014, 09:43 PM

The decision to move for a criminal indictment of Agnew might have been a lost opportunity for Nixon. Impeachment might have become dangerously popular, to be sure; but it also would have consumed enormous time and energy, perhaps enough so that following an Agnew impeachment, Congress and the nation might have had neither the inclination nor the will to move against the President. For five years, the President had treated Agnew as a pawn. But when the Vice President resigned, Richard Nixon lost his queen. 
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Instead of simply removing Archibald Cox’s probing lance, they raised a “firestorm” of protest that permanently scarred Nixon’s credibility with the public, and, most damaging, with congressional Republicans and Southern Democrats. The news and televised images of FBI agents, following a White House directive, sealing the Special Prosecutor’s office and barring access by Cox’s staff, shocked and frightened the nation. The ominous action raised talk of a coup and prompted comparisons to the Reichstag fire that prepared Germany for the rise of Hitler. Leon Jaworski, viewing events from Texas, thought the FBI’s actions resembled those of the Gestapo. 
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A decade and a half later, the reverberations from those events still influenced the American political landscape, including the confirmation hearings of a Supreme Court nominee. The “Saturday Night Massacre”—a name appropriate to the bloody political hemorrhaging—of October 20, 1973, was one more irretrievable blunder by the President. 
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Several incidents are indisputable: Elliot Richardson refused to fire Archibald Cox and resigned; when his deputy, William Ruckelshaus, similarly refused Haig’s command (“this is an order from your Commander-in-Chief”), Ruckelshaus resigned—although that evening the White House insisted he had been fired. Haig told Ruckelshaus that Cox had embarrassed the President during the Middle East crisis, and he insisted it was necessary for the Administration to close ranks. Ruckelshaus suggested that the President should postpone firing Cox if he had such a problem. The Justice Department’s third-in-command, Solicitor General Robert H. Bork, then agreed to carry out the President’s order, to a significant extent because of the urging of Richardson. Why Bork acted as he did, exactly how he acted, and what were the consequences of his acts, became matters of some dispute. 
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In his October 26 press conference, Nixon denounced the media in words reminiscent of his famous “last press conference” in 1962. The reporting, he said, had been the most “outrageous, vicious, [and] distorted” he had witnessed in twenty-seven years of public life. Although the nation had been “pounded night after night with … frantic, hysterical reporting,” he assured reporters and his audience that they had not affected him or his job performance. Asked if he felt any stress because of the pressure of both domestic and foreign crises, the President smiled wanly and said, “The tougher it gets, the cooler I get.” 
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The reply was vintage Nixon: “Don’t get the impression that you arouse my anger… . You see,” he said with a nervous grin, “one can only be angry with those he respects.” 
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The events of the last days of October numbed and galvanized. Bork’s predecessor as Solicitor General, Erwin Griswold, was shocked. Cox, Richardson, and Ruckelshaus had been his students—and all were “honorable men.” Griswold had “lost faith” in the President by April; October’s events only confirmed his misgivings. For recently appointed FBI Director Clarence Kelley, the “Saturday Night Massacre” was a turning point. He no longer thought the Administration could be saved. 
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Whether the nation would support or reject him now was the question on the table. The fractures, the divisions would have to cease; in one way or another, Richard Nixon would have to “bring us together.” 
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Even Ford acknowledged that whatever momentary goodwill Nixon had fostered by nominating him had been neutralized by the Saturday Night Massacre. Two months after Ford’s confirmation, a Democrat captured his House seat, the first Democrat since 1910 to represent Michigan’s Fifth District. Watergate was the issue, and the result was interpreted as a referendum on the President himself. 
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The vice presidency plagued Richard Nixon in a curious way. His own tenure in that office had catapulted him to fame, but it was an unhappy, frustrating experience, tethered as he was to a President who in truth neither liked nor trusted him. Henry Cabot Lodge, Nixon’s 1960 running mate, preferred afternoon naps to campaign appearances. The candidate who shared the ticket with him in 1968 and 1972 resigned in disgrace. Finally, his last Vice President hovered over the White House in 1974, a conspicuous alternative to the agony of the President and the nation. 
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- Highlight on Page 422 | Loc. 9423-29  | Added on Thursday, April 17, 2014, 12:36 AM

the Justice Department had been useless to him in his Watergate battles. In practice, the department consciously severed itself from the President and his problems. Before the creation of the Special Prosecutor, the department had been an antagonist, despite the President’s concerted efforts to co-opt its leaders and thwart their investigation. The events of October, beginning with the Agnew negotiations and the dealings with Cox, further demonstrated that the department remained an independent power center. Among the many paradoxes of Watergate was that the President of the United States—the “Most Powerful Leader of the Free World”—could muster only the most meager resources against an array of legal talent commanding the full range of public agencies. 
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Garment also understood his limitations as a criminal lawyer. He feared Nixon’s lawyers would be the “patsy” for the President. By November, he had come to realize that he should have removed himself from the case earlier, but he could not stay away from it—he operated with a kind of obsessiveness; protecting the President in the Watergate affair was “like feeling a sore tooth.” Yet he worried that he might find himself in trouble, for he was learning too much and might have to disclose what he knew. 
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- Highlight on Page 425 | Loc. 9498-9500  | Added on Thursday, April 17, 2014, 12:44 AM

Oliver Wendell Holmes’s dictum that a man should share the passion and action of his time “at a peril of being judged not to have lived,” summed up Wright’s feelings. 
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Apparently, the first choice of Bork and the White House was Leon Jaworski, a Houston lawyer and a confidant of Lyndon Johnson. Elliot Richardson had approached Jaworski about the position in the spring, but he had declined because of inadequate assurances of independence. On November 1 the President announced that Senator William Saxbe (R–OH) would be the new Attorney General, a move denounced by conservatives as “appeasement.” Bork followed Nixon’s announcement to report the Jaworski selection—apparently a matter on which Nixon could not bring himself to speak. Bork said that Jaworski would have no restraints on his freedom to pursue presidential documents, marking a clear retreat from the position Nixon had laid down in his October 26 statement. 
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The panel examining the erased June 20 tape reported to Sirica on January 15, 1974. It unanimously found that at least five, and possibly as many as nine, “separate and contiguous” erasures had been made by hand operated controls. When one of the Watergate prosecutors asked if the erasures had been accidental, an expert testified that “it would have to be an accident that was repeated at least five times.” 
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- Highlight on Page 431 | Loc. 9635-37  | Added on Saturday, April 19, 2014, 09:48 AM

The President’s new lawyer, James St. Clair, told one of the experts that he would have to talk to “his own experts”—apparently forgetting that the panel had been selected with White House cooperation. 
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- Highlight on Page 432 | Loc. 9707-9  | Added on Saturday, April 19, 2014, 09:56 AM

Questions regarding the President’s taxes dovetailed with discussions of government expenditures for his houses in San Clemente, California, and Key Biscayne, Florida. The General Services Administration had spent more than $1.2 million on house and ground “improvements” at the two estates. 
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- Highlight on Page 432 | Loc. 9712-13  | Added on Saturday, April 19, 2014, 09:56 AM

Modern presidents are away from the White House a good deal of the time, and Nixon may have established the most extraordinary record of all. Between 1969 and 1972, he spent 195 days in California and 157 in Florida—nearly one-fourth of his first term. 
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Several weeks earlier, speaking to newspaper editors at Disney World in Florida, the President admitted that he had made some mistakes but insisted that he had never profited from his years of public service. “I have never obstructed justice,” he claimed. He welcomed a public scrutiny of his records, because “people have got to know whether their President is a crook.” With no hesitation, he quickly and forcefully responded: “Well, I am not a crook. I earned everything I got.” These words would haunt him the rest of his days. 
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- Highlight on Page 434 | Loc. 9742-50  | Added on Saturday, April 19, 2014, 10:49 AM

Several days prior to the Cox dismissal, the Special Prosecutor’s office had begun to move against corporations that had made illegal campaign contributions and engaged in other illegal activities on behalf of the President. Much of this material had been developed in the later stages of the Senate Select Committee’s investigation. On October 17, 1973, American Airlines pled guilty to a violation of the U.S. code on campaign contributions and was fined $5,000. The same day, the 3M Corporation similarly was fined $3,000, and a corporate officer was fined an additional $500. Before the year was out, Goodyear Tire & Rubber, Braniff Airways, Gulf Oil, Ashland Petroleum, Phillips Petroleum, and the Carnation Company submitted guilty pleas, as did a number of their officials, and all were duly fined. During the next year, another ten companies followed the same pattern. The most prominent was the American Ship Building Company, which was fined $20,000 in August 1974; its chairman, George M. Steinbrenner, received a $15,000 fine, the highest for any corporate official. Steinbrenner originally had been charged with five counts of illegal campaign contributions and four counts of obstruction of justice. 
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- Highlight on Page 435 | Loc. 9754-57  | Added on Saturday, April 19, 2014, 10:51 AM

In addition to his fines, Steinbrenner was suspended for two years from his presidency of the New York Yankees by baseball Commissioner Bowie Kuhn. Around the same time, a baseball player convicted of manslaughter received no penalty from the Commissioner; that activity, Kuhn noted, had happened in the off-season. 33 Apparently, Steinbrenner had written his checks between April and October. 
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On January 30, the same day that President Nixon declared that “one year of Watergate is enough,” the grand jury requested an opportunity to meet with him. 
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After several delays, including revelations of the missing tapes and the 18½-minute gap, Buzhardt delivered seven tapes to Judge Sirica on November 26, one month after the President’s lawyer had agreed to comply with the subpoena. The Special Prosecutor’s office was pleased with this progress, and after Sirica listened to the tapes in camera, the prosecutors received them on December 21. Before releasing the material to the Special Prosecutor, the judge withheld some tapes, thus sustaining some of the President’s claims of executive privilege. Jaworski and his staff immediately realized that the tapes had strengthened their evidence against the President’s men; what was more, they believed they now had a case against Nixon—and it was in the tapes. 
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Jaworski and Haig met in the White House on December 21. Haig told the Special Prosecutor that the March 21 tape of Nixon’s conversation with Dean was “terrible beyond description.” Jaworski concurred, adding that he found it “unbelievable.” But Haig insisted that “the White House lawyers” believed no criminality attached to the President’s behavior. Jaworski disagreed and suggested that the White House hire a good criminal lawyer. Shortly afterward, Haig called Jaworski at his Houston home, again reporting that Buzhardt found no criminality involved because there was no overt act following the meeting of March 21. Haig and Buzhardt may have invented their own version of criminal law; nevertheless Jaworski again warned the Chief of Staff to get a criminal lawyer. Jaworski, no stranger to criminal wrongdoing, was appalled at the stupidity of maintaining the taping system when such “an evil approach and wrongful conduct by the President” had been taking place. “I would have turned off the system,” Jaworski thought. 
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What seems clear is that during the last ten days of March and the first ten days of April, the President and his advisers made a decision to release new tape transcripts. The Judiciary Committee may have spurred that decision when it voted 33–3 on April 11 to subpoena the requested material. 
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Richard Nixon knew that his fate rested on the tapes. 
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- Highlight on Page 452 | Loc. 10124-28  | Added on Monday, April 21, 2014, 08:17 PM

Five days later, Jaworski appeared before Sirica, seeking an order to deliver sixty-four more taped conversations, and the judge issued a subpoena on April 18. St. Clair again requested more time: White House secretaries were frantically transcribing tapes. The task was a tedious one: transcription, then a check by Buzhardt and St. Clair, and then one by Ziegler’s aide, Diane Sawyer, who would look for “non-substantive problems,” such as might be posed by the presence of obscenities. Finally, the President himself examined the transcripts. 
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- Highlight on Page 452 | Loc. 10134-40  | Added on Monday, April 21, 2014, 08:18 PM

As always, legal problems became political ones and thus required a special public-relations twist to ensure favorable understanding. Nixon spoke on national television on April 29 to announce his decision to release the tape transcripts. He appeared with a stack of blue notebooks allegedly containing tape transcripts but in fact amounting only to a stage prop, part of the carefully contrived scenery for presidential appearances which also included, from time to time, family pictures and Lincoln busts, all designed to foster a favorable illusion on behalf of the President. Nixon’s elaborate speech seemed tailored to establish his interpretation of the tapes and to anticipate any negative reactions. What eventually appeared was a 1,200-page book, liberally spaced, of fragmented conversations which at times seemed incomprehensible or nonsensical when read in abstracted form. 
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As Nixon’s Watergate troubles deepened, conservatives began boldly to express their contempt. 
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Admiral Elmo Zumwalt, who resigned from the Joint Chiefs of Staff because of his dissatisfaction with the Administration, thought that Kissinger, true to the “dynamics of history,” believed that the Soviet Union eventually would surpass the United States and that it was best for the U.S. government now to arrange the best deal it could. Zumwalt specifically referred to the “deliberate, systematic, and unfortunately, extremely successful efforts” of Nixon and Kissinger to conceal their “real policies about the most critical matters of national security.” Others heaped scorn on Kissinger’s grasp of the issues. “The master delusion of our time,” columnist M. Stanton Evans wrote in March 1972, “is the idea that Henry Kissinger actually knows what he’s doing.” 
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- Highlight on Page 458 | Loc. 10275-79  | Added on Monday, April 21, 2014, 10:10 PM

As late as May 1974, William Buckley believed that Nixon should destroy tapes to protect his office. Even if the nation concluded that such action proved guilt, and even if it resulted in impeachment, Buckley thought, it would save the presidency. Besides, with no tapes, the charges would remain inconclusive.” 27 (The President’s moral critics apparently claimed no monopoly on morality.) Still, by May 1974, a good part of the conservative establishment had abandoned the President. 
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That same evening, February 25, Nixon held his first televised press conference in four months. 
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The “presidency” must not be “hostage” to the momentary “popularity” of any incumbent. The work must be continued, he concluded, “and I’m going to stay here till I get it done.” 
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Haig later claimed that Nixon told him the next day that he was too busy trying to run the country and would not listen to any more tapes. But Nixon later admitted that he had heard the June 23 tape. 
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The jurors had also returned indictments against a former Attorney General and the President’s three closest aides, as well as others. The indictments came down on March 1. The counts ranged from conspiracy and obstruction of justice to perjury and false declarations to the FBI. The jury listed forty-five overt acts of conspiracy to cover up the true nature of the involvement of the Administration and the re-election committee with the break-in. 
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- Highlight on Page 465 | Loc. 10426-27  | Added on Tuesday, May 20, 2014, 12:57 AM

The defendants—Mitchell, Haldeman, Ehrlichman, Colson, Robert Mardian, Kenneth Parkinson, and Gordon Strachan—pled not guilty before Judge Sirica on Saturday morning, March 9. 
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- Highlight on Page 465 | Loc. 10431-34  | Added on Tuesday, May 20, 2014, 12:58 AM

Jaworski saw Mitchell as a “broken-down old man” and the once-ruthless Colson as “a frightened man”; while Haldeman and Ehrlichman “tried to maintain their bravado.” When Jaworski entered the court, Mitchell rose and greeted him. “You must be very busy these days,” Mitchell said. “Yes,” Jaworski responded, “more so than I wish.” 
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- Highlight on Page 466 | Loc. 10454-57  | Added on Tuesday, May 20, 2014, 01:01 AM

But the members of the House Judiciary Committee, particularly the seasoned veterans, preferred the old political maxim festina lente—“make haste slowly.” They realized they had neither the time nor the moral authority to create Cox’s “substantive law of impeachment.” Practical imperatives of political action, and not the intellectual symmetry of theory and precedent, dictated the course of the committee’s progress. 
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- Highlight on Page 469 | Loc. 10519-23  | Added on Tuesday, May 20, 2014, 01:08 AM

Jaworski was in a combative mood. Saxbe and Bork wrote to him on June 5, assuring him that their guarantees of independence remained intact but that they thought St. Clair had reason to pursue the question of Jaworski’s jurisdiction. They urged him and St. Clair to work out an agreement for handling the jurisdictional problem. Jaworski responded with lengthy quotations from the Special Prosecutor’s charter which defined his authority. Compromise? “A highly significant principle is involved, as I see it, one that involves not only the integrity of others but mine as well—and accordingly, there is no room for compromise.” 
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- Highlight on Page 469 | Loc. 10532-36  | Added on Tuesday, May 20, 2014, 01:09 AM

The dispute perhaps raised Jaworski’s ire more than any single event in his tenure. Clearly, he viewed St. Clair’s words and actions as those of St. Clair’s master, and therefore as especially sinister in their implications. By raising the jurisdictional issue, St. Clair invited judicial intervention against the Special Prosecutor. After all, the Supreme Court had neither a vested interest in the Special Prosecutor nor had it made a commitment guaranteeing his independence. If the Court ruled that the Special Prosecutor had no jurisdiction, then to whom would he appeal for the preservation of his existence? 
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- Highlight on Page 472 | Loc. 10587-89  | Added on Friday, May 23, 2014, 11:10 PM

Given the Framers’ recent experience with George III, however, neither they nor their constituents conceded “all sail and no anchor” to the office or the man. James Madison pointedly reminded Americans in Federalist48 of the dangers to liberty “from the overgrown and all-grasping prerogative of an hereditary magistrate.” 
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But the provision for impeachment perhaps best reinforced accountability, as it implicitly rejected the traditional English doctrine that “the king could do no wrong.” 
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- Highlight on Page 473 | Loc. 10607-10  | Added on Friday, May 23, 2014, 11:14 PM

Article II, Section 4 of the Constitution provided that the President and all civil officers might be removed following impeachment and conviction for “treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors.” The House had the sole power of impeachment; the Senate had the sole power to try the impeached; and the Chief Justice presided over the Senate in the event of a presidential impeachment trial. 
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- Highlight on Page 473 | Loc. 10610-13  | Added on Friday, May 23, 2014, 11:14 PM

The constitutional reference to “high crimes and misdemeanors” is not language historically vague in source or meaning. Its origins can be traced to an impeachment proceeding in England in 1386 and amounted to a catalogue of political crime. The language has been best described as “words of art confined to impeachments, without roots in the ordinary criminal law.” 
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- Highlight on Page 474 | Loc. 10633-34  | Added on Friday, May 23, 2014, 11:17 PM

James Iredell (a future Supreme Court Justice) thought that impeachment “must be for an error of the heart, and not of the head.” Iredell’s dictum became, in time, the standard for requiring evil motives as a basic criterion for impeachment. 
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- Highlight on Page 476 | Loc. 10673-74  | Added on Friday, May 23, 2014, 11:22 PM

The historical evidence, however, is impressive in showing that neither English practice nor the framers of the American Constitution required an indictable crime as a basis for impeachment. 
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- Highlight on Page 478 | Loc. 10714-16  | Added on Friday, May 23, 2014, 11:29 PM

The first impeachment resolution was introduced in the Congress by Representative Robert Drinan (D–MA) on July 31, 1973, not coincidentally, it seemed, just after Alexander Butterfield revealed the presidential taping system. Perhaps the suspicions regarding the President might be confirmed after all. 
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following the Saturday Night Massacre in October 1973, four impeachment bills appeared in the House hopper, including one from California Republican Paul McCloskey. The new resolutions repeated Drinan’s charges but added others denouncing the President for breaking his trust with Congress when he dismissed Archibald Cox. 
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- Highlight on Page 485 | Loc. 10868-73  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 06:55 PM

Throughout April, the committee had bristled at the White House’s delay in releasing more tapes. After extensive wrangling, it approved a bipartisan compromise subpoena on April 11. Two weeks later, St. Clair requested and received an additional five days to comply, a deadline he met when the President released the tape transcripts on April 30. The next day, Doar informed the committee that his staff had reason to believe the edited transcripts they had received (the tapes and Dictabelts had not yet arrived) had numerous inaccuracies and omissions that could be rectified with better listening equipment. Clearly, at this point, the majority considered the President in contempt of the subpoena. Rodino, in a rare display of combativeness, contended that the House, and not the President, must determine the relevance of evidence. 
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- Highlight on Page 486 | Loc. 10905-7  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 06:59 PM

Vice President Ford later claimed he told Nixon in May that he could no longer support the stonewalling and that the House had a right to the information. “We’re handling it this way because we think we’re right,” the President told Ford. 29 Publicly, the Vice President maintained his steadfast support of Nixon. 
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- Highlight on Page 486 | Loc. 10908-13  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 07:01 PM

Meanwhile, numerous members had become restless with Doar’s presentation of the evidence. The information books covered a variety of subjects, with the cover-up being the largest and most important, yet they seemed aimless. The materials were presented chronologically; thus, if numerous calls or conversations occurred in a three-day period, they were set down chronologically. But they related to multiple subjects, and the chronology had to be keyed to the different subjects. Doar’s presentation did not attempt to do that. About July 1, several members turned to Richard Cates and other staff members for succinct summaries of the evidence and some clues as to the reasonable conclusions that could be drawn from it. Cates notified the entire committee of his intention to analyze the material. 
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Essentially, Cates disentangled the material from its rigid chronological setting to offer a coherent theory of presidential involvement in the cover-up. 
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- Highlight on Page 487 | Loc. 10926-30  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 07:03 PM

St. Clair requested that the House committee hearings be open and televised, claiming that the selective leaks of evidence unfairly damaged the President. But Republican staff members sensed a shrewder reason. St. Clair himself had seen how passively the members listened to Doar, their boredom apparent to all. A television spectacle could either discredit the committee or make the members more active, questioning Doar incessantly and dragging the process on indefinitely. The White House now understood that time was on its side and could create a backlash in its favor, as the nation might grow bored with the inquiry. 
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Reluctantly, committee Republicans opposed St. Clair’s move. With elections only months away, they had no interest in prolonging the work. 
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Finally, on June 21, Doar concluded his presentation of the evidence, six weeks and eighteen closed sessions after he had started. 
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- Highlight on Page 488 | Loc. 10936-40  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 07:04 PM

The President’s popularity continued to plunge. In June and early July, Nixon journeyed to the Mideast, traveling where no American President had before, and then to the Soviet Union for another summit. The televised images of the President riding by train through Egypt, cheered by enthusiastic crowds; continuing on to the long-forbidden and malevolent Syria, leader of the socalled radical bloc of Arab states; receiving a warm, emotional reception in Israel; and finally basking in the glow of an apparently enhanced détente with the Soviets, contrasted jarringly with the steady revelations regarding his behavior at home. 
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Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, however, dramatically sought to mark Watergate’s corrosive effects on foreign policy when he threatened to resign because of a New York Times editorial charging that he had lied to congressional investigators about his role in authorizing wiretaps of his aides. In a stopover in Salzburg, Austria, on June 11, Kissinger said he would not have his “public honor” discussed. With his credibility in question, he found it impossible to conduct foreign policy. 
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At the end of June, Nixon flew to Moscow to meet with Leonid Brezhnev. Criticism from conservatives in both parties mounted, fearful as they were that the President would fail to bargain effectively because of his political weakness, even desperation. 
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- Highlight on Page 489 | Loc. 10962-63  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 07:07 PM

Secretary of Defense James Schlesinger insulted the President at a National Security Council meeting, when he proposed a SALT agreement that assured overwhelming American nuclear superiority. 
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By the time Nixon returned from the Soviet Union on July 4, he realized that he had serious problems in the House of Representatives. 
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Certainly, his well-honed political instincts told him that “on some subsurface level, the political tide was flowing fast, and flowing against me.” 
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- Highlight on Page 490 | Loc. 10999-1003  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 07:11 PM

Alexander Butterfield appeared to discuss the President’s work habits. He portrayed Nixon as the man in charge; Haldeman and other aides did nothing without the President’s knowledge, and Haldeman himself was nothing more than “an implementer.” St. Clair tried to discredit Butterfield, but the testimony fit the image the President himself had fashioned in his various image-building efforts. Nixon’s lawyers had more success in insulating the President when Fred LaRue testified that John Mitchell knew money had been paid to the burglary defendants. 
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- Highlight on Page 491 | Loc. 11005-7  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 07:11 PM

Cohen’s time for questioning then expired, and no one else pursued the question of why LaRue met with the shadowy Pappas—“the Greek bearing gifts,” as Dean and Mitchell had described him. 
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- Highlight on Page 491 | Loc. 11012-18  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 07:12 PM

Once again, John Dean provided the most interest and generated the most heat. For more than a year Nixon’s defenders had argued that Dean was a loose cannon, that he had instigated and carried out the cover-up on his own, to protect himself and a few others—but not the President. Charles Colson later testified that Dean ran the cover-up, even exerting pressure on Colson to cooperate in the effort. Dean admitted to St. Clair that Nixon did not specifically instruct him in the cover-up, but the former aide insisted that his conversations with Haldeman and Ehrlichman demonstrated both “concern and instructions” regarding the cover-up; “it was not quite willy-nilly, as you have tried to portray,” Dean retorted to a hostile questioner. 
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- Highlight on Page 492 | Loc. 11026-28  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 07:13 PM

Petersen’s most devastating remarks centered on his trust in the President and his willingness to share privileged information with him. The tapes, of course, revealed that Nixon had improperly provided his aides with Petersen’s reports; the President’s own words, together with Petersen’s testimony, offered a substantial case for obstruction of justice. 
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- Highlight on Page 492 | Loc. 11033-37  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 07:14 PM

Colson revived the finger-pointing that had characterized Oval Office discussions in early 1973. He claimed he told the President to urge Mitchell—“the guy who was responsible”—to come forward “and take the consequences.” At that point—mid-February 1973—Colson said, Nixon responded angrily, insisting that “I am not about to take an innocent person [Mitchell] and make him a scapegoat.” Colson also raised what came to be another favorite White House explanation of events: the CIA had played a decisive role in the events of Watergate. 
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- Highlight on Page 492 | Loc. 11046-48  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 07:15 PM

The President, furthermore, could not “crack down” on the military, “because of what they knew and what they had taken”—a dark hint, never really pursued by the committee. It was not Colson’s last attempt to till revisionist soil. 
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- Highlight on Page 493 | Loc. 11060-66  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 07:17 PM

St. Clair stressed that transcribing the tapes had become “quite an art.” He also gave the impression that the White House had been overly severe in its rendition, as he noted that the committee’s transcripts “are more favorable to the President than our own.” But the committee found significant discrepancies in the Administration’s transcripts; the White House versions had not in fact been less favorable. For example, the committee found a clear indication in the March 13, 1973 tape that Nixon had rejected the “hang-out road”—that is, a full revelation of the truth—in a conversation with Dean. Again, in his March 22, 1973 talk with Mitchell, the President repudiated Eisenhower’s scrupulous standards for the conduct of subordinates; more important, in this exchange, he told Mitchell to “stonewall” and to take the Fifth Amendment. 
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- Highlight on Page 494 | Loc. 11086-89  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 07:19 PM

On July 12, a day after the House committee made its evidence public, Ford stated that the “new evidence as well as the old evidence” exonerated Nixon. Ford may have been obtuse, as some critics charged, but he apparently had no knowledge of the extent to which the White House had played with the evidence. 
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- Highlight on Page 495 | Loc. 11093-96  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 07:20 PM

Whatever shackles had been imposed on St. Clair during the lengthy proceedings before the House Judiciary Committee, they dissolved on July 18 as he presented his closing defense of the President. He spoke for nearly one and a half hours, finally gaining an opportunity to display his reputed skills. St. Clair sensed the decisiveness and the solemnity of the occasion. His argument was impressive: organized, articulate, unyielding in behalf of his client, totally skeptical of the adversarial positions—and selective. 
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- Highlight on Page 496 | Loc. 11124-25  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 07:22 PM

St. Clair had quickly negated any pluses he had earned. 
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- Highlight on Page 495 | Loc. 11111-14  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 07:23 PM

He thought the record already offered ample support for the President, but at this point he again produced a hitherto undisclosed portion of a tape transcript, this time from March 22, 1973, when Nixon told Haldeman: “I don’t mean to be blackmailed by Hunt. That goes too far.” That was the “evidence,” St. Clair announced, that was the “fact” that the President did not deliberately plot to obstruct justice. 
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- Highlight on Page 497 | Loc. 11141-46  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 07:25 PM

St. Clair had argued that being president justified some of Nixon’s actions; Doar turned that proposition inside out. In the ordinary course of affairs, concealing one’s mistake might be understandable, but “this was not done by a private citizen.” The President of the United States, Doar contended, had used the Department of Justice, the FBI, the CIA, the Secret Service, and his aides to obstruct justice. “It required perjury, destruction of evidence, obstruction of justice, all crimes. But, most important,” Doar concluded, “it required deliberate, contrived, continued, and continuing deception of the American people.” That evidence, Doar assured his listeners, would “help and reason with you” to reach a verdict. 
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- Highlight on Page 497 | Loc. 11156-57  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 07:26 PM

On July 23, the day after Garrison’s summation, Hogan became the first Republican to announce that he would vote for impeachment. 
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- Highlight on Page 498 | Loc. 11176-81  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:09 PM

The committee scheduled the opening of its debate for the next evening, July 24. The nationally televised spectacle was about to begin; first, however, a truly dramatic development unfolded behind the scenes. Despite the procedural fuss, the Democrats were about to gain their crucial bipartisan coalition, and the President was about to lose preciously needed political and moral support. The months of the staff’s labors, as well as some careful cultivation by committee members, finally secured the most desired prize of all: votes for impeachment by Republicans and Southern Democrats who also happened to constitute a rainbow of ideological commitments. 
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- Highlight on Page 499 | Loc. 11194  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:11 PM

The coalition emerged rather haphazardly, and only after each of the men had come to a decision on his own. 
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- Highlight on Page 500 | Loc. 11210-13  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:13 PM

But the younger Fish had supported the President on less than half the congressional roll calls prior to 1974. In 1968, he narrowly won election because the state Conservative Party had fielded a candidate who took away much of the traditional Republican vote. The candidate, Gordon Liddy, agreed not to campaign too hard, and in 1969 Fish helped him secure a position in the Treasury Department. 
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- Highlight on Page 501 | Loc. 11224-26  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:15 PM

For Railsback, committee Counsel Richard Cates’s July 20 briefing had been decisive, while he thought St. Clair had failed to make a case for the President. On July 21, Railsback concluded that Nixon’s lies constituted a serious obstruction of justice, that he was directly involved in the cover-up, and that he had abused power. 
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- Highlight on Page 502 | Loc. 11247-50  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:18 PM

Thornton believed that Nixon had damaged “the system” with his abuses of power. He saw the White House itself—apart from the executive agencies—as a virtual fourth branch of government, checked by no one. The President’s lack of cooperation with the impeachment inquiry buttressed Thornton’s conviction that the arrogant pattern of abuse was endemic. “Ford brought his life to the Judiciary Committee,” he said, “whereas Nixon brought his lawyers.” 
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- Highlight on Page 502 | Loc. 11267-68  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:22 PM

As Robert Frost had said of love, the reason to impeach was indefinable but unmistakable, and he would know it when he saw it. 
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- Highlight on Page 503 | Loc. 11274-76  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:23 PM

Before July 22, Fish remembered, the time was “a very lonely thing”; he did not discuss evidence with Republican colleagues, only political implications. Unlike Cohen, Fish had no desire to operate on his own: “I was perfectly willing to confess that I did want company.” 
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- Highlight on Page 504 | Loc. 11291-99  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:25 PM

On July 22, all the coalition’s members had their first look at Doar’s draft articles of impeachment. They later agreed that the “ambiguous and vague and arbitrary” language galvanized them into action. That evening, Flowers told Railsback to “get your guys together and I’ll get mine and let’s sit down and visit about this.” Flowers then spoke to Mann and Thornton, who agreed to meet with the others. The next morning the seven gathered in Railsback’s office. Fish was surprised to find the Southern Democrats. At the outset, Railsback asked whether they could find an alternative route to impeachment, such as censure of the President. Flowers pointed out that the committee had responsibility only for deciding the issue of impeachment. They were in the “driver’s seat,” Flowers remembers; the “thing” was “in their hands,” and they realized their power. What was “fragile” was not the coalition members’ attachment to one another; rather, it was their link to the nominal liberal majority, who now found themselves “at the mercy of seven swing votes.” 
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- Highlight on Page 504 | Loc. 11308-12  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:27 PM

the President shifted to a more existential posture: “I intend to live the next week without dying the death of a thousand cuts…. Cowards die a thousand deaths, brave men die only once.” It was, he wrote in his diary, his “Seventh Crisis in spades”; he could only “hope for the best and plan for the worst.” Publicly, Nixon was defiant. He assured supporters on July 18 that he would leave office “in 1977 when I shall have finished my term of office to which I was elected.” 
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- Highlight on Page 504 | Loc. 11312-14  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:27 PM

On July 12 a California jury found John Ehrlichman guilty of perjury and of conspiring to violate Daniel Ellsberg’s civil rights. At the end of the month, the court imposed a twenty-month-to-five-year sentence. 
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- Highlight on Page 505 | Loc. 11315-17  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:28 PM

Shocked, he learned that Fred Buzhardt had signed an affidavit stating that the White House documents contained nothing material to Ehrlichman’s defense. Ehrlichman believed then and in later years that he had been betrayed and went to jail for a crime the President had authorized. 
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- Highlight on Page 505 | Loc. 11317-19  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:28 PM

Old California friends entertained the President in Bel Air on July 21. It was a pleasant evening, but Nixon later remembered that it was the last time he felt any real hope. 
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- Highlight on Page 505 | Loc. 11320-22  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:29 PM

Two days later, he called Governor George Wallace from San Clemente, desperately seeking to enlist Wallace’s help in dissuading Walter Flowers from voting for impeachment. But Wallace told Nixon that it would be improper. The conversation lasted only six minutes. When it ended, the President turned to Haig and said: “Well, Al, there goes the presidency.” 
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- Highlight on Page 506 | Loc. 11326-27  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:29 PM

The Watergate spotlight briefly moved from the House Judiciary Committee to the Supreme Court on July 8 as Leon Jaworski and James St. Clair presented their arguments to the Justices. 
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- Highlight on Page 506 | Loc. 11336-37  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:31 PM

Except in periods of emotional assault upon the institution from those momentarily aggrieved by a decision, the Court’s prestige consistently has remained high among the American people. 
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- Highlight on Page 507 | Loc. 11341-43  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:32 PM

“We are a lost people when the supreme tribunal of the law has lost our respect,” ran a typical comment that urged Americans to maintain faith in the efficacy of the Court, despite its momentary lapse. 
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- Highlight on Page 507 | Loc. 11352-56  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:34 PM

Truman’s claim of “inherent powers” to justify his seizure of steel mills to prevent a strike that he believed would impair the Korean War effort. When the steel companies sued to regain control of their property, six of the nine Justices ruled that in the absence of congressional authorization, the President had no such power. In a concurring opinion, Justice Robert H. Jackson eloquently underlined the rule of law: “With all its defects, delays and inconveniences, men have discovered no technique for long preserving free government except that the Executive be under the law, and the law be made by parliamentary deliberations.” 
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- Highlight on Page 512 | Loc. 11451-54  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:45 PM

Burger, however, assigned the opinion to himself. He was in a bind as he confronted a case affecting the future political well-being of the man who appointed him. White House gossip in 1973 and 1974 reported that he “had assured the President that the tapes would not be taken away.” Burger’s closeness to Nixon and the Administration was well known—a situation riddled with irony since the Senate had rejected Lyndon Johnson’s nomination of Abe Fortas to be Chief Justice, in part because of charges of cronyism. 
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- Highlight on Page 512 | Loc. 11470-73  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:48 PM

The Chief Justice at one point had suggested that the federal rule allowing courts to subpoena evidence considered potentially relevant and admissible, must be applied more strictly for issuing a subpoena against the President. Douglas would have none of it: “My difficulty is that when the President is discussing crimes to be committed and/or crimes already committed with and/or by him or by his orders, he stands no higher than the Mafia with respect to those confidences.” 
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- Highlight on Page 513 | Loc. 11475-77  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:48 PM

In the end, Brennan and the others certainly had the input they had wanted all along; meanwhile, Burger alone had his name on an opinion that united the Court: the President must surrender the tapes. The Court met for its final conference on July 23, and the Chief Justice issued a press release noting that it would convene the next morning. 
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- Highlight on Page 513 | Loc. 11480-82  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:49 PM

The next morning Alexander Haig called the President to report that he had the complete text of the Supreme Court’s decision. “Unanimous?” the President asked. “Unanimous. There’s no air in it at all.” “None at all?” the President persisted. “It’s as tight as a drum,” said Haig. 
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- Highlight on Page 513 | Loc. 11486-91  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:50 PM

Richard Nixon’s fatalistic sense came closer to understanding the truth. He knew he could not defy the Court; perhaps he could still devise a plan for deleting some material. But the June 23, 1972, tape “worried” him ceaselessly; it could not be “excerpted properly,” he confided to his diary. While St. Clair made the President’s case to the Judiciary Committee on July 18, Nixon admitted that his greatest concern was “the Supreme Court thing.” On July 23 he talked to Haig and Ziegler about resigning. That night, Nixon stayed up late, reviewing a speech draft on economic matters. At midnight, he wrote: “Lowest point in the presidency, and Supreme Court still to come.” 
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- Highlight on Page 515 | Loc. 11528-31  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:54 PM

That morning, on July 24, St. Clair had been advised by his White House aides that the Court’s decision was imminent. Fifteen minutes later, the wire services carried the news, but Haig did not inform the President for another forty-five minutes. At noon, Ron Ziegler told reporters that St. Clair would make a statement later in the day. The President’s lawyer appeared before the press at 4:00 P.M., approximately eight hours after the Supreme Court’s decision. 
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- Highlight on Page 515 | Loc. 11532-34  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:54 PM

in 1952 Truman promptly dispatched a letter to his Secretary of Commerce ordering him to return the confiscated steel mills to the owners. The President complied less than thirty minutes after the Justices finished reading their opinions in the Steel Seizure Case. 
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- Highlight on Page 515 | Loc. 11541-44  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:55 PM

St. Clair always thought that even now the President “didn’t have to turn over the tapes, maybe. I don’t know.” That “maybe” was predicated on St. Clair’s belief that the presidency and the judiciary were two equal and separate branches, a belief traceable to Jefferson and to Andrew Jackson’s notion of concurrent powers, under which some actions of the judiciary were not necessarily binding on the executive. 
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- Highlight on Page 516 | Loc. 11555-60  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:57 PM

The nation barely had time to absorb the impact of the Supreme Court’s decision, for that same evening, July 24, the House Judiciary Committee reassembled to continue its impeachment inquiry. Now its debates would be aired on prime-time television. Nixon had fought throughout his presidency to control the media, to use it to his advantage. Whether in unveiling his Cabinet or in announcing his China visit or his selection of Gerald Ford, he had tried to persuade the nation that he was the right man doing the right thing. It was fitting, then, that following his repudiation by the Supreme Court, his “enemies” mounted their own television spectacular, as choreographed in its production and as emotional in its impact as anything that Richard Nixon might have imagined doing. 
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- Highlight on Page 517 | Loc. 11574-78  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:59 PM

The narrow question centered on whether the President had told the truth when he said he had been deceived by subordinates, and whether or not he himself had participated in a design systematically to cover up the role of his agents and associates in an illegal political-intelligence operation, together with related activities—whether he, in short, had engaged in a course of conduct that had impeded his faithful execution of the laws and had done this for his own political interest and protection. 
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- Highlight on Page 517 | Loc. 11585-88  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 12:00 AM

Finally, Hutchinson took note of the day’s events in the Supreme Court and suggested that the Chairman consider postponement until the President yielded additional evidence. Rodino ignored him and instead turned to the committee’s senior Democrat, Harold D. Donohue, who introduced a resolution and two articles of charges against Nixon. For the first time in more than a century, Congress confronted the President of the United States with the very real possibility of impeachment. 
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- Highlight on Page 518 | Loc. 11604-7  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 12:02 AM

Responding to the members’ wishes for something concrete to debate, John Doar hastily assembled his draft articles and presented them on July 19. Several members of the coalition, including Caldwell Butler, met with Richard Cates on Saturday morning, July 20, and again had been impressed with Cates’s tight summary of the evidence and its inexorable conclusion. No such precision appeared in the Doar drafts, which struck the coalition members as vague, rambling, and altogether “a sloppy piece of work.” 
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- Highlight on Page 518 | Loc. 11608-9  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 12:02 AM

Dissatisfaction with the drafts galvanized the coalition into collective action, and led to their July 23 meeting in Railsback’s office. 
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- Highlight on Page 519 | Loc. 11621-22  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 12:03 AM

That same evening, Tom Mooney, a Judiciary Committee staffer with close links to Railsback, armed with copies of the Doar, Mann, and Thornton drafts, also began to compose articles on his own. 
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- Highlight on Page 519 | Loc. 11622-26  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 12:04 AM

When the coalition reconvened at 8:00 A.M. on July 23, Mooney offered a draft article focusing on the President’s obstruction of justice. Working through the afternoon, periodically meeting with Mann and other members, Mooney assembled four other drafts before producing one for circulation. Five of the members met the next morning and developed two more drafts. They realized that their articles had to be drawn with the severity of any indictment, charging Nixon only with what could be proven. 
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- Highlight on Page 520 | Loc. 11640-41  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 12:05 AM

The coalition had the Mann and Thornton drafts of the charges in Article II on July 23. 
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- Highlight on Page 520 | Loc. 11647-48  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 12:06 AM

Each member of the full committee had fifteen minutes during the opening debate for his remarks. The proceedings carried through the afternoon and the evening of the second day, July 25. 
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- Highlight on Page 521 | Loc. 11673-74  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 12:08 AM

“I think,” Cohen concluded, “that no man should be able to bind up our destiny, our perpetuation, our success, with the chains of his personal destiny.” 
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- Highlight on Page 522 | Loc. 11684-88  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 11:36 AM

Butler’s dismay with Nixon and his annoyance at the narrow partisanship of the President’s defenders on the committee finally burst forth in a wave of passion and anger that belied his usual calm. Although Butler had to confront a skeptical district, he seemed to focus his public remarks on his fellow House committee Republicans. Watergate, he reminded them, “is our shame,” a scandal for a party that had campaigned so often against corruption and misconduct. “We cannot indulge ourselves in the luxury of patronizing or excusing the misconduct of our own people.” 
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- Highlight on Page 522 | Loc. 11691-93  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 11:48 AM

The evidence was “clear, direct, and convincing”—St. Clair’s words—that Richard Nixon had abused power and that he had engaged in a “pattern of misrepresentation and half-truths” to explain his conduct in the Watergate affair, a policy “cynically based on the premise that the truth itself is negotiable.” 
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- Highlight on Page 522 | Loc. 11694-96  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 11:49 AM

The combination of Mann and Butler left no doubt as to the outcome. Together, they offered a bipartisan conservative condemnation of the President. Together, they combined the sadness and fury that must have flowed through all but the most committed Nixon-haters and loyalists alike. 
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- Highlight on Page 522 | Loc. 11698-701  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 03:15 PM

When debate opened at noon on July 26, McClory moved to postpone consideration of the impeachment articles for ten days, if the President assured the committee within twenty-four hours that he would provide the House with the tapes which the Supreme Court had ordered him to submit to Judge Sirica. McClory had no expectation that Nixon would make the materials available. Apparently, he simply wanted to demonstrate that the committee had treated the President fairly and with proper deference. 
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- Highlight on Page 523 | Loc. 11702-5  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 03:16 PM

Brooks, Railsback, and Sandman, representing the three major factions in the committee, rejected the gesture as meaningless and opposed it. McClory’s motion failed, 27–11. By now the President commanded virtually no trust. A Gallup poll released that same day revealed that his disapproval rating had risen to 63 percent, while his support had fallen to 24 percent. 
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- Highlight on Page 523 | Loc. 11722-24  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 03:18 PM

By late afternoon the Democrats had recovered somewhat and had begun to reply effectively to Wiggins and Sandman. Rodino read a staff member’s hurried note citing previous impeachment proceedings in which a body of evidence was provided apart from the articles themselves. 
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- Highlight on Page 524 | Loc. 11730-33  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 03:20 PM

The counterassault by Wiggins and Sandman blistered the pro-impeachment forces. The Republican loyalists had little hope of moving those Democrats who had been firmly convinced by the evidence to vote against the President. Their target was the tenuous, uneasy bloc of approximately six Republicans and three Southern Democrats. Their shock tactics momentarily stunned the coalition and severely tested its mettle. 
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- Highlight on Page 524 | Loc. 11738-40  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 03:20 PM

That night, Democrats Mann and Flowers, and Republicans Cohen, Rails-back, Butler, and Hogan met for dinner and a post-mortem at the Capitol Hill Club. Some blamed Doar and poor staff communication for their own weak reply to Wiggins and Sandman. Flowers complained that the Democratic majority had not made the case. Cohen disagreed. “The members had got stung and they didn’t really know what to do,” he later recalled. 
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- Highlight on Page 524 | Loc. 11743-49  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 03:21 PM

Butler and Mooney remembered the “state of panic” and chaos that pervaded the group that evening. Flowers said that Sandman was the biggest hero in his Alabama district. The “specificators” had “licked us,” he complained. Meanwhile, ever politic, he suggested that the group maintain its image of neutrality. But the time for neutrality had passed. The coalition only bent; it did not break. The members had decided, and they were committed. Cohen deplored the label “fragile coalition.” He had reached the point where it didn’t really matter to him whether others “stayed in or stayed out,” as he had made his resolve. And so had his colleagues. The bloc remained intact, and despite Flowers, a number of them eagerly responded to the challenge of the President’s defenders. 
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- Highlight on Page 525 | Loc. 11759-63  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 03:23 PM

Sandman sometimes appeared a man who could not put the trees together to form a forest, but by Saturday afternoon, July 26, he knew the count. He saw no need to “bore the American public with a rehashing” of material and acknowledged that the votes were there to pass the article. Wiggins, too, sensed the futility of the situation. The glue holding together the coalition—in Wiggins’s opinion, self-interest and an erroneous understanding of constitutional responsibility—proved strong enough. 
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- Highlight on Page 525 | Loc. 11769-70  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 03:23 PM

Flowers then briefly yielded to allow Fish to speak to his “friends and supporters” in New York who supported Nixon. “There was no smoking gun,” Fish noted. “The whole room was filled with smoke.” 
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- Highlight on Page 525 | Loc. 11771-77  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 03:24 PM

Suddenly, dramatically, Rodino asked for a vote on the Sarbanes substitute Article I that the coalition had prepared. Choruses of “ayes” and “noes” responded. But Rodino called the roll, and thirty-eight members recorded their vote. The afternoon pattern held firm, and by a 27–11 vote, the committee adopted one article of impeachment against Richard Nixon. Six Republicans—Butler, Cohen, Fish, Froehlich, Hogan, and Railsback—joined the twenty-one Democrats. 23 The bipartisan vote, transcending ideological alliances as it did, belied charges that the committee’s proceedings were a partisan vendetta. Richard Nixon had brought the committee together, as he was to bring the nation together—though clearly not the way he had intended in 1968. It was fourteen years to the day since he had first been nominated for the presidency. 
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- Highlight on Page 527 | Loc. 11780-84  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 03:25 PM

Richard Nixon received the news of his own “Saturday Night Massacre” in his San Clemente beach trailer; it was, he said, “exactly” what he had “feared.” He realized a sense of historical shame—the “first President in 106 years to be recommended for impeachment.” Not the kind of first on which he usually prided himself. Compounding his anguish, the June 23 tape, in which he had discussed using the CIA to cover up the Watergate break-in, was, he knew, “like slow-fused dynamite,” waiting to explode. 
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- Highlight on Page 527 | Loc. 11787-92  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 03:26 PM

Returning to Washington on July 29, Nixon found the White House “cloaked in gloom,” the staff’s confidence “shattered.” St. Clair had returned from a long weekend at Cape Cod and learned the contents of the June 23 tape. According to Nixon, his “breezy optimism” had evaporated. Now, St. Clair expressed concern for his own liability as a party to obstruction of justice. 1 The House Judiciary Committee resumed deliberations on July 29. In three sessions that day, and three the following day, the members considered four more articles of impeachment. 
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- Highlight on Page 528 | Loc. 11793-94  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 03:26 PM

Many of the issues raised during the debate over Article I remained apparent when the members discussed the abuses of power charged in Article II. 
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- Highlight on Page 529 | Loc. 11816-19  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 03:31 PM

The Republican loyalists proposed various motions to strike Hungate’s substitute article, but this time their opponents were better prepared. For example, when Wiley Mayne insisted that the Plumbers had a national-security purpose, Hamilton Fish had Albert Jenner read the relevant evidence pointing to the conclusion that the Plumbers’ goal was to cultivate public relations, not to protect national security. 
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- Highlight on Page 529 | Loc. 11823-24  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 03:31 PM

The voting lines held. McClory crossed over to the majority, and the committee approved Article II, 28–10. 
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- Highlight on Page 529 | Loc. 11833-34  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 03:32 PM

McClory picked up only one Republican vote (Hogan’s) and lost two southerners; nevertheless, the article passed, 21–17. 
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- Highlight on Page 530 | Loc. 11841-44  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 03:34 PM

First, John Conyers introduced an article condemning the President for his taking “unilateral” military actions against Cambodia without informing Congress and for insisting that he had not done so. Edward Mezvinsky then submitted a fifth article, charging the President with willfully evading income taxes and with receiving compensation in the form of excessive government expenditures for his estates. Both articles failed, 26–12. 
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- Highlight on Page 531 | Loc. 11872-78  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 03:40 PM

On July 30, as the committee debate ended, the Nielsen Company informed White House aides that the debate had an estimated audience of 35–40 million—extraordinarily high numbers. A few days later, Nielsen reported that the average household watched 1.9 days of a possible four of the debates, for an average of 3 hours and 43 minutes. The viewing audience translated into double the American population of 1868, the year the House impeached Andrew Johnson. Only 10 percent of U.S. adults heard none of the House committee proceedings on television or radio. A Louis Harris poll taken on August 2, a week after the first vote, showed public opinion favoring impeachment 66–27 percent. Pro-impeachment sentiment had risen 13 percent in one week. 
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- Highlight on Page 532 | Loc. 11884-90  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 03:41 PM

After the final committee vote, the President spent a restless night. Early the next morning, he wrote out his options: resign immediately; resign if the full House voted impeachment; or fight through the Senate trial. Nixon’s “natural instinct” prevailed over any reasoned approach to the options, for at the end of his notes, he wrote: “End career as a fighter.” The only other real alternative was to set a precedent for resignation—and that was “far worse,” he thought. But hours later, according to Nixon, Haig read the June 23, 1972, tape transcript “for the first time” and agreed with Buzhardt and St. Clair: “I just don’t see how we can survive this one,” Haig told the President. The next day, August 1, Nixon told Haig that he intended to resign. 
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- Highlight on Page 533 | Loc. 11925-27  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 03:45 PM

Nixon’s traditional support eroded. On July 29 Howard Phillips called for the President’s removal, either by resignation or impeachment. He announced the creation of “CREEP 2”—Conservatives for the Removal of the President. 
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- Highlight on Page 533 | Loc. 11927-30  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 03:46 PM

Just after the impeachment vote, Federal Judge Gerhard Gesell sentenced John Ehrlichman to a twenty-month-to-five-year jail term for his role in the Fielding break-in, and two days later, John Dean received a one-to-four-year sentence for obstructing justice. The emergence of new enemies and painful reminders of “White House horrors” only reinforced the image of a totally discredited Administration. 
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- Highlight on Page 534 | Loc. 11931-33  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 03:46 PM

Ford’s enduring faith must have shattered on August I when Haig told him that the situation had so deteriorated that “the ball game” might be over, and Ford should start “thinking about a change” in his life. 
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- Highlight on Page 534 | Loc. 11936-43  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 03:47 PM

Anger was a mild word to describe the feelings of presidential supporters four days later when the President released the June 23, 1972 tape transcript, destined to be known as the “smoking gun.” At the President’s first meeting that day, more than two years earlier, Haldeman told the President that “we’re back in the problem area,” because Pat Gray did not have the FBI under control. The FBI’s investigation had led into some “productive areas,” where “we don’t want it to go,” he said. Haldeman had talked to Mitchell and Dean, who agreed on the need to maintain a cover-up of the Administration’s role in the Watergate break-in. Mitchell’s recommendation that Deputy CIA Director Vernon Walters call Gray and tell him to “stay the hell out of this” was the fateful instruction. Didn’t Gray want to stay out of it? the President asked. Yes, Haldeman responded, but he needed a reason, and the CIA could provide him with one. Haldeman thought the story might be plausible, because the FBI investigation allegedly had been tracing money to some CIA connections. 
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- Highlight on Page 534 | Loc. 11947-51  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 03:48 PM

The conversation shifted to various legislative and policy matters. But abruptly, Nixon returned to the Watergate problem. Call in the CIA people, he said, and tell them that further inquiry might lead to “the whole Bay of Pigs thing”; “don’t lie to them to the extent to say there is no involvement, but just say this is a comedy of errors,” Nixon said. The CIA should call in the FBI and say, ‘Don’t go further into this case[,] period’ !” 
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- Highlight on Page 535 | Loc. 11954-56  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 03:48 PM

When the two men resumed their conversation later that afternoon, the President urged caution lest the CIA and FBI leaders have “any ideas we’re doing it because our concern is political.” Instead, he underlined an anxiety that any revelations might “blow the whole, uh, Bay of Pigs thing.” 
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- Highlight on Page 535 | Loc. 11960-62  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 03:49 PM

The June 23 tape offered a definitive answer to Howard Baker’s question, put just over a year earlier: the President knew. He knew that he had instigated a cover-up and thus had participated in an obstruction of justice almost from the outset of events. 
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- Highlight on Page 536 | Loc. 11993-96  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:01 PM

But after they learned of the June 23 tape, Republicans, like cuckolded mates, refused to accept Nixon’s expressions of regret for withholding the information. Some wanted him simply to resign; others wished to vent their fury on him. As the news spread through Washington, House Republicans reacted with dismay, sorrow, or anger; whether by impeachment or by resignation, they concluded, the President had to go. 
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- Highlight on Page 537 | Loc. 12008-13  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:05 PM

The President desperately tried to insert exculpatory material into his August 5 statement on his release of the tape. At the last moment, he drafted a notation that he had told Pat Gray to press forward two weeks after the June 23 conversation, once he had determined that there was no national-security matter at stake. But the statement would have to wait for his memoirs. Haig told him that St. Clair and the lawyers would leave unless the prepared statement remained intact. “The hell with it,” Nixon said. “Let them put out anything they want. My decision has already been made.” 
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- Highlight on Page 539 | Loc. 12050-53  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:12 PM

The President, with some urging from Burch, called in the Republican leaders on August 7. Goldwater’s presence was a measure of his untitled stature within the Republican Party and the nation. Burch knew his friend would be blunt and honest. Given the Senator’s significant national constituency, and the growing respect of old adversaries, Burch also realized that Nixon could not lightly reject any counsel Goldwater gave him. 
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- Highlight on Page 539 | Loc. 12056-61  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:13 PM

Accompanied by Hugh Scott and John Rhodes, Goldwater met the President. According to several accounts, including his own, he never directly told Nixon to resign, indicating instead that he had no significant support in Congress. He informed Nixon that he had at most ten supporters in the Senate, six of whom really were undecided, including himself. Goldwater left the meeting with no doubt as to the outcome: the President “would resign.” When the three met reporters late in the afternoon of August 7, Goldwater told them that no decision had been made and that they had visited the President to describe the situation in Congress. 
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- Highlight on Page 539 | Loc. 12063-66  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:14 PM

Nixon remembered Goldwater’s telling him that he leaned toward voting for Article II. He also recalled saying to Scott as they ended their discussion: “Now that old Harry Truman is gone, I won’t have anybody to pal around with.” Truman had had monumental contempt for Nixon, and the President knew it. Nixon’s remarks to Scott displayed his typical awkwardness and perhaps offered some indication of a momentary flight from reality. 
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- Highlight on Page 540 | Loc. 12092-95  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:17 PM

Meanwhile, Ford delivered Agnew-style speeches—written in the White House—assailing the President’s critics and blithely assuring his audience of Nixon’s innocence. “Throughout my political life, I always believed what I was told,” Ford later wrote. And he believed that Nixon had told him the truth. When he saw the experts’ report on the 18½-minute tape gap, he began to suspect he was being used, yet he dutifully continued to defend the President for months to come. 
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- Highlight on Page 541 | Loc. 12115-21  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:22 PM

He reminded his lieutenants that the presidency had experienced enormous trauma in the past decade, with the assassination of Kennedy and with Johnson “literally hounded from office.” The institution, he said, must not sustain another “hammer blow” without a defense. Consequently, he would not resign, and would let the constitutional process run. This, he insisted, would be in the “best interests of the Nation”; he would not “desert the principles which give our government legitimacy.” To do otherwise, he continued, “would be a regrettable departure from American historical principles.” He offered nothing in the way of personal defense aside from past diplomatic triumphs; instead, he wrapped himself in the mantle of the presidency—claiming 
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- Highlight on Page 542 | Loc. 12122-25  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:22 PM

With that, Nixon turned to a discussion of economic problems, projecting policies for six months in the future. Attorney General William Saxbe was dumbfounded by Nixon’s bravado. “Mr. President, don’t you think we should be talking about next week, not next year?” he asked. According to Saxbe, Nixon looked around the table, no one said a word, and with that he picked up his papers and left the room. 
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- Highlight on Page 541 | Loc. 12112-13  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:23 PM

President Nixon appeared for his last Cabinet meeting on Tuesday, August 6. 
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- Highlight on Page 542 | Loc. 12133-34  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:24 PM

Resignation offered only short-term benefits, Butler thought; more important, he did not want to establish a precedent “for harassment out of office, 
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- Bookmark on Page 544 | Loc. 12165  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:27 PM


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- Highlight on Page 544 | Loc. 12164-68  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:27 PM

Preventing the “death of a thousand cuts” seemed to be the rallying cry for the President’s men. Haig complained, however, that to some White House aides the slogan meant that Nixon should resign rather than suffer such a painful ordeal—the “pussy fire group,” he contemptuously called them, comparing them to Vietnamese who would not stand and fight. Some in the White House felt besieged: “It was us against the world.” Every day, it seemed, brought what Stephen Bull called the “Oh, Shit Syndrome,” meaning another revelation, another disclosure, another indictment. 
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- Highlight on Page 544 | Loc. 12170-72  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:27 PM

Still, Bull knew that the White House atmosphere was different; “things just were not happening,” he recalled, and the blank pages of the presidential logs offer mute testimony to that fact. 
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- Highlight on Page 545 | Loc. 12190-93  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:30 PM

According to McClory, Rodino promised to end the impeachment inquiry as well if Nixon stepped down. Speaker Carl Albert concurred, although he added that he had no influence over the Special Prosecutor’s course of action. The news from McClory undoubtedly had some appeal. If Nixon learned of that development, then he would have done so just prior to his meeting with Goldwater, Rhodes, and Scott. That conversation, taken together with the news from Rodino, might well have been influential. 
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- Highlight on Page 545 | Loc. 12196-99  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:31 PM

That evening Nixon began to work in earnest on his resignation speech and arranged to meet Vice President Ford the next day to discuss a transition. In that meeting, the President recommended that Ford retain Haig; the rest of the meeting was awkward, as both men seemed to understand, yet were unable to express, what was required of each. 
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- Highlight on Page 545 | Loc. 12199-205  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:33 PM

The following night, Nixon saw more than forty longtime, steadfast supporters. “I just hope I haven’t let you down,” he told them. But he said later that he knew he had—as he had “let down the country … our system of government and the dreams of all those young people that ought to get into government…. I … let the American people down, and I have to carry that burden with me for the rest of my life.” Earlier, he met with congressional leaders from both parties. He told them what he would say to the nation that evening: he had “lost his base” in Congress, and he believed the outcome of the impeachment process to be inevitable. Speaker Albert best remembered that Nixon never discussed the question of whether he had done wrong. Perhaps that was asking too much. Instead, the President broke down in tears. 
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- Highlight on Page 545 | Loc. 12206-12  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:34 PM

Nixon’s last full day in office proceeded routinely. He vetoed annual appropriations bills for the Agriculture Department and the Environmental Protection Agency on the grounds that they were inflationary. On a lesser, but far more symbolic note, he nominated a judge to fill a federal court seat in Wisconsin which had been vacant for three years. Nixon had sought unsuccessfully to appoint an old friend, Republican Representative Glenn Davis, but the American Bar Association, as well as state groups, had mounted an intense campaign in opposition. The new appointment on August 8 painfully measured the President’s decline and powerlessness. Later that day, Nixon addressed his simple letter of resignation to the keeper of the seals, the Secretary of State: “I hereby resign the Office of President of the United States.” 
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- Highlight on Page 546 | Loc. 12226-31  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:35 PM

General Brown sent a message on August 8 to various American military commanders in the United States and abroad, advising increased vigilance. Yet he also urged them not to be overly ambitious in implementing the order. The next day, two other messages went to the same commanders over Schlesinger’s name. The first conveyed remarks of President Ford: “I know that I can count on the unswerving loyalty and dedication to duty that have always characterized the men and women of the Department of Defense. The country joins me in appreciation for your steadfast service.” The other communique, signed by Schlesinger, stated: “Mr. Ford will have, consistent with our best traditions, the fullest support, dedication, and loyalty of all members of the Department of Defense.” 
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- Highlight on Page 547 | Loc. 12251-53  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:37 PM

The President spent the afternoon of August 8 correcting and memorizing his resignation speech, to be broadcast that evening. “One thing, Ron, old boy,” he feebly joked to Ziegler, “we won’t have to have any more press conferences, and we won’t even have to tell them that[,] either!” Of course, he had said a similar thing a dozen years earlier in California. 
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- Highlight on Page 548 | Loc. 12253-56  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:37 PM

He also said that he looked forward to writing, noting that it might be done in prison. “Some of the best writing in history has been done in prison. Think of Lenin and Gandhi,” he said. At 9:00 P.M. the thirty-seventh President addressed the nation from the White House for the thirty-seventh time. 
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- Highlight on Page 548 | Loc. 12261-62  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:38 PM

With a hint of defiance, he asserted that he had never been a quitter. To resign was “abhorrent to every instinct” within him. But he would put “the interests of America first.” 
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- Highlight on Page 548 | Loc. 12266-68  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:38 PM

“I regret deeply any injuries that may have been done in the course of the events that led to this decision. I would say only that if some of my judgments were wrong—and some were wrong—they were made in what I believed at the time to be the best interest of the Nation.” It was Richard Nixon’s only moment that approximated contrition. 
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- Highlight on Page 548 | Loc. 12274-75  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:40 PM

“few things in his presidency became him as much as his manner of leaving.” 
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- Highlight on Page 549 | Loc. 12278-79  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:40 PM

Six years earlier, to the day, Nixon had delivered perhaps the best speech of his career as he accepted the Republican presidential nomination. 
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- Highlight on Page 549 | Loc. 12279-81  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:41 PM

He had told the nation that he would restore respect for the law. “Time is running out,” he said at that time, “for the merchants of crime and corruption in American society.” 
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- Highlight on Page 550 | Loc. 12308-10  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:44 PM

His “old man” was “a great man because he did his job,” and every job counted to the hilt, regardless of what happened. His mother, too, was remembered. No books would be written about her, “but she was a saint,” he said, as tears welled up in his eyes. 
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- Highlight on Page 550 | Loc. 12315-18  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:45 PM

Nixon quoted a delicate, moving passage from Roosevelt’s autobiography that described her death and his enduring love for her. With her death, Roosevelt wrote, “the light went out from my life forever.” How strange that Nixon should have identified with Teddy Roosevelt’s lament for his inexplicable loss. For after all, Richard Nixon’s cause for grief was all too explainable. 
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- Highlight on Page 553 | Loc. 12324-28  | Added on Wednesday, May 28, 2014, 10:56 AM

On Sunday morning, September 8, President Gerald R. Ford attended St. John’s Church, across from Lafayette Park. Afterward, he invited a pool of reporters and photographers into the Oval Office, where he read a brief statement and then signed a proclamation granting Richard Nixon a “full, free, and absolute pardon” for any crimes “which he, Richard Nixon, has committed or may have committed” during his presidency. The time had come, the President said, to end this “American tragedy” and restore “tranquility.” 
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- Highlight on Page 554 | Loc. 12343-45  | Added on Wednesday, May 28, 2014, 10:58 AM

Alexander Hamilton in Federalist74 warmly endorsed its discretionary aspect. There would be, he said, “seasons of insurrection or rebellion,” or “critical moments, when a well-timed offer of pardon … may restore the tranquility of the commonwealth; and which, if suffered to pass unimproved, it may never be possible afterwards to recall.” 
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- Highlight on Page 554 | Loc. 12347-48  | Added on Wednesday, May 28, 2014, 10:58 AM

“Our long national nightmare of Watergate” was over, he said as he took his oath of office. 
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- Highlight on Page 555 | Loc. 12361-63  | Added on Wednesday, May 28, 2014, 11:00 AM

It is clear, however, that Ford believed the nightmare still haunted the nation, and that he had an antidote. The new President’s cure had substantial merit; unfortunately, he fumbled its application, with costly short-run effects for him and for the nation. 
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- Highlight on Page 555 | Loc. 12366-69  | Added on Wednesday, May 28, 2014, 11:01 AM

So much of the affair of the past two years had been extraordinary; its denouement was no exception. We have differing versions of when a pardon for Richard Nixon first received serious consideration. Seymour Hersh’s 1983 article on the subject in the Atlantic contended that Nixon selected Ford as his Vice President in October 1973 because “he thought that he could rely on Ford to pardon him.” 
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- Highlight on Page 555 | Loc. 12369-70  | Added on Wednesday, May 28, 2014, 11:02 AM

Ford himself testified that on August 1, 1974, Haig told him that a pardon for Nixon, if he resigned, should be a possibility. 
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- Highlight on Page 555 | Loc. 12378-79  | Added on Wednesday, May 28, 2014, 11:03 AM

Buzhardt later insisted that he never proposed any discussion of a Ford pardon of Nixon, yet he drafted a pardon proclamation in Gerald Ford’s name, dated August 6, 1974, three days before Nixon’s eventual resignation. 
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- Highlight on Page 556 | Loc. 12390-91  | Added on Wednesday, May 28, 2014, 01:44 PM

Less than a week after Nixon returned to San Clemente, John Ehrlichman’s lawyers subpoenaed the former President as a witness in the forthcoming trial of Nixon’s former aides. 
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- Highlight on Page 556 | Loc. 12396-99  | Added on Wednesday, May 28, 2014, 01:46 PM

Near the end of the month, Nixon received a subpoena to give a deposition for a pending civil trial related to Watergate. From his San Clemente exile, the law’s long arm seemed menacing to Richard Nixon. “Do you think the people want to pick the carcass?” he said in a telephone call to a Republican congressman on August 26, adding that “We’ve got problems with that fellow …”—meaning Jaworski. 
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- Highlight on Page 557 | Loc. 12424-27  | Added on Wednesday, May 28, 2014, 01:48 PM

On August 20, Ford nominated Nelson A. Rockefeller, Nixon’s old rival, for the vice-presidency. Reporters questioned the former New York governor regarding Nixon’s future. He already had been “hung,” Rockefeller said, and added that he need not “be drawn and quartered.” He proposed that Nixon be given “immunity from prosecution.” 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 557 | Loc. 12427-28  | Added on Wednesday, May 28, 2014, 01:48 PM

That same day, by a 412–3 vote, the House of Representatives accepted the Judiciary Committee’s report on its impeachment inquiry. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 558 | Loc. 12434-35  | Added on Wednesday, May 28, 2014, 01:50 PM

But public sentiment was skeptical: a Gallup poll, conducted between August 16 and 19, showed that 56 percent of the respondents favored a criminal trial for the ex-president. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 559 | Loc. 12454-57  | Added on Wednesday, May 28, 2014, 01:52 PM

Conveniently—perhaps too conveniently—the first question raised at Ford’s press conference that day, August 28, was whether he agreed with Rockefeller on immunity for Nixon and whether he would use his pardon authority. Ford thought that Rockefeller’s statement “coincided” with the “general view” of the American people. A bit elliptically, he added that “in this situation I am the final authority,” and then pointedly declared that a pardon was a “proper option.” 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 559 | Loc. 12466-69  | Added on Wednesday, May 28, 2014, 01:55 PM

But he insisted that the nation’s health most concerned him, and he quoted one of his military aides: “We’re all Watergate junkies. Some of us are mainlining, some are sniffing, some are lacing it with something else, but all of us are addicted. This will go on and on unless someone steps in and says that we, as a nation, must go cold turkey. Otherwise, we’ll die of an overdose.” 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 560 | Loc. 12477-80  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 05:10 PM

On September 4, Jaworski told Buchen that Nixon could not be tried for at least nine months to two years. He added that the forthcoming trial of Mitchell, Haldeman, and Ehrlichman would generate unfavorable, prejudicial publicity, precluding any fair trial for Nixon. Jaworski also had no intention of including Nixon as a co-defendant, believing that the former President’s condemnation in the impeachment process might well prejudice the cases of the other defendants. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 560 | Loc. 12492-93  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 05:11 PM

Ford had made his decision firm by September 4, perhaps sooner. But for the next few days, he carried out a bargaining charade with his predecessor. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 562 | Loc. 12535-40  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 05:20 PM

After all the hard bargaining, bargaining in which Nixon did not deal personally with Ford’s emissary, Benton Becker had a brief audience with Nixon. He claimed that he told Nixon the White House would stand by prevailing legal doctrine that acceptance of a pardon acknowledged guilt. Nixon seemed uninterested. Becker remembered the conversation as unfocused and depressing. He found Nixon to be “an absolute candidate for suicide; the most depressed human being I have ever met, and I didn’t think it was an act.” Becker duly conveyed that impression to President Ford. Whatever Nixon’s mood when he met with Becker, less than three weeks later he signed a contract for a two-million-dollar advance for his forthcoming memoirs. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 563 | Loc. 12554-63  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 05:25 PM

Becker brought back an agreement on the Nixon records subsequently known as the Nixon-Sampson Agreement, named after the Administrator of the General Services Administration, and announced the same day as the pardon. The agreement required the former President to deposit his papers in the National Archives, yet gave him “all legal and equitable title” to those materials, as well as the right to control access and to withdraw any of them after three years. Nixon was also assured that his tape recordings would be destroyed upon his death or in 1984, whichever came first. Buchen later defended the agreement because he considered the recordings as “so offensive and contrary” to personal privacy. For his part, Becker claimed that Ford was not going to be a party to the “final cover-up” of Watergate by giving Nixon possession of his papers—a statement that somehow ignored the fact that giving him unequivocal control over their use was a complete victory for Nixon. Within weeks, Congress abrogated the Nixon-Sampson Agreement when it passed the Presidential Recordings and Materials Preservation Act of 1974, giving the National Archives custody of the Nixon records and the authority to determine their use. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 564 | Loc. 12581-82  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 05:27 PM

The White House received nearly 270,000 written communications following the pardon, almost 200,000 of which opposed Ford’s act. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 566 | Loc. 12617-19  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 05:30 PM

Charles Colson later claimed Nixon had promised him that he would not leave office “without wiping the slate clear” for everyone, and that there had been a deal for Ford to pardon all Administration defendants until the subsequent storm over the Nixon pardon. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 566 | Loc. 12620-23  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 05:31 PM

Nixon telephoned Ford about a week after the pardon, apologizing for the political embarrassment he had caused and expressing his gratitude. It was small comfort for Ford, however. The image of goodwill and honesty he had so assiduously fostered now dissipated. The President’s Gallup poll approval rating plunged in a month from 71 percent to 49 percent, and would eventually drop even more. Within two days, the White House reported that mail and telegrams ran five to one against Ford, an extraordinary admission. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 566 | Loc. 12627-31  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 05:33 PM

In a completely cynical vein, William Buckley’s National Review stated that conservatives were happy with the pardon, for, at last, it had exposed Ford to liberal criticism. The President, the magazine remarked, had “burned his bridges to the great organs of liberal opinion,” preparing the way for “the real battle” in American politics. Charles Colson, now a “born-again” Christian, delivered his own innuendoes, and denied the President any comfort in his struggle with conservatives, when he reiterated that Nixon never would have resigned unless he had reason to believe Ford would pardon him. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 567 | Loc. 12652-58  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 05:38 PM

What went wrong was that Ford failed to prepare the country for what he must have known he would do, certainly as early as the end of August. He apparently consulted with no political leaders; furthermore, his lack of desire—or his inability—to get that measure of contrition from Richard Nixon that the national mood may well have demanded was a serious miscalculation. In deciding to pardon Nixon, Ford relied on only a few advisers. Given his congressional experience, Ford must certainly have understood the virtue and indispensability of consultation. Yet he made no effort to touch the necessary political bases in this momentous case. Ford made a brave decision; he need not have made one amid such “splendid isolation.” 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 568 | Loc. 12659-61  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 05:39 PM

Imagine if Ford had asked former congressional colleagues from across the political spectrum—Mansfield, Scott, Goldwater, Albert, Rhodes, and O’Neill—to stand with him as he delivered his announcement. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 569 | Loc. 12695-97  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 05:47 PM

On September 16 Congresswoman Bella Abzug (D–NY) introduced a resolution requesting that the President respond to ten questions relating to the pardon. A week earlier, she had written to Jaworski, contending that the pardon was unconstitutional and that he should proceed with an indictment. No reply was sent. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 570 | Loc. 12702-3  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 05:47 PM

The White House reply came on September 30 with dramatic suddenness: the President himself would appear to answer questions. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 570 | Loc. 12705-8  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 05:48 PM

October 17, Elizabeth Holtzman carried the burden of the questioning, mainly repeating the questions that Abzug and Conyers had stipulated in their resolutions. But she launched them in rapid-fire succession, hardly allowing Ford time to answer. Finally, he interrupted: ‘[T]here was no deal, period, under no circumstances.” 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 573 | Loc. 12771-73  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 07:22 PM

The framers of the Constitution debated granting pardon only after conviction. They decided otherwise, in the belief that a pardon might be used as a means of obtaining cooperation from an accused individual. But Richard Nixon provided nothing toward resolving Watergate.35 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 575 | Loc. 12798-800  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 07:27 PM

In 1986, Richard Nixon, serenely confident that he had been “rehabilitated,” suddenly found Watergate alive and well, hauntingly compared to the Iran-Contra affair that erupted that fall. Watergate proved to be more than the “dim and distant curiosity” that one historian described. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 575 | Loc. 12805-12  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 07:29 PM

Donald Segretti pleaded guilty on October 1, 1973, to three counts of distributing illegal campaign literature and eventually served four months. Dwight Chapin was indicted on November 29, 1973, on four counts of perjury relating to his ties to Segretti. After a five-day trial, he was convicted on two counts on April 5, 1974, and sentenced to ten to thirty months in prison. John Dean pleaded guilty on October 19, 1973, to one count of obstructing justice, but the court delayed his sentence until August 2, 1974, to ensure his continuing cooperation. Judge John Sirica ordered a jail term of one to four years, but Dean served only four months, as Sirica ordered him released following the conviction of Nixon’s closest associates. Dean spent the entire time at Fort Holabird in Maryland, conveniently available foralmost daily questioning in preparation for the Mitchell-Haldeman-Ehrlichman trials, in which he appeared as the principal witness for the prosecution. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 575 | Loc. 12812-15  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 07:29 PM

Jeb Magruder offered a guilty plea in August 1973 and received a penal term of one to four years. He, too, appeared as a witness against his former associates and had his sentence reduced. Herbert Kalmbach pleaded guilty in February 1974 to several campaign violations, and in return for his testimony, all other charges were dropped. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 576 | Loc. 12818-20  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 07:30 PM

Charles Colson pleaded guilty to a charge of obstructing justice by scheming to defame and destroy the reputation of Daniel Ellsberg and thereby influence Ellsberg’s trial. Other charges for his role in obstructing justice in the Watergate burglary were dropped, and on June 3, 1974, Judge Gerhard Gesell sentenced Colson to one to three years. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 576 | Loc. 12823-25  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 07:31 PM

Ehrlichman was sentenced to concurrent prison terms of twenty months to five years. Liddy received a jail sentence to run simultaneously with the one he was then serving in connection with the Watergate burglary. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 576 | Loc. 12825-27  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 07:31 PM

The trial of Mitchell, Haldeman, Ehrlichman, Robert Mardian, and Kenneth Parkinson for various charges of conspiracy, obstruction of justice, and perjury began on October 1, 1974. After three months, the jury returned guilty verdicts against all but Parkinson. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 576 | Loc. 12828-30  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 07:32 PM

On February 21, 1975, Richard Nixon’s closest advisers—Mitchell, Haldeman, and Ehrlichman—received sentences of 2½-8 years for their crimes. For many, the verdict represented a conviction of the former president in absentia. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 577 | Loc. 12851-54  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 07:35 PM

As President Ford continued the same policies, conservatives refused to submit to party loyalty and offer affection for an incumbent they had once admired. In May 1975 Ronald Reagan condemned Ford for a projected $51-million budget deficit. Conservative Digest reported a poll in June 1975 claiming that 71 percent of its readers thought Ford was doing a “poor” job, and 91 percent opposed his nomination for the 1976 election. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 578 | Loc. 12866-69  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 07:39 PM

Richard Nixon’s Republican opponents finally enjoyed a measure of revenge. Fifteen years after he left the presidency, Nixon found himself out of the mainstream of his own party. Periodically, he invoked conservative slogans and labels, but he remained a distrusted and embarrassing figure. The former President had the unique distinction of not appearing at the four presidential nominating conventions of his party that followed his leaving the White House. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 579 | Loc. 12890-91  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 07:42 PM

Three consecutive presidential defeats left the Democrats floundering in search of their identity as a party. Perhaps that identity might have been found nearly two decades earlier, had Watergate not diverted the party from the quest. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 580 | Loc. 12923-28  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 08:08 PM

The 1974 law regulated both contributions and expenditures. But in Buckley v. Valeo (1976), the Supreme Court held that expenditure limits violated the First Amendment, except for those imposed on grants of public funds. The Court ruled nine years later that PAC expenditures, if made independently of the candidate, could not be constitutionally limited. The net effect of the judicial decisions was to stimulate the flow of special-interest money. Increased use of the media, involving legions of “creative and support” staff, as well as expanded roles for pollsters and political consultants, made campaigning more expensive, which made the demands for increased campaign funds circular and even more extravagant. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 581 | Loc. 12933  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 08:09 PM

Sociologist Robert Nisbet observed that “unethical” might well be the most difficult word to define in the American language. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 582 | Loc. 12951-56  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 08:12 PM

1978 law first required the Attorney General to investigate such allegations and then to report to a three-judge panel within ninety days on whether the charges were unfounded or whether the judges should appoint a special prosecutor. The judges defined the prosecutor’s jurisdiction. Once selected, the prosecutor had authority to perform the investigative and prosecutorial functions of Justice Department officials. Finally, the prosecutor could not be removed, except by impeachment or conviction of a crime, or by the Attorney General in the event of extraordinary impropriety or physical incapacity. The Attorney General must justify such action to the Senate Judiciary Committee; moveover, the prosecutor might appeal to the courts for review. The Ethics Act institutionalized the memory of the Saturday Night Massacre. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 583 | Loc. 12976-79  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 08:16 PM

Two years of wrangling produced a series of amendments to the Ethics Act in 1983. The changes renamed the Special Prosecutor an “Independent Counsel” (a less “inflammatory” title, one Senator suggested), gave the Attorney General more discretion in the decision to name a counsel, reduced the list of officials who might be investigated, provided for reimbursement of attorney’s fees for the subject of an investigation if no indictment were brought, and allowed the Attorney General to remove the counsel for “good cause.” 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Bookmark on Page 584 | Loc. 13003  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 08:20 PM


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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 584 | Loc. 13003-6  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 08:20 PM

Independent Counsel Whitney North Seymour complained that the Ethics in Government Act had too many loopholes and exemptions. Whatever its inadequacies, the law nevertheless remained imperative, he said, because there was “too much loose money and too little concern in Washington about ethics in government.” Seymour struck particularly at the Reagan Administration’s failure to instill an ethical sense throughout the government. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 585 | Loc. 13020-26  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 08:33 PM

The Supreme Court put its imprimatur on the independent-counsel statute in a surprisingly firm and broad decision. Reversing the appellate court, Chief Justice William Rehnquist led the Court in rebuffing the Administration. The Justices found no violation of separation-of-powers doctrine. The Court held that the Ethics Act in no way inhibited the President from performing his constitutionally assigned duties. Further, unlike the lower court, Rehnquist rejected any notion that the law constituted “Congressional usurpation” of executive functions. In a lone dissent, Justice Antonin Scalia bitingly referred to “our former constitutional system,” as he lamented the Court’s refusal to uphold what he believed to be a proper and absolute scheme of separation of powers. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 587 | Loc. 13076-79  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 08:43 PM

Helms dismissed Nixon’s lament as hypocritical and misguided, for he had “no doubt that the whole Watergate business fueled” the CIA’s difficulty with Congress. Nixon’s attempt to entangle the CIA in Watergate, Helms contended, had been “the battering ram” for the subsequent congressional inquiry. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 588 | Loc. 13094-101  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 08:49 PM

Executive orders are subject to new executive orders, however; relations between the CIA and the Attorney General are subject to the compatibility of their interests; and congressional oversight is dependent, first, on what information the CIA or the President chooses to provide, and second, on the extent of Congress’s own vigilance and interest. President Reagan’s Executive Order 12333 of December 4, 1981, substantially weakened Carter’s 1978 directives and restored a large measure of discretion to CIA activities. (That order also upset the Levi guidelines on the FBI and, in general, “unleashed” the intelligence agencies, as the President noted.) The Iran-Contra affair in 1986–87 demonstrated that the CIA and the Administration had acted without congressional consultation and hence lacked that degree of consent that might have provided some cover of legitimacy to what clearly was a dubious enterprise. The result was predictable; renewed demands to force full CIA disclosure of its activities were followed by expressions of concern that the CIA not be inhibited or compromised in its activities. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 588 | Loc. 13108-12  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 08:51 PM

The charges leveled against President Nixon’s misuse of executive agencies touched developing concerns for the right of privacy. Interest in the problem erupted in the 1960s, partly in response to a concern over the government’s increasing surveillance of the civil rights movement and of opponents of the Vietnam war, and partly in recognition that sophisticated new technology-including computers and the establishment of centralized computer data banks—threatened freedom of private activities and information. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 589 | Loc. 13122-26  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 08:53 PM

The result was the Privacy Act of 1974, passed four months after Nixon resigned. The new law permitted individuals to see information in their federal agency files and to correct or amend the information. Agencies were prohibited from making files available to other agencies without permission. They also could not maintain records describing a person’s exercise of First Amendment rights unless the action fell within the scope of official law-enforcement activities—a loophole that specifically exempted the FBI, the CIA, the Secret Service, and other agencies from the law. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 589 | Loc. 13127-30  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 08:54 PM

Nowhere was the privacy issue more sensitive than with regard to tax information. Revelations that Nixon and his advisers had used IRS data sensationalized the White House’s war against its “enemies.” John Caulfield’s testimony to the Ervin Committee in 1973, and Nixon’s well-known searches for a politically pliable IRS Commissioner, made prophets of the Nixon Administration’s critics. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 590 | Loc. 13135-39  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 08:55 PM

Congress apparently was not content to leave compliance entirely to presidential and IRS discretion. As part of the Tax Reform Act of 1976, it provided that presidential requests for information must specify the reason for any request and that the President must submit a quarterly report to the Joint Congressional Committee on Taxation, describing the returns requested and the reasons for seeking them. Two years later, Congress passed the Financial Privacy Act of 1978, a law designed to bar government agencies from gaining bank records without knowledge of the person under investigation, except in rare circumstances. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 591 | Loc. 13161-63  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 08:59 PM

That enterprise, combined with the Watergate environment, fostered substantial additions to the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) of 1966, the landmark law that provided an opportunity to scrutinize behind-the-scenes activity in the executive branch (if not the legislative). 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 591 | Loc. 13169-72  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 09:01 PM

When the Supreme Court ruled in 1973 that the original law did not give courts the right to review bureaucratic decisions, the Watergate context inspired a congressional movement to revise the law. The House passed new provisions in March 1974, followed by Senate action in May. A conference version finally emerged in November. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 592 | Loc. 13194-96  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 09:05 PM

The PRMPA specifically addressed itself to the problem of Watergate. It noted that the Archives regulations should recognize “the need to provide the public with the full truth, at the earliest reasonable date, of the abuses of governmental power popularly identified under the generic term ‘Watergate.’” 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 593 | Loc. 13200-13203  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 09:05 PM

Furthermore, the Justices noted that “the expectation of the confidentiality of executive communications … has always been limited and subject to erosion” after a president left office. Nixon must yield, the Court concluded, to the legitimate and desirable congressional purpose of “preserving the materials and maintaining access to them for lawful governmental and historical purposes.” 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 593 | Loc. 13203-4  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 09:06 PM

In a concurring opinion, Justice John Paul Stevens argued that Nixon’s behavior properly placed him in a different class from all other presidents; that behavior, he said, justified the 1974 law that “implicitly condemns [Nixon] as an unreliable custodian of his papers.” 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 593 | Loc. 13210-13  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 09:06 PM

Following the mandate of the 1974 law regarding Watergate, the National Archives processed more than two million Watergate documents. By 1986, the Archives had, pursuant to the PRMPA, promulgated five sets of regulations governing the use of the documents, each challenged by Nixon or his aides, or by Congress, or by the courts. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 593 | Loc. 13220-22  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 09:08 PM

Just prior to leaving office, however, Reagan revealed his self-concern by issuing an executive order that ignored Silberman’s ruling and passed executive privilege on to former presidents. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 594 | Loc. 13222-26  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 09:08 PM

Despite the controversy over executive privilege, the National Archives opened the Nixon Papers in 1987, first with assorted materials pertaining to policy matters, and then with successive releases of the Watergate “Special Files.” The 1974 law had provided that the Archives do so “at the earliest reasonable date.” By 1978, the archivists had complied with that dictate, but Nixon’s resistance prevented public access to these files for nearly a decade. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 594 | Loc. 13229-31  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 09:09 PM

Richard Nixon always realized the stakes, knowing that the documentary and audiotaped record would shape history’s final judgments of him and his presidency. Perhaps, too, he knew the Orwellian dictum: “To control the present is to control the past. To control the past is to control the future.” 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 594 | Loc. 13240-45  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 09:11 PM

The Budget and Impoundment Act of 1974 represented an attempt of Congress to assert its rightful powers, and at the same time to respond to perceived excesses of the Nixon Administration. The law reflected in equal measures the Democrats’ concern that Nixon had excessively impounded appropriated funds, especially as an instrument of his own policy preferences, and the concerns of Republicans to reform the budget process in order to get spending under control, and so lessen the need for impoundment. The act established budget committees in both houses, a Congressional Budget Office with experts to analyze the budget, and authority to enact a budget resolution to guide, yet not bind, the appropriations process. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 596 | Loc. 13278-82  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 09:16 PM

“We won the war in Vietnam, but lost the peace. All that we had achieved in twelve years of fighting was thrown away in a spasm of congressional irresponsibility,” the former President wrote, as he linked Watergate and the collapse of South Vietnam. “As a matter of fact, the Congress lost it,” he said in a television interview, implying that Congress proved to be irresponsible in using the power newly gained at executive expense. On occasion, too, Nixon turned the argument around, blaming his preoccupation with the war for the negligence that allowed Watergate to happen. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 596 | Loc. 13283-88  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 09:17 PM

For Henry Kissinger, the historical stakes were equally great, for as a result of Watergate, he said, “I, a foreign-born American, wound up in the extraordinary position of holding together our foreign policy and reassuring our public.” Even some Kissinger critics acknowledged that he was “nearly the sole figure who legitimized or redeemed the government.” But Kissinger offered his own maze of contradictions, as he admitted that Nixon resented his Nobel Prize and the adulation of the media for his role in the peace process. “Had Watergate not soon overwhelmed [Nixon], I doubt whether I could have maintained my position in his Administration,” Kissinger wrote, taking a position opposite to his usual disdain toward Watergate. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 597 | Loc. 13304-6  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 09:20 PM

The Nixon-Kissinger search for a scapegoat in the loss of Vietnam had a sinister resemblance to the Nazi revisionism that blamed Germany’s defeat in 1918 on a “stab in the back” delivered by domestic subversives. 
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Building Wireless Sensor Networks: with ZigBee, XBee, Arduino, and Processing (Robert Faludi)
- Bookmark Loc. 1658  | Added on Tuesday, July 22, 2014, 12:04 AM


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Building Wireless Sensor Networks: with ZigBee, XBee, Arduino, and Processing (Robert Faludi)
- Highlight Loc. 1960-63  | Added on Wednesday, July 23, 2014, 10:45 AM

ATIC Configures the digital I/O pins to monitor for changes in state, using a binary value to set for each pin. The pin(s) would also need to be configured as digital inputs. When change-detection is enabled, a sample is sent immediately any time a pin shifts from low to high or vice versa. This is useful if you are monitoring a switch, and care about triggering a transmission only when a button is pressed or released. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 315-17  | Added on Thursday, July 31, 2014, 10:04 AM

“ There is quite a deal of hysteria in the country about German spies. If you will kindly box up and send me from one to a dozen I will pay you very handsomely for your trouble. We are looking for them constantly, but it is a little difficult to shoot them until they have been found.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 376-80  | Added on Thursday, July 31, 2014, 10:10 AM

As the Senate’s alarm at the Red threat increased, the fighting spirit mustered for the world war festered. Nine million American workers in war industries were being demobilized. They found new jobs scarce. The cost of living had nearly doubled since the start of the war. As four million American soldiers started coming home, four million American workers went out on strike. The United States never had seen such confrontations between workers and bosses. The forces of law and order felt the Reds were behind it all. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 464-76  | Added on Sunday, August 03, 2014, 02:01 PM

The president appeared as a prophet of doom. Wheezing, coughing, seeing double, blinded by headaches, Wilson delivered an apocalyptic vision to the American people. He foresaw the nation and the world under the never-ending threat of war. He spoke of the Russian Revolution as if it were a gigantic cloud of deadly gas, floating west across the Atlantic, bringing “the poison of disorder, the poison of revolt, the poison of chaos” to America. “Do you honestly think, my fellow-citizens, that none of that poison has got in the veins of this free people?” the president asked. “Men look you calmly in the face in America and say they are for that sort of revolution, when that sort of revolution means government by terror.” Without peace, “that poison will steadily spread, more and more rapidly until it may be that even this beloved land of ours will be distracted and distorted by it.” He warned that the United States would have to be ready to fight “in any part of the world where the threat of war is a menace.” The enemies of the United States would not rest: “You have got to watch them with secret agencies planted everywhere.” The nation would have to keep a great standing army and navy in a constant state of high alert. “And you can’t do that under free debate,” the president said. “You can’t do that under public counsel. Plans must be kept secret. Knowledge must be accumulated under a system which we have condemned, because we have called it a spying system. The more polite call it a system of intelligence.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 476-77  | Added on Sunday, August 03, 2014, 02:01 PM

As the president whistle-stopped westward across the Great Plains, a new American intelligence system was taking shape in Washington. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 725-28  | Added on Sunday, August 03, 2014, 02:21 PM

“Real Americans, men who believe in law, order, liberty, toleration of others’ views on political and religious subjects, are not given to advertising themselves and their patriotism. They have too much respect for Americanism and for patriotism to disgrace these fine words as they are being daily disgraced by those using them for personal or political notoriety.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2045-49  | Added on Sunday, August 03, 2014, 07:54 PM

Biddle had to find a way around that ruling. He told the president to appoint a special military commission. It would run a secret trial against the saboteurs under military law. When this decision came to the Supreme Court for a review, as it inevitably would, Biddle would argue that enemy combatants, waging a secret war against America, could be tried and punished by a military tribunal under the laws of war. The same argument would be raised in America’s twenty-first-century war on terror. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2423-27  | Added on Wednesday, August 06, 2014, 12:19 AM

American and British warplanes had bombed most of Berlin to rubble and the Soviets had crushed what remained. On July 16, a motorcade took Truman through the city. The ruins stank of death. Corpses rotted in the rubble and wild dogs scavenged their bones. A civilization lay in a state of collapse. “I thought of Carthage, Baalbek, Jerusalem …,” Truman wrote in his diary. “I hope for some sort of peace—but I fear that machines are ahead of morals by some centuries and when morals catch up there’ll be no reason for any of it.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2631-35  | Added on Wednesday, August 06, 2014, 01:29 PM

Ten years before he came to Washington to be sworn in to the House of Representatives, while he was still in law school, Nixon had applied for a job at the FBI. He never heard back. But he would make the most of his contacts with the Bureau for the next quarter of a century. In February 1947, Father Cronin helped him make the first of those connections. He personally briefed Nixon on the FBI’s investigations into American communism and Soviet espionage, introduced him to agents who specialized in Red-hunting, and became Nixon’s back-channel liaison with the Bureau. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2683-85  | Added on Wednesday, August 06, 2014, 01:37 PM

“Espionage is as old as man,” Hoover began. “We have always had it and we will continue to have it until the brotherhood of man becomes a reality as well as an ideal.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2680-86  | Added on Wednesday, August 06, 2014, 01:37 PM

National Security Act in the spring and summer of 1947. The bill proposed to unify the American military services under the aegis of the Pentagon; to create a secretary of defense to oversee the army, the navy, and a nuclear-armed air force; to form a new National Security Council to coordinate military, intelligence, and diplomatic powers at the White House; and to establish the first permanent peacetime American espionage service. “Espionage is as old as man,” Hoover began. “We have always had it and we will continue to have it until the brotherhood of man becomes a reality as well as an ideal.” Until then, the United States had to have a permanent and professional spy service established under law. He said no one was better qualified to run it than he himself. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Bookmark Loc. 2686  | Added on Wednesday, August 06, 2014, 01:38 PM


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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2702-4  | Added on Wednesday, August 06, 2014, 01:40 PM

Hoover capped his secret briefing by playing on the president’s fears of a secret police. “Luckily for us,” he said, “there is no more horrible example of what can happen through the creation of one vast central superstructure that both investigates and judges than the German Gestapo.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Bookmark Loc. 2706  | Added on Wednesday, August 06, 2014, 01:43 PM


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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2706-9  | Added on Wednesday, August 06, 2014, 01:43 PM

Hoover was surpassed by a rival whose rhetoric flew higher. Allen Dulles was Wild Bill Donovan’s leading protégé, a star at Donovan’s Wall Street law firm, and the brother of John Foster Dulles, the Republican Party’s shadow secretary of state. Puffing on his pipe, he gave suave, sophisticated, and factually slippery testimony to a closed congressional hearing on the National Security Act on June 27, 1947. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2714-16  | Added on Wednesday, August 06, 2014, 01:45 PM

One month later, on July 26, President Truman signed the National Security Act. The FBI was given no new powers to prosecute the Cold War. The director of Central Intelligence was given many. Hoover began spying on the CIA from that day forward. He started wiretapping CIA officers suspected of Communist sympathies or homosexual tendencies. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2721-25  | Added on Wednesday, August 06, 2014, 01:45 PM

Hoover’s political warfare intensified month by month. “It strikes me as a waste of time to cultivate this outfit,” he wrote after offering CIA officials a tour of the FBI’s training academy. He furiously rejected an aide’s draft of a polite letter to the director of Central Intelligence: “Please cut out all of the slobbering palaver. We know they have no use for us & I don’t intend to do a Munich.” When the CIA asked the FBI what it knew about the Comintern, Hoover swatted down the request: “Waste no time on it. We have more pressing matters.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2754-58  | Added on Wednesday, August 06, 2014, 06:36 PM

But now he had witnesses. The Bureau had been running a double agent inside the Party for five years. He was a middling and mild-mannered Communist functionary who delivered devastating testimony to the grand jury and at the trial of the eleven leaders. In time, his story became a classic black-and-white television show called I Led Three Lives, with an introduction instantly familiar to a generation of Americans: “This is the story, the fantastically true story, of Herbert A. Philbrick … Average citizen, high-level member of the Communist Party, counterspy for the Federal Bureau of Investigation.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2782-85  | Added on Wednesday, August 06, 2014, 06:41 PM

Venona was one of America’s most secret weapons in the Cold War—so secret that neither President Truman nor the CIA knew about it. On the occasions that Hoover sent intelligence derived from Venona to his superiors, it was scrubbed, sanitized, and attributed only to “a highly sensitive source.” Hoover decreed: “In view of loose methods of CIA & some of its questionable personnel we must be most circumspect. H.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2858-68  | Added on Wednesday, August 06, 2014, 06:50 PM

Almost two years passed before Hoover formally briefed the White House and the National Security Council: “For some months representatives of the FBI and of the Department of Justice have been formulating a plan of action for an emergency situation wherein it would be necessary to apprehend and detain persons who are potentially dangerous to the internal security of the country.” The detentions would begin in time of war, an emergency, a national crisis, a “threatened invasion” or a “rebellion.” Under the plan, the president would sign an emergency order suspending the writ of habeas corpus and instructing the FBI to begin the nationwide roundup. The attorney general would send the president a “master warrant” attached to the FBI’s Security Index, whose existence Hoover finally revealed to the president. “For a long period of time the FBI has been accumulating the names, identities and activities of individuals,” Hoover wrote. “The index now contains approximately twelve thousand individuals, of which approximately ninety-seven per cent are citizens of the United States.” That number eventually would double. “The plan calls for a statement of charges to be served on each detainee and a hearing be afforded the individual,” Hoover advised the White House. “The hearing procedure will not be bound by the rules of evidence.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2868-70  | Added on Wednesday, August 06, 2014, 06:50 PM

Hoover made plans to fill the detention centers in a time of national emergency, and Congress secretly financed the creation of six of these camps during the 1950s. But no Cold War president seriously considered the mass incarceration of suspected subversives. It took the first president of the twenty-first century to do that. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2871-82  | Added on Thursday, August 07, 2014, 06:16 PM

Dewey, would be elected president in November 1948. Dewey, who had made his name as a crime-fighting prosecutor, would be the first conservative in the White House in a generation. Hoover was working behind the scenes to support Dewey, who shared Hoover’s views on the national emergency that confronted the United States. Hoover had hoped that a new president would grant him new powers, perhaps making him the attorney general while allowing him to retain command over the FBI. Truman looked powerless and politically spent as the election approached. Crossing through Indiana by train on a long whistle-stop campaign, with the election four weeks away, Truman caught a glimpse of a Newsweek magazine poll of America’s fifty most prominent political reporters. Their unanimous prediction: Dewey defeats Truman. Every poll and every pundit said the same. Hoover went to sleep on election night confident in that outcome. At 11:14 A.M. on Wednesday, November 3, 1948, the bulletin went out across the world: Truman had won the biggest upset in the history of the American presidency. A shift of only 33,000 voters in California, Illinois, and Ohio would have given Dewey victory. When Hoover heard the news, he left his desk at FBI headquarters and did not come back for two weeks. His public relations office told the press that Hoover had pneumonia. He simply disappeared. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2922-23  | Added on Thursday, August 07, 2014, 06:30 PM

Coplon was found guilty, but the verdict would not stand. Judge Learned Hand, who heard Coplon’s appeal, overturned her twenty-five-year sentence. He publicly rebuked Hoover—a rare event in American jurisprudence. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2943-45  | Added on Thursday, August 07, 2014, 06:32 PM

On September 20, the CIA issued a report saying the Soviets probably would not produce an atomic weapon for four more years. Three days later, President Truman announced to the world that Stalin had the bomb. American planes had picked up the radioactive fallout from the secret Soviet test. The balance of terror shifted. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2959-64  | Added on Thursday, August 07, 2014, 06:35 PM

Hoover discovered, to his intense chagrin, that the FBI had overlooked its own records on Klaus Fuchs for four years. They were English translations of captured German army documents, and they had been in the FBI’s possession since shortly after the end of World War II, when Fuchs was still spying for the Soviets in the United States. They revealed that Fuchs was well-known as a “communist of relatively important character.” The fault lay with a brilliant but erratic FBI counterintelligence supervisor named William K. Harvey. Hoover had fired him for alcoholism in 1947; he had then joined the CIA. The evidence went unseen until after Fuchs confessed. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2984-92  | Added on Thursday, August 07, 2014, 06:38 PM

The secret National Security Agency history picks up the story. “The FBI began piecing together information” on why Venona had gone dark. The Bureau “was aghast to learn in 1950 that Weisband was employed at Arlington Hall” as a section chief working on the Soviet cables. He was arrested, but he never talked. He served a year in prison for contempt of court after he refused to testify before a federal grand jury. He worked in and around Washington selling cars and tending apartments for sixteen years before he died. The penetration paralyzed the progress of Venona. For the next three decades, the United States could not read the Soviets’ most secret messages. It could only look backwards, trying to decipher old cables from the 1940s. The FBI never found out what Weisband told the Soviets. The National Security Agency history concludes: “His case instilled a certain paranoia within the profession.” That paranoia afflicted the FBI. Hoover insisted that the FBI would create and control its own system for secret communications. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3002-5  | Added on Thursday, August 07, 2014, 06:39 PM

Philby moved freely through the corridors of the Pentagon, an institution still in a state of upheaval six months after the suicide of Secretary of Defense James Forrestal, who had suffered a psychotic breakdown and jumped from his high window at the Bethesda Naval Hospital. Forrestal had been Hoover’s strongest ally in the government of the United States. His death contributed to Hoover’s deepening despair over American intelligence and its ability to meet the growing Soviet threat. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3006-7  | Added on Thursday, August 07, 2014, 06:41 PM

While Philby started ransacking American secrets, Hoover was fighting a rearguard action against the future director of Central Intelligence, Allen Dulles. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3007-11  | Added on Friday, August 08, 2014, 09:30 AM

Still a lawyer in private practice, Dulles had been commissioned by the Pentagon to conduct a top-secret study of the shoddy state of American spying. He intended to use his report to the president as a fulcrum to elevate himself to the command of the CIA. Dulles had not consulted Hoover or the FBI during his yearlong investigation, a deliberate snub. When Hoover wrangled a draft copy of the report from the Pentagon, he saw that Dulles did not recognize Hoover’s presidentially mandated authority in matters of national security. “It is outrageous that FBI should be excluded,” Hoover wrote. Dulles did not respond. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3020-24  | Added on Friday, August 08, 2014, 09:31 AM

On July 24, 1950, just a month after the Korean War began, Hoover won a formal statement from President Truman expanding the FBI’s authority to investigate “espionage, sabotage, subversive activities and related matters” affecting American national security, a mandate even broader than FDR’s wartime directives to the FBI. Hoover sought to justify his enhanced powers with a truly frightening top secret report to the president on August 24. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3048-50  | Added on Friday, August 08, 2014, 09:35 AM

On September 23, Congress passed the Internal Security Act of 1950. It contained provisions Hoover had been demanding for a decade. The laws defining espionage and sabotage were expanded and strengthened. Subversive citizens now were subject to political imprisonment. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3054-59  | Added on Friday, August 08, 2014, 09:36 AM

The year 1950 brought many bleak days for President Truman. None was darker than November 1. In the morning, the new director of Central Intelligence, General Walter Bedell Smith, delivered a bulletin: Communist Chinese soldiers had entered the Korean War. The CIA’s reporting gravely underestimated the size of the attack. Three hundred thousand Chinese soldiers struck in a human avalanche that killed thousands upon thousands of American soldiers. They came close to driving the Americans from the mountains into the sea. Behind them stood the new dictator of China, Chairman Mao Tse-Tung. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3059-64  | Added on Friday, August 08, 2014, 09:38 AM

In the afternoon, a freakish heat wave engulfed Washington; the mercury hit eighty-five degrees. Truman lay down for a nap at Blair House, across the street from the White House; the executive mansion was in a state of collapse and undergoing renovation. On the sidewalk, at the Blair House door, stood two Puerto Rican nationalists, one armed with a German Luger, the other with a German Walther, carrying sixty-nine rounds of ammunition between them. They tried to shoot their way into Blair House and kill the president in the name of Puerto Rican independence. One of them died, as did a Secret Service agent. The second assassin was arrested, convicted, and sentenced to death. Truman commuted the sentence to life. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3069-71  | Added on Friday, August 08, 2014, 09:40 AM

“It looks like World War III is here,” Truman wrote in his diary on December 9. “I hope not—but we must meet whatever comes—and we will.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3086-93  | Added on Friday, August 08, 2014, 09:42 AM

His flight to Moscow brought the chief of British foreign intelligence, Sir Percy Sillitoe, to Washington. Sir Percy carried an attaché case bulging with dossiers on Philby, Maclean, and Burgess, and he shared the contents with Hoover and the FBI. The three Britons were friends of twenty years’ standing, going back to their days at Trinity College, Cambridge. In the 1930s, all three had been Communists or socialists. The dossiers held more open secrets: Burgess was famous for his promiscuous homosexuality, Maclean was a closet case, and Philby had married an Austrian Communist and Soviet agent. All three were alcoholics. All this was known by their superiors, yet they were protected and promoted. Maclean and Burgess were in Moscow now; Philby had been recalled to London. Hoover argued that Philby clearly was a Soviet agent, and that he had enabled Moscow to penetrate the CIA and the Pentagon at the highest levels. Sir Percy politely disagreed, unwilling to accept that a man of Philby’s rank and breeding could be a traitor. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3096-98  | Added on Friday, August 08, 2014, 09:43 AM

Communists and homosexuals both had clandestine and compartmented lives. They inhabited secret underground communities. They used coded language. Hoover believed, as did his peers, that both were uniquely susceptible to sexual entrapment and blackmail by foreign intelligence services. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3109-13  | Added on Friday, August 08, 2014, 09:47 AM

The Responsibilities Program began feeding governors, mayors, and other state and local leaders ammunition to attack subversives at home. The local special agent in charge of FBI regional offices served as the go-between for Hoover and the nation’s political officials. For the next four years, the Responsibilities Program served as a tool for purging the faculties of state universities, colleges, and public schools of hundreds of suspect leftists, until its secrecy was breached by a publicity-hunting state education commissioner. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3115-18  | Added on Friday, August 08, 2014, 09:48 AM

Eisenhower’s chief of staff throughout World War II. General Smith had earned a reputation as Ike’s hatchet man, the sharp teeth behind Ike’s warm grin. He had served as Truman’s ambassador to the Soviet Union; he had gone eyeball-to-eyeball with Stalin. He was a man of great force and short temper, intolerant of imperfection. He and Edgar Hoover hit it off. They had a lot in common. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3155-58  | Added on Friday, August 08, 2014, 09:53 AM

The election of Eisenhower and Nixon in November 1952, along with a Republican sweep of the House and the Senate, ended two decades of Democratic dominance in Washington—the era that Senator Joseph McCarthy called “twenty years of treason.” At the start of those twenty years, Hoover had led a small, weak organization with 353 special agents and a budget well under $3 million. He now led an anti-Communist army of 6,451 men with 8,206 support staff and $90 million to spend. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3166-69  | Added on Friday, August 08, 2014, 09:56 AM

As Hoover reported to the newly inaugurated president on January 26, 1953, FBI agents now worked “day-to-day and person-to-person” at the White House, the Pentagon, the Office of the Secretary of Defense, the Joint Chiefs of Staff, the National Security Agency, the CIA, the State Department, Congress, six American embassies, army intelligence bases in Germany and Austria, and a dozen more centers of America’s global power. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3173-75  | Added on Friday, August 08, 2014, 09:57 AM

American anticommunism came to full power under Eisenhower. Hoover’s men investigated nominees for posts ranging from foreign ambassador to congressional aide. They oversaw internal security purges throughout the government, destroying lives and careers over suspicions of disloyalty or homosexuality. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3193-96  | Added on Friday, August 08, 2014, 08:36 PM

The White House read Hoover’s reports on the Soviets as the most authoritative in the government. Attorney General Brownell said: “ The FBI reported to me one of the results of their counterintelligence work against the communist conspiracy. They had learned that Stalin was ill and Malenkov was acting for him and would succeed him if Stalin died. Stalin did die on March 3, 1953, and it is now history that Malenkov succeeded him.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3197-3200  | Added on Friday, August 08, 2014, 08:36 PM

By contrast, the United States had no ambassador in Moscow when Stalin died, and the CIA had no spies inside the Soviet Union. The first CIA officer dispatched to Moscow was seduced by his Russian housekeeper—she was a KGB colonel —photographed in the physical act of love, blackmailed, and fired by the Agency for his indiscretions in 1953. His replacement was caught in the act of espionage, arrested, and deported shortly after he arrived. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3204-6  | Added on Friday, August 08, 2014, 08:37 PM

A cop confronting an evildoer wants to string him up. A spy wants to string him along. Waiting and watching required a terrible patience. Hoover had it. After twenty years of attack and a decade of counterattack, the FBI was starting to understand the scope of the KGB’s operations in America. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3241-43  | Added on Friday, August 08, 2014, 08:43 PM

Like his colleagues in Congress, the senator regularly paid fealty to Hoover in public and in private. “No one need erect a monument to you,” McCarthy wrote to the director in one typical tribute. “You have built your own monument in the form of the FBI—for the FBI is J. Edgar Hoover and I think we can rest assured that it always will be.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3248-49  | Added on Saturday, August 09, 2014, 12:46 AM

On June 19, 1953, came the execution day. Even Hoover had doubts about the political wisdom of putting Ethel Rosenberg to death. But the FBI had made the case. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3254-58  | Added on Saturday, August 09, 2014, 12:47 AM

Hoover understood McCarthy. He told a newspaper reporter: “McCarthy is a former Marine. He was an amateur boxer. He’s Irish. Combine these, and you’re going to have a vigorous individual who’s not going to be pushed around.… I never knew Senator McCarthy before he came to the Senate. I’ve come to know him well, officially and personally. I view him as a friend, and I believe he so views me. Certainly, he is a controversial man. He is earnest and honest. He has enemies. Whenever you attack subversives of any kind, Communists, Fascists, even the Ku Klux Klan, you are going to be the victim of the most extremely vicious criticism that can be made. I know.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3270-76  | Added on Saturday, August 09, 2014, 12:49 AM

Many of McCarthy’s charges were drawn directly from the FBI’s raw and uncorroborated reporting, including third-hand hearsay. Wary about the wholesale disclosure of the FBI files, Hoover sent word to the senator to slow down. Instead, McCarthy reloaded and took fresh aim. On October 12, 1953, the senator began a week of closed-door hearings into suspicions of Soviet espionage at the Army Signal Corps center at Fort Monmouth, New Jersey, where Julius Rosenberg had worked. Rosenberg had been an electrical engineer at the Signal Corps when the FBI first learned that he was a secret Communist. Seven engineers who worked on Signal Corps radars and radios were suspected members of the atomic spy ring—and four of them were still at large the day the Rosenbergs died. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3299-3303  | Added on Saturday, August 09, 2014, 12:53 AM

On June 9, 1954, McCarthy fell. The subject of the day was his futile search for spies at Fort Monmouth. McCarthy’s counsel, Roy Cohn, confronted the army’s lawyer at the hearing, Joe Welch. Welch was making mincemeat of him. Cohn looked like a toad in the talons of an eagle. McCarthy, burned out and hungover, came to Cohn’s defense. He had cut a deal with Welch: if the army did not ask how Cohn had avoided military service in World War II and Korea, a question without a good answer, McCarthy would not bring up the issue of Fred Fisher. Welch had kept his word. McCarthy now broke it. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3311-13  | Added on Saturday, August 09, 2014, 12:54 AM

McCarthy, censured by the Senate, descended into self-destruction. He drank himself to death three years later. Hoover went to his funeral. So did the young Democrat who had served as the committee’s minority counsel, Robert F. Kennedy. It was a fitting moment for the two to meet. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3377-78  | Added on Saturday, August 09, 2014, 12:01 PM

The threat of a nuclear attack haunted Eisenhower every day. He asked Hoover what the FBI was doing to guard against the danger. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3377-80  | Added on Saturday, August 09, 2014, 12:02 PM

The threat of a nuclear attack haunted Eisenhower every day. He asked Hoover what the FBI was doing to guard against the danger. “Sometimes it is necessary to make a surreptitious entry where on occasion we have photographed secret communist records,” Hoover told the president. Everyone in the room understood that “surreptitious entry” was against the law. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3377-83  | Added on Saturday, August 09, 2014, 12:02 PM

The threat of a nuclear attack haunted Eisenhower every day. He asked Hoover what the FBI was doing to guard against the danger. “Sometimes it is necessary to make a surreptitious entry where on occasion we have photographed secret communist records,” Hoover told the president. Everyone in the room understood that “surreptitious entry” was against the law. Hoover explained that the FBI’s reports based on illegally gathered intelligence would be sanitized to guard their secrecy, and to protect the president and the attorney general. The reports would be scrubbed of any references to break-ins and bugs; the intelligence would be attributed to “confidential sources.” The president commended Hoover. The minutes of the meeting record no more questions about the FBI’s methods. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3388-91  | Added on Saturday, August 09, 2014, 12:03 PM

These men tacitly understood the code of silence Hoover required. Eisenhower had run the D-day invasion, the biggest secret operation of World War II. Nixon had been steeped in raw FBI reports from his first days in Washington. Brownell knew more about secret intelligence than any of his predecessors: he had chaired the committee that created the electronic-eavesdropping, code-making, and code-breaking behemoth of the National Security Agency in 1952. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3398-3401  | Added on Saturday, August 09, 2014, 12:05 PM

The FBI’s budget had doubled since the end of World War II. The Intelligence Division was now the most powerful force within the Bureau, commanding the most money, the most manpower, and the most attention from the director. The division conducted uncounted break-ins and buggings in the Eisenhower years; the routine destruction of FBI files ensured that no accurate count existed. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3408-11  | Added on Saturday, August 09, 2014, 12:06 PM

“The clothing that we wore fit the scene,” he said. “We were dressed in old clothes. Some of the guys let their hair grow a little bit. Didn’t shave all the time. We fit in with the neighborhoods that we were following these people through … We knew what they were doing before some of them knew what they were doing. The placing of informants and the related techniques gave us an inside view of the whole Communist Party underground apparatus.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3430-35  | Added on Saturday, August 09, 2014, 12:08 PM

In Cleveland, the eighth-largest city in America in the mid-1950s, the FBI found six leading Communist figures to arrest and prosecute under the Smith Act, which had effectively outlawed membership in the Communist Party. All were found guilty. But each of those convictions was overturned. The courts were starting to question the legal basis for the FBI’s national security investigations. The Supreme Court, in a series of decisions starting in 1955 and 1956, voided dozens of Smith Act convictions, undercut the FBI’s use of paid informers as witnesses against the Communist Party, and upheld the right of defense lawyers to see evidence gathered through FBI surveillance. Each decision was a blow to Hoover. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3450-54  | Added on Saturday, August 09, 2014, 12:12 PM

On May 18, 1956, the new plan of attack began taking shape, the brainchild of the FBI Intelligence Division chief Al Belmont and his trusted aide, William C. Sullivan. They called the plan COINTELPRO, short for counterintelligence program. Counterintelligence, formally defined, is the work of preventing spies from stealing your secrets. COINTELPRO was more than that. Hoover and his men aimed to subvert America’s subversives. Their stratagems were sharpened at the suggestion of agents in the field, toughened by Sullivan, and ultimately approved by Hoover. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3457-59  | Added on Saturday, August 09, 2014, 12:12 PM

The idea was to instill hate, fear, doubt, and self-destruction within the American Left. The FBI used Communist techniques of propaganda and subversion. The goal was to destroy the public lives and private reputations of the members of the Communist Party and everyone connected with them. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3475-79  | Added on Saturday, August 09, 2014, 12:15 PM

Hoover’s talented political hatchet man and trusted deputy, Cartha “Deke” DeLoach, painted a matching portrait of Sullivan: “Brash, brilliant, brimming over with self-esteem, something of a bantam rooster, Sullivan had more ambition than was good for a man, combined with a slight deficiency in principle. For years COINTELPRO was his special domain. He ruled it with skill and daring most of the time, but occasionally with reckless abandon.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3481-84  | Added on Saturday, August 09, 2014, 12:15 PM

Sullivan’s quicksilver talents for palace intrigue and his political cunning were primal forces that shaped the Bureau, the national security of the United States, and the American presidency for two decades. He came within a hair’s breadth of succeeding Hoover after the director’s death—a very close call made by President Nixon, whose downfall Sullivan then secretly helped ensure. At the end of his era, Sullivan talked in a closed Senate chamber about the thinking that drove the FBI and COINTELPRO onward. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3485-89  | Added on Saturday, August 09, 2014, 12:16 PM

“This is a rough, tough, dirty business, and dangerous. It was dangerous at times. No holds were barred,” Sullivan said. And the law was not at issue: “Never once did I hear anybody, including myself, raise the question: ‘Is this course of action which we have agreed upon lawful? Is it legal? Is it ethical or moral?’ We never gave any thought to this realm of reasoning, because we were just naturally pragmatists. The one thing we were concerned about was this: will this course of action work, will it get us what we want?” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3497  | Added on Saturday, August 09, 2014, 12:16 PM

Hoover spent his career convinced that communism was behind the civil rights movement in the United States from the start. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3516-18  | Added on Saturday, August 09, 2014, 12:18 PM

Three years before, in Brown v. Board of Education, the Supreme Court had cracked the façade of the American way of life by ordering the integration of public schools. Hoover advised Eisenhower that Communists at home and abroad saw the Brown decision as a victory, and that they aimed to “exploit the enforcement of desegregation in every way.” 
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