From charlesreid1

2014

January

Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 140 | Loc. 2370-74  | Added on Friday, January 03, 2014, 11:32 AM

In the wake of the Cold War, Cuba became not only one of the last remaining Communist regimes on earth but also one of the few to resist broader economic liberalization. As a result, during a decade where globalization was a buzzword and the spread of global mass commercial culture was celebrated by some intellectuals and denigrated by others, Cuba became a kind of historical artifact, seeming to echo or reinforce idyllic visions of a decommercialized past. Such conceptions fueled not only a significant portion of Cuba’s draw as a tourist destination but also a renewed attraction to Cuban artists and music.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 140 | Loc. 2374-79  | Added on Friday, January 03, 2014, 11:33 AM

Moreover, beginning in 1987, a crack in the U.S. information embargo opened up when Congress passed what came to be known as the Berman amendment, for Congressman Howard Berman of California. Crafted to protect the First Amendment rights violated by the ban on American travel to Cuba, the new law allowed Americans to import “informational material,” interpreted as not only printed material but also any form of creative expression, including music, visual art, sculpture, etc. These liberalized cultural exchange policies under the Clinton administration, coupled with the growing power of digital technology, increased access to a veritable treasure trove of past and present Cuban art that had by and large not received significant Western attention.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 146 | Loc. 2452-53  | Added on Tuesday, January 07, 2014, 10:56 AM

Today, Cuba spends 43% of its national budget on health, education, and social security.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 147 | Loc. 2468-71  | Added on Tuesday, January 07, 2014, 10:58 AM

The UN has recognized the extremely low infection rate in Cuba and in 2006 hailed the island’s program as “among the most effective in the world.” Notably, in Cuba only 29 children have become infected with HIV in the past 20 years as Cuba has effectively prevented mother-to-child transmission of HIV, mainly due to the government’s universal provision of antiretroviral therapy, which became broadly available in 2001.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 147 | Loc. 2477-80  | Added on Tuesday, January 07, 2014, 10:59 AM

Those looking for the end of the Cold War to transform Cuba into a western liberal democracy were sorely disappointed. Organized opposition parties and groups remained proscribed, free speech and assembly continued to be repressed, and, although their numbers had vastly diminished, political prisoners still languished in Cuban jails. (By the end of the 1990s, the number of political prisoners hovered in the range of 200 to 300.)
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 148 | Loc. 2491-93  | Added on Tuesday, January 07, 2014, 11:02 AM

Yet in light of decades of American attempts to unseat the regime, receiving funds from external sources (or simply the perception of being willing to do so) cast a pall of suspicion over their activities, leading to accusations that they were mere lackeys of foreign interests.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 150 | Loc. 2518-20  | Added on Tuesday, January 07, 2014, 11:08 AM

In 2002, Payá presented 11,000 signatures backing the Varela Project to the National Assembly of People’s Power in Cuba, coinciding with former president (and human rights champion) Jimmy Carter’s historic trip to the island.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 149 | Loc. 2500-2503  | Added on Tuesday, January 07, 2014, 11:08 AM

In March of 2003, for example, human rights activists were dealt one of their most significant blows since the end of the Cold War when authorities arrested some 75 independent journalists, prodemocracy organizers, and other dissidents. In what became known as the “black spring,” Cuban officials targeted those individuals allegedly collaborating with or receiving funds from the U.S. government, Cuban American groups, and/or international organizations agitating for more democracy and human rights.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 157 | Loc. 2618-21  | Added on Tuesday, January 07, 2014, 11:19 AM

Cuban authorities viewed the controversy over Elián not only as an indicator of all that was sour in U.S. policy toward Cuba but also as an opportunity to goad the Cuban American community into potentially damaging missteps in its quest to keep the embargo in place. Yet Fidel wasn’t the only one who saw Elián’s story and his ultimate fate as a potent symbol.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 158 | Loc. 2640-44  | Added on Tuesday, January 07, 2014, 11:21 AM

With Attorney General Janet Reno’s authorization, federal agents stormed the Little Havana house in a surprise, predawn raid, seized the boy, and quickly ferreted him away to his father. After two months in Washington waiting out a courts appeal process and under 24-hour protection by the ATF, Elián and his father returned to Cuba as national heroes. The entire episode inflicted great damage, first and foremost to the boy and his family, while dealing a withering blow to those in the exile community who attempted to exploit his odyssey.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 161 | Loc. 2692-94  | Added on Tuesday, January 07, 2014, 11:27 AM

Yet by and large, in foreign policy, the White House was preoccupied with the consequences of German reunification, the first Gulf War in Iraq, the breakup of the Soviet Union into over a dozen separate countries, and bailing out Moscow. Moreover, the first Bush administration did not put a premium on schadenfreude, at least in public.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 162 | Loc. 2701-4  | Added on Tuesday, January 07, 2014, 11:35 AM

Proclaiming that the time had come to “put the hammer down on Fidel Castro,” Clinton endorsed the Cuban Democracy Act, a piece of legislation conceived initially by Mas and sponsored by New Jersey Congressmen Robert Toricelli. Against his better judgment and to no political or electoral benefit of his soon to be one-term presidency, George H.W. Bush endorsed the bill and then signed it into law in October 1992, just before his defeat in the November elections.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 164 | Loc. 2725-26  | Added on Tuesday, January 07, 2014, 11:38 AM

As a result of these complex and politicized regulations, actual sales seldom transpired. Indeed, Cuba would claim that the embargo was directly responsible for the death or illness of patients for whom Cuba was unable to purchase key equipment and medicines.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 165 | Loc. 2739-41  | Added on Tuesday, January 07, 2014, 11:39 AM

Equally significant, the bill retained nearly full executive privilege over the embargo; if he saw fit, the president could still do away with most sanctions with the stroke of a pen.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 167 | Loc. 2774-77  | Added on Tuesday, January 07, 2014, 11:45 AM

Yet even more to the point, because the agreements involved government-to-government cooperation, they compromised many exile leaders’ beliefs in a strategy of complete isolation from the Castro government. In their view, the migration agreements conferred sovereign status on a regime considered illegitimate by the exile leadership.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Note on Page 167 | Loc. 2777  | Added on Tuesday, January 07, 2014, 11:46 AM

and because the exile community is based in FL... they have disproportionate influence over national politics
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 168 | Loc. 2786-89  | Added on Tuesday, January 07, 2014, 11:48 AM

Upon coming to office, the Clinton administration moved to signal its embrace of democratic movements, parties, and institutions in Latin America, distancing itself from the Cold War preference for stable authoritarian regimes. Yet when the Republicans swept the 1994 midterm elections (only months after the balsero crisis came to an end), none other than Jesse Helms, a hard-core anti-Communist crusader, became chair of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, signaling that the Cold War was far from over.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 173 | Loc. 2864-67  | Added on Thursday, January 09, 2014, 11:23 AM

the president conceded a degree of executive authority that not even Jesse Helms had expected possible. Helms-Burton codified all existing provisions of the embargo. While the president would retain some authority to tinker with some restrictions on the margins, by and large the executive branch gave up its authority to lift or impose sanctions, turning over to Congress a substantial portion of its power to shape policy toward the island.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 173 | Loc. 2876-77  | Added on Thursday, January 09, 2014, 11:26 AM

If ever Castro needed justification for the government’s siege mentality, or proof that he and the revolution were all that protected Cuban citizens from a return to the injustices of the Batista past, Helms-Burton was it.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 176 | Loc. 2908-9  | Added on Thursday, January 09, 2014, 11:35 AM

With an eye on the 2000 election, however, the White House ruled out any bolder ventures, lest they damage Al Gore’s chances at the presidency.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 178 | Loc. 2943-47  | Added on Thursday, January 09, 2014, 11:45 AM

The pope’s visit to Cuba in 1998 provided the opportunity for reform-minded CANF members, including Mas Santos, to steer the organization away from his father’s rigid isolationist approach by supporting family ties and dissidents on the island. After Mas Canosa, new Cuban American voices and organizations gained some political space in Miami and in Washington. By slowly adapting to a new reality of family ties and more forcefully promoting the potential of a viable opposition on the ground within Cuba, the CANF was able to retain a shot at relevance under a new generation’s leadership.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 178 | Loc. 2951-52  | Added on Thursday, January 09, 2014, 11:45 AM

The Elián González episode, followed by the contested 2000 election, dashed any expectation that the end of Clinton’s presidency would bring dramatic moves by the White House toward Cuba.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 179 | Loc. 2956-58  | Added on Friday, January 10, 2014, 11:30 AM

Gore knew he would be hard pressed to sustain Clinton’s impressive gains in Cuban American votes in 1996. And he didn’t: Gore lost Florida to Bush by 537 votes, but he lost Cuban American votes by a much wider margin, winning just under 20% to Bush’s 80%, a more than 15% decline relative to the Democrats’ win in 1996.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 179 | Loc. 2958-60  | Added on Friday, January 10, 2014, 11:30 AM

Nothing dramatized the political backlash of the Elián affair as much as the spectacle of Cuban Americans participating among the crowd of demonstrators in December 2000 who succeeded in forcing, literally, an end to the Miami-Dade recount, and ultimately to Al Gore’s shot at the presidency.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 180 | Loc. 2981-85  | Added on Friday, January 10, 2014, 11:36 AM

they were intent on plugging a leaky embargo even though public opinion (whether nationally, in the business community, or among Cuban Americans) was clearly supportive of the Clinton-era openings. Moreover, the president himself (whose brother, Governor Jeb Bush of Florida, had developed deep political and business ties with Cuban exile leaders) had campaigned on a promise to bring down Fidel. Nonetheless, prior to September 11, 2001, the new government paid scarce attention to Cuba.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 186 | Loc. 3061-64  | Added on Friday, January 10, 2014, 07:08 PM

In 1990, following intensive lobbying from the Florida congressional delegation, the first President Bush pardoned long-time anti-Castro terrorist Orlando Bosch, one of the two principal intellectual architects of the 1976 explosion of the Cubana Airline passenger flight that killed all 73 people on board. In 2005, his co-conspirator, Luis Posada Carriles, crossed into Texas from Mexico, and after a period of one month in detention, was released. Both now live in the Miami area.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Bookmark on Page 187 | Loc. 3079  | Added on Friday, January 10, 2014, 07:10 PM


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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 187 | Loc. 3078-83  | Added on Friday, January 10, 2014, 07:10 PM

The Bush administration largely ignored Venezuela’s extradition request, arguing that Caracas failed to present enough evidence. More likely, given the amount of declassified documentation available on the case, Bush officials bowed to pressure from Posada supporters who claim he would be tortured if returned to Chávez’s Venezuela. Yet neither has the United States endeavored to hold Posada accountable for his crimes. Although the Patriot Act permits the United States to indefinitely detain “excludable aliens” who are authors of terrorist attacks, Posada now lives, and is occasionally and publicly celebrated, in Miami, though generally by an aging group of his peers rather than by the majority of Cuban Americans.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 187 | Loc. 3086-88  | Added on Friday, January 10, 2014, 07:11 PM

As the United States entered the new millennium, Elián fatigue, embargo fatigue, and widespread annoyance with the domestic politics of the Cuba issue had helped create a bipartisan consensus in favor of dramatic policy change.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 189 | Loc. 3107-10  | Added on Friday, January 10, 2014, 07:14 PM

Havana reasoned that allowing the groups to continue to function could also give an in-road to an enemy whose designs may well turn belligerent. Thus, in the eyes of Cuban officials, the national security prerogatives of cracking down on domestic opposition activists were well worth the near-universal international backlash Cuba was likely to (and did) incur. It is no surprise that the “black spring” arrests of 75 dissidents occurred in March 2003, the day before Bush formally declared war on Iraq.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 191 | Loc. 3133-35  | Added on Friday, January 10, 2014, 07:16 PM

Yet as allegations of torture surfaced and the legality of the detentions came into question, Guantánamo became, as it did for many of America’s global critics, a symbol of American imperial hubris, one which in the Cuban case also allowed Havana to highlight the island’s own history of grievances over American violations of its sovereignty.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 195 | Loc. 3205-6  | Added on Friday, January 10, 2014, 07:35 PM

After the Cold War came to an end, Castro viewed the emerging liberal democratic capitalist order in Latin America as a threat to social justice and a potential recipe for the political marginalization of the left.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 198 | Loc. 3246-48  | Added on Friday, January 10, 2014, 07:42 PM

Between November 2005 and the end of 2006, Latin Americans went to the national polls in 12 countries. Left and center-left leaders were elected or reelected in 8 of the 12—Brazil, Chile, Bolivia, Ecuador, Nicaragua, Honduras, Venezuela, and Uruguay—and came within striking distance of victory in Peru and Mexico.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 198 | Loc. 3249-51  | Added on Friday, January 10, 2014, 07:43 PM

these impressive electoral outcomes (and close losses) signaled an increasingly empowered electorate’s demands for public policies to address vast inequality, poverty, social exclusion, and rampant crime.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 199 | Loc. 3265-68  | Added on Friday, January 10, 2014, 07:46 PM

through well-funded and fiscally competent institutions, a government’s primary role is to deliver the building blocks of opportunity, dignity, and social rights to populations long excluded from the region’s wealth and resources. By the end of his presidency, even George W. Bush indirectly conceded this point by attempting to frame U.S. policy toward the region as helping Latin Americans achieve social justice, appropriating language once the preserve of Cuba and the region’s Left.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 199 | Loc. 3270-71  | Added on Friday, January 10, 2014, 07:46 PM

while Cuba’s international message continues to resonate, its domestic model is largely seen as an anachronistic holdover from a prior era.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 201 | Loc. 3293-97  | Added on Friday, January 10, 2014, 07:49 PM

When in April 2002 Chávez was briefly ousted in a coup, the White House and the U.S. embassy in Caracas issued statements indicating that they looked forward to working with the new government. The president of the congressionally funded International Republican Institute even praised the coup attempt. Leaders throughout Latin America were justifiably appalled at Washington’s seeming approval of a fundamentally undemocratic act. Indeed, just months earlier in September 2001, Colin Powell had stood with Latin Americans to sign the OAS’s Inter-American Democratic Charter, which explicitly banned coups from the region’s political playbook.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 203 | Loc. 3319  | Added on Friday, January 10, 2014, 07:51 PM

while interests remain permanent, alliances never are.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 203 | Loc. 3321-24  | Added on Friday, January 10, 2014, 07:51 PM

With a population of just over 11 million, Cuba’s GDP (roughly $45 billion in 2007) falls closest to neighbors like the Dominican Republic or Ecuador. GDP per capita is comparable to that of Guatemala or Honduras. But unlike any of these countries, Cuba has attempted to shield most of its population from the dynamism and pressures of globalization,
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 203 | Loc. 3330-32  | Added on Friday, January 10, 2014, 07:53 PM

Although agriculture has been somewhat decentralized and private farmers’ markets are now ubiquitous, Cuba still imports over 80% of the food consumed by Cubans and foreign tourists, with a sizeable percentage from the United States since 2001.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 206 | Loc. 3364-65  | Added on Friday, January 10, 2014, 07:57 PM

With the prisons at Guantánamo a daily reminder of the human consequences of one country rewriting the international rules of war, Cuba was able to deflect attention from its own prisons and political prisoners onto those jailed by a foreign power on its own territory.
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Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (Julia E. Sweig)
- Highlight on Page 216 | Loc. 3501-2  | Added on Friday, January 10, 2014, 08:13 PM

Though some in the Bush administration dismissed these changes as simply “cosmetic,” other reforms are far less susceptible to this charge.
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February


Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Note on Page 566 | Loc. 11753  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:02 AM

antiwar emonstrations
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Note on Page 565 | Loc. 11726  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:03 AM

hoovers deathand his files
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Note on Page 564 | Loc. 11710  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:03 AM

espionage and anti narcotics plans
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Note on Page 563 | Loc. 11693  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:04 AM

helms nixon reationship warms
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Note on Page 563 | Loc. 11677  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:04 AM

hels pursues spy movies for hunt and cia pr
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Note on Page 562 | Loc. 11660  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:04 AM

helms and hunt
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Note on Page 560 | Loc. 11628  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:05 AM

mccord security cia exiles involve.emt bay of pigs
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Note on Page 559 | Loc. 11613  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:06 AM

fiorini sturgis knew hunt from bay of pigs well before wqatergate
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Note on Page 560 | Loc. 11619  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:06 AM

sturgis met hunt during cia almeida assassination plot
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Note on Page 561 | Loc. 11647  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:07 AM

martinez cia reorting on hunt white house connections activities
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Note on Page 569 | Loc. 11803  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:08 AM

fall and rise o jimmy hoffa book
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Note on Page 571 | Loc. 11857  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:09 AM

chilean embassy plumbers burglary numero uno
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Note on Page 573 | Loc. 11898  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:10 AM

mccrd still oyal to cia. said wh was bugging embassy. knewwhen to burgle and whre.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Note on Page 575 | Loc. 11931  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:11 AM

fiorini and rosselli both say chilean embassy burglary was abt cuban dosier
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Note on Page 576 | Loc. 11960  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:12 AM

dossier mid 1960-71
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 578 | Loc. 12000-12003  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:14 AM

All Helms would have needed to do initially was to communicate to Nixon that he needed to see him about “the Bay of Pigs thing”—meaning the CIA-Mafia plots—and that would have gotten the President’s immediate attention. That also helps to explain why that term came up on Nixon’s tapes when Hunt’s name surfaced in the Watergate affair, and the term was then thrown back at Helms, to get him to force the FBI to back off on the Watergate investigation.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 579 | Loc. 12007-10  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:14 AM

It’s not hard to imagine Hunt’s reaction when he heard about the Cuban Dossier, since he’d been involved in attempts to kill Fidel from 1960 to 1965. The same is true for his assistant, Bernard Barker—and for Barker’s longtime boss, Santo Trafficante. The godfather would not only have no objection to Barker and Fiorini’s involvement in trying to get a copy of the Dossier, but would probably have encouraged their participation as a way to know what was going on.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 579 | Loc. 12019-22  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:15 AM

Nixon would still privately be insisting that legitimate “national security” concerns were behind the Watergate break-ins and the cover-up. Nixon was specifically talking about the highly incriminating “Smoking Gun” tape, in which the President talked about the Watergate cover-up and the “Bay of Pigs thing,” and the fact that “Hunt, ah, he knows too damn much, and he was involved.”
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 580 | Loc. 12029-33  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:16 AM

Nixon never explained—to his aides or in public—just what those “national security reasons” were, and how they related to Hunt and the “Bay of Pigs thing.” Ongoing CIA operations are exempt from some disclosure requirements to Congress, an important consideration since both houses were controlled by the Democratic Party. (Ongoing operations only have to be disclosed to four members, two leaders from each party in each house of Congress, and the CIA’s descriptions can be so vague and general as to be virtually meaningless.)
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 580 | Loc. 12035-43  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:17 AM

But there was an important, ongoing CIA operation that could have been endangered if it were listed in the Cuban Dossier, or if it were uncovered because public exposure of the Dossier led to more investigations. That ongoing operation had involved Richard Helms since its inception, and had also involved E. Howard Hunt and Bernard Barker. It was the JFK-Almeida coup plan, or, rather, what was left of the operation, which was the CIA’s ongoing support for Commander Juan Almeida’s wife and at least two children outside of Cuba. Plus the fact that Commander Almeida—in some ways the No. 3 official in Cuba—could still be favorably disposed to helping the United States if anything should happen to Fidel Castro (who had already ruled longer than most Latin American dictators). There was also the fact that Almeida could always be blackmailed into helping the United States (because of his work for JFK), even if he didn’t want to do so willingly. Hunt and Barker had even handled the $50,000 payment to Almeida in 1963, when they had helped arrange for his wife and two children to first leave Cuba under a seemingly innocent pretext.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 582 | Loc. 12068-70  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:22 AM

The search for the Cuban Dossier explains why the burglars at the Chilean embassy and the Watergate were all former CIA agents, officers, or assets experienced in anti-Castro operations. The only exception was G. Gordon Liddy, who helped Hunt supervise the Watergate break-ins from across the street.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 582 | Loc. 12077-78  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:24 AM

Memos concerning Rosselli’s 1974 Watergate Committee staff interview about the CIA-Mafia plots were considered so sensitive that they were kept secret for decades, and are published in this book for the first time.57
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 582 | Loc. 12079-86  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:24 AM

Richard Nixon’s national security rationale/excuse for the Chilean embassy and Watergate break-ins would initially be effective in forcing CIA Director Richard Helms to ask the FBI not to fully investigate the final Watergate break-in. It also kept Nixon’s taped admission about his knowledge of the Chilean Embassy break-in secret until 1999. That was good for Nixon, since in 1976, he provided a written answer to the Senate Church Committee denying any such knowledge, saying that     I do not remember being informed while President, that at any time during my Administration an agency or employee of the United States Government, acting without a warrant, engaged in a surreptitious or otherwise unauthorized entry into the Chilean Embassy in the United States.58
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 584 | Loc. 12112-15  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:27 AM

in May 1972, just prior to the initial unsuccessful Watergate break-in, Hunt and Barker’s team cased and made plans to bug “the offices of McGovern’s two top aides, Frank Mankiewicz and Gary Hart.” (Five years earlier, Mankiewicz had secretly investigated JFK’s assassination for Robert Kennedy, while Hart would soon be part of the Senate Church Committee that first exposed the CIA-Mafia plots.)
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 584 | Loc. 12115-19  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:28 AM

Mankiewicz’s and Hart’s offices on Memorial Day 1972 and told him that photographing documents would be part of the mission. Lukas also pointed out that Barker and the other Watergate burglars were “mentioned in connection with a May 16 burglary of a prominent Democratic law firm in the Watergate, whose members included . . . Sargent Shriver, [Senator Edward] Kennedy’s brother-in-law.” That burglary was discovered when an early-arriving employee “noticed the entry door was . . . taped so the door would not lock,” similar to what happened on the final two Watergate burglaries.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 585 | Loc. 12123-29  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:28 AM

After the Plumbers failed to obtain a complete copy of the Cuban Dossier at the Chilean embassy, there would be a significant change in mission for the upcoming burglary of the Democratic National Committee headquarters at the Watergate. No longer would it be primarily a small bugging operation; now, having a larger crew photographing documents would become its primary goal. One can only imagine the reaction of Nixon, or Helms, if they heard that the Cuban Dossier started in 1960 with a CIA plot to kill Fidel involving a “gangster,” or that the Dossier continued until the December 1971 attempt to kill Fidel in Chile. Hunt had told Fiorini the Dossier was approximately one hundred pages long, yet they only had a piece of it, so they had no way of knowing what was on the other pages that could harm the CIA’s reputation or Nixon’s reelection campaign.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 586 | Loc. 12143-46  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:29 AM

Some writers have speculated that Watergate was all about the $100,000 cash contribution from Howard Hughes to Nixon, via Bebe Rebozo, and what DNC Chairman Larry O’Brien might have known about the payment. But there had already been two Jack Anderson articles about the $100,000, and it would have been hard—if not impossible—for Larry O’Brien to use that issue against Nixon without opening himself up to charges about his own lucrative work for Hughes.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 588 | Loc. 12186-90  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:31 AM

The fact that Nixon, Helms, and Hunt were willing to risk several break-ins in the span of just a few weeks shows a level of desperation missing from most Watergate accounts. However, the possibility of the CIA-Mafia plots becoming public during the campaign was simply too great to ignore. Ultimately, in trying to obtain a full copy of the Dossier and learn what the Democrats knew, Nixon would cost himself the Presidency, Helms would end his career, and Hunt would go to prison.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 590 | Loc. 12222-27  | Added on Saturday, February 01, 2014, 12:34 AM

There were several reasons for targeting Spencer Oliver’s Watergate office and phone. Former Associated Press reporter Robert Parry pointed out that Oliver’s father “worked with Robert R. Mullen, whose Washington-based public relations firm [still officially] employed Hunt,” even as most of Hunt’s time was consumed by his work for Nixon. The Mullen firm, and new owner Robert Bennett, worked extensively for Howard Hughes, and “Oliver’s father had represented Hughes.” That meant in addition to the secret Cuban Dossier, Oliver could have information damaging to Nixon that his father could have gotten from Hughes or his representatives.8
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 593 | Loc. 12298-305  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 04:23 PM

The first break-in wasn’t scheduled until May 26—so why did Hunt have the men fly into Washington on May 22? It’s possible the extra time was needed to get their cover stories straight, and to make sure the men knew what additional information to look for at the Watergate and McGovern headquarters. As Fiorini told St. George, in addition to their main goal of looking for the Cuban Dossier, they were also keeping their eyes open for other material to photograph, some related to the Dossier and some not: “any document with money on it . . . anything that had to do with Howard Hughes . . . damaging rumors about Republican leaders [and] everything that could be leaked to the press with a damaging effect to the McGovern people.” Those items would be icing on the cake, but they weren’t the kinds of things for which Nixon would have risked his Presidency.15
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 594 | Loc. 12315-18  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 04:24 PM

The “cover” for the burglary was going to be a supposed “board meeting” banquet and film screening for Ameritas, a real estate company affiliated with Barker. The small banquet would be held in the basement of the Watergate Hotel, which had access—via a corridor and a courtyard—to a garage and stairwell in the Watergate office building where the DNC headquarters was located.17
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 595 | Loc. 12340-49  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 04:27 PM

The next night, the Plumbers tried a different approach: going in through the main Watergate office building entrance, signing the register (using aliases) indicating they were going to the Federal Reserve offices on the eighth floor, then walking down two flights of stairs to the DNC offices. McCord was with Fiorini and the exiles, while Hunt and Liddy waited with Baldwin across the street. Eugenio Martinez thought the plan strained credibility—what were so many men doing going to the Federal Reserve office at midnight, on Saturday, during the Memorial Day weekend? Still, all went according to plan, until Virgilio Gonzalez was unable to open the doors to the DNC offices with the lock-picking tools he had brought.21 Hunt was furious when he learned of the failure, and he demanded that Gonzalez fly back to Miami, get his tools, and return by Sunday night, for a third attempt. Martinez thought that Hunt was being too hard on Gonzalez, but when he complained, Barker relayed a blunt message from Hunt: “You are an operative. Your mission is to do what you are told and not to ask questions.”
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 596 | Loc. 12359-64  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 04:28 PM

On Sunday night, May 28, 1972, the burglars tried a different route into the Watergate, and they finally were successful. While Hunt, Liddy, and Baldwin waited in the Howard Johnson’s motel across the street, this time the burglars entered the Watergate office building through the garage, with McCord taping open “the basement stairwell door.” Emery wrote that “once on the sixth floor, Gonzalez . . . used a pressure wrench to twist the lock on the rear door to the DNC and they were in.” As McCord placed the bugs, “Barker and Martinez started photographing documents, while . . . Pico and De Diego served as corridor lookouts.”24
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 597 | Loc. 12382-87  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 04:30 PM

either McCord’s sense of caution or the former CIA security officer’s possible growing reluctance to be part of such clearly illegal political spying. The break-in at the Chilean embassy was standard CIA fare; in some ways it was a typical CIA security operation to ensure that Agency secrets weren’t in the wrong hands. But the DNC break-in was something else, a grossly illegal political operation with a thin national security cover of protecting CIA secrets and Agency assets like Commander Almeida. After the successful May 28 break-in, Liddy planned for McCord to develop the two rolls of film. But after a week, McCord had made no progress, which could be another sign of his unease about the whole project. Liddy then gave the film to Hunt and asked if Barker could get it developed.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 598 | Loc. 12388-91  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 04:30 PM

The fact that McCord was supposed to use his contact to develop the Watergate film raises interesting questions. Who developed the film from the Chilean embassy break-in? The CIA? And who was McCord’s contact who was supposed to develop the Watergate film? Someone with Agency contacts? Those questions would only deepen after Barker had the film developed.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 599 | Loc. 12406-13  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 04:32 PM

While making those plans, and dealing with Artime in Miami on the narcotics operation, Hunt gave the DNC film from the third Watergate burglary attempt to Barker to get developed. Hunt later said that somehow Barker didn’t understand the film was from the Watergate job, so Barker took it to a local camera shop to have the film developed and enlargements made. Why Barker wouldn’t realize—or even assume—the two rolls were from the Watergate mission has never been clear. As Hunt and Barker later told the story, once Barker realized it was the Watergate film, he became frantic. To the Hunt/Barker account, Martinez added a scene where an anxious Barker came to his real estate office, where Martinez just happened to be talking to two other Watergate burglars, Fiorini and De Diego. The three supposedly rushed to Rich’s Camera Shop, where the other two covered “each door to the shop” while Barker tipped the owner “$20 or $30” when the owner said about the photos: “It’s real cloak-and-dagger stuff, isn’t it?”29
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 600 | Loc. 12425-30  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 04:33 PM

The Watergate burglars could have stolen some documents and photographed them later in the Howard Johnson’s motel room. But few papers—and none of importance—could have been taken, since the DNC staff didn’t realize anything had been taken from the office. Some authors, like Hougan, think that McCord could have switched the film canisters and had the real photos developed by the CIA, while giving Liddy and Hunt innocuous files photographed at the Howard Johnson’s. Given McCord and Hunt’s relationship and mutual CIA background, that seems unlikely. Hougan also thinks it’s possible that Hunt himself switched the film, perhaps sending the real film to Richard Helms in “the packages that Hunt was sending to CIA headquarters.”31
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 600 | Loc. 12431-32  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 04:33 PM

The bottom line for the whole affair is that the photos Hunt gave to Liddy, which Liddy gave to Nixon’s aides, were not the photos Barker had taken at the DNC offices.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 600 | Loc. 12441-42  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 04:34 PM

The faked photos, given by Liddy to Nixon’s aides, were destroyed after the Watergate arrests, leaving the camera shop owner’s consistent testimony—about an unusual task and photos that stood out among his usual work—as the only definitive account.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 601 | Loc. 12461-68  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 04:36 PM

In June 1972, Richard Helms was all too aware of press reports about the drug trafficking activities of so many of his former—and some said current—agents and assets. The negative publicity for the Agency was the opposite of the positive spin Helms had tried to achieve just a month earlier, when pitching the TV show based on Hunt’s spy novels. More drug activities by CIA personnel were going to be exposed in The Politics of Heroin in Southeast Asia, a soon-to-be-published book by Alfred McCoy, who had just testified to Congress about the heroin problem. Helms had turned to Nixon to help stop Victor Marchetti’s CIA exposé, but to stop McCoy’s book, Helms unleashed high-ranking CIA official Cord Meyer in June 1972. Meyer tried to prevail upon the head of McCoy’s publisher, Harper & Row, to halt publication of the book because it was “a threat to national security.” Over the protests of McCoy, Harper & Row actually submitted the thoroughly documented book to the CIA for a pre-publication review.35
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 603 | Loc. 12493-502  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 04:40 PM

Liddy gave Baldwin’s typed summaries to Nixon aide Jeb Magruder, and they eventually covered two hundred calls. Information gets murky after that, in part because of “the federal wiretap statute,” which criminalizes not just listening to a bugged conversation or reading a transcript, but even looking at a summary of the conversation or a memo written about that summary. Because any of those activities is a felony, many Nixon aides, officials, and their assistants have given conflicting accounts about who saw or read the DNC call summaries. Magruder says he passed them on to John Mitchell, and Liddy says he gave some to Mitchell, but Mitchell denies ever seeing them, or knowing about any bugging. Yet Mitchell made what Emery considers a “damning” remark about bugging in general on June 14, when Mitchell was talking to Charles Colson about a Democratic strategy meeting. Mitchell said, “tell me what room they are in and I will tell you everything that is said in that room.” Other Nixon aides who logically should have seen the summaries denied having done so. For example, H.R. Haldeman hedged when he testified to the Senate Watergate Committee that “to the best of my knowledge I did not see any material produced by the bugging,” but when questioned about it in court, “he refused to reply ‘on advice of counsel.’”39
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 606 | Loc. 12542-44  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 09:47 PM

Nixon seemed to want as much intelligence on his opponents as possible. For example, “the Nixon tapes show that the President urged Colson at this time to get the Secret Service to spy on McGovern. Confidential information was subsequently picked up by an agent on the Senator’s detail and passed to the White House.”43
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 606 | Loc. 12560-65  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 09:49 PM

Hunt says Liddy told him his superiors “wanted the McGovern office operation completed, too,” either “the same night” or “the night after Watergate.” When Hunt remarked that hitting both the Watergate and McGovern’s office sounded like a lot of work in a short amount of time for his crew, Liddy replied that “The Big Man [Mitchell] says he wants the operation.” Given everything that’s known about the relationship between Nixon and Mitchell, it’s hard to imagine Mitchell would order two risky operations, potentially in one night, without at least the tacit approval of Nixon. Even the usually circumspect Hunt wrote that “Watergate . . . was a political intelligence-gathering operation from start to finish, possibly personally ordered by the president himself.”
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 608 | Loc. 12590-93  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 09:51 PM

If Hunt’s accounts about his worries and doubts about the operation are true, why didn’t he just refuse, or quit his White House position, since he was still receiving a full-time salary from the Mullen Company? If the pressure for the final mission was coming from Nixon or Helms—or both—the answer is clear. Hunt couldn’t say no; he only had his salary at the Mullen Company because of Helms, who would have also wanted Hunt to stay in the White House. As with the previous Watergate mission, there is no way Hunt—or Martinez—would have participated if Helms hadn’t wanted him to.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 608 | Loc. 12594-95  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 09:51 PM

Helms and Nixon stood to lose far more than Hunt if the CIA-Mafia plots were exposed, and Nixon would lose more than Helms. Hence, the operation had to go forward, and quickly, despite the risks and doubts.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 609 | Loc. 12617-19  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 09:53 PM

Martinez was getting ready to write a letter of resignation when Barker told him about the new Watergate mission, saying they were to leave for Washington on June 16. Even though Martinez said he “had just gotten my divorce that day,” he complied with Barker’s request and went to Washington with the others.2
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 610 | Loc. 12638-45  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 09:55 PM

The DNC break-in was originally scheduled to begin at 10 pm on Friday night, June 16, to allow enough time for the break-in at McGovern campaign headquarters a few hours after midnight. However, by 11:30 pm, a light was still burning at the sixth-floor offices of the DNC, so the decision was made to wait until after the midnight guard inspection before beginning the break-in attempt. McCord had already taped open a stairwell door in the garage, by using the same ruse as in the previous successful attempt in May: He’d signed in (using an alias) at the main entrance of the Watergate building as if going to the Federal Reserve office on the eighth floor, and, once there, he had walked down the stairwell to the parking garage, where he’d taped the door. In contrast to latter accounts, Jim Hougan’s research showed that McCord didn’t tape the door locks horizontally, so the tape was obvious, but vertically, so it was almost impossible to see.6
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 611 | Loc. 12646-57  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 09:56 PM

the various accounts by all of the participants in the break-in, and the cover-up, multiply by almost exponential proportions. As Fred Emery points out, many accounts about the various events are often “totally at odds.” Often, a single participant told different stories about a single event at different times, first as part of the cover-up, then a different version to investigators or at hearings, followed by yet another version in later books or articles, and still another version years or decades later in lawsuits or interviews. The reasons participants gave these different versions include avoiding prosecution, diverting blame, or simply presenting themselves in the best possible light. In addition, the burglars were probably given cover stories by Hunt at the very start of the operation, to use in case any problem arose. After the arrests, all of the participants—the burglars and those in the White House—had months to coordinate further cover stories with each other, and to update those stories to match evidence as it emerged.7 Attempts by journalists and historians to reconcile all of those varying stories with the actual evidence and documentation consumed much of the first two decades of Watergate research, and they continue today. However, as Emery pointed out in his 1994 book and BBC documentary series, many of those discrepancies are “impossible to reconcile” and in any event “are not, in the end, very important.”
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 612 | Loc. 12670-81  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 09:59 PM

Once the men had climbed the stairs to the sixth floor, locksmith Virgilio Gonzalez had problems opening the locked rear door to the DNC offices. Fiorini decided they should remove the entire door, a drastic step that again shows a sense of urgency or desperation. (Fiorini had not only been told by Hunt about the secret Cuban Dossier, but as a participant in the CIA-Mafia plots, Fiorini might have worried he might be named in the Dossier.) When McCord joined the men at 1:40 AM, he was worried that by removing the door they were making too much noise. But the door was finally dislodged, and they were able to enter the DNC offices.9 In the Watergate building’s garage, guard Frank Wills checked the doors again as ordered by his supervisor and was surprised to find the locks had been re-taped. Realizing it couldn’t be the work of a maintenance man at that hour, he called the Washington, D.C., police at 1:47 AM. A police call went out at 1:52 AM, and a squad car with three plainclothes officers responded. Officer Carl Shoffler, who had almost shoulder-length hair as part of his undercover work, told the dispatcher they were only a block and a half away, and they were soon at the Watergate, talking to Frank Wills. At that moment, the burglars had likely not yet even finished removing the door to the DNC offices.10
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 613 | Loc. 12688-703  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 10:00 PM

Hunt and Liddy tried to radio a warning to Barker, but there was a problem. Frank Fiorini later told Andrew St. George that Barker’s     job was to keep his ear to that goddamn walkie-talkie, listening to our lookout across from the Watergate in case there was any outside problem . . . But Barker [was] too cheap to install a fresh battery in the thing before an operation; no, he keeps the old battery going week after week by never turning up the volume . . . the night we got arrested, the minute we get safely inside the [Democratic National Committee office at the Watergate,] Macho turns the volume of his walkie-talkie all the way down . . . saving the battery. He also kept us from picking up the first warning calls from the lookout across the street [who] saw the unmarked police car arrive, saw the cops begin turning up the lights on one floor after another . . . we suspected nothing until finally Barker heard the footsteps of the cops pounding outside our door and [he finally] turned up his walkie-talkie. Hunt was stationed in another section of the Watergate complex and his voice came in, squeaky with tension, “Alert! Alert! Do you read me? Clear out immediately” . . . but by then it was too late: the cops were in the corridor. Barker saved his damn walkie-talkie battery and blew our team.* 12 At approximately 2:30 AM on June 17, 1972, Shoffler and the other officers entered the Watergate offices, finding the burglars hiding “behind a desk in the secretarial cubicle adjacent to Larry O’Brien’s office.” McCord radioed to Baldwin, “They got us.”13
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 615 | Loc. 12743-52  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 10:04 PM

With Hoover no longer running the FBI, cooperation had started to resume between the Agency and the Bureau, which might help to explain the missing evidence.19 For example, Hougan points out that on June 17, 1972, “[James] McCord would be arrested and booked under a Hunt alias, ‘Edward Martin,’ producing a phony ID on which the birth date was identical with Howard Hunt’s own.” What’s also interesting is “that the identification papers in McCord’s possession at the time of his arrest . . . disappeared from police and prosecution files. The false ID was issued by the CIA to Howard Hunt, and vanished immediately after McCord’s fingerprinting by Washington police.”20 The disappearance of the CIA-supplied McCord/Hunt ID was no accident. Hougan found that “a file on Hunt’s activities” using the Edward Martin alias and “maintained ‘outside the normal CIA filing system,’ was [later] requested from the CIA by the [Senate Watergate] committee.”
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 619 | Loc. 12815-26  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 10:10 PM

There, Woodward happened to encounter one of the two attorneys that E. Howard Hunt had arranged for his crew. When Judge James A. Belson asked the defendants “what they did for a living,” one said they are “‘anti-Communists’ . . . and the others nodded in agreement.” James McCord was the first to be questioned by the Judge, who asked for his occupation. McCord replied, “Security consultant.” Woodward wrote that “in a low voice, McCord said that the was recently retired from government service . . . sending a strong message that he wanted this to be between the judge and him.” However, since “it was an open courtroom,” Woodward said that he “moved to the front row and leaned as far into the conversation as possible without joining in.”28 Woodward wrote that the Judge asked, “Where in government?”     McCord’s “barely audible” reply was “CIA.”         The judge flinched.         Holy shit, I said half aloud. It was like a 10,000-volt jolt of electricity. I was amazed.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 620 | Loc. 12835-44  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 10:11 PM

Bob Woodward then called “the White House—and asked for Howard Hunt. There was no answer but the operator said helpfully he might be in the office of Charles Colson, Nixon’s special counsel. Colson’s secretary said Hunt was not there but might be at a public relations firm where he worked as a writer.”     I called the firm, reached Hunt, and asked why his name was in the address books of two of the Watergate burglars.         “Good God!” Hunt shouted, [then] said he had no comment and slammed down the phone.30 The next call Woodward made was to “the president of the public relations firm, Robert F. Bennett.”
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 620 | Loc. 12845-46  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 10:12 PM

“‘I guess it’s no secret that Howard was with the CIA,’ Bennett said blandly.”31
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 620 | Loc. 12849-52  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 10:13 PM

Woodward went to work on his next story, which would reveal Hunt’s CIA past and his connection to the Watergate break-in. But after that article, despite the dramatic revelations of the Agency connections of McCord and Hunt, the CIA side of Watergate would soon fade into the background of Woodward’s Watergate reporting, and his subsequent books.32
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 621 | Loc. 12865-72  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 10:14 PM

It wasn’t just the Post—and the Star and also Newsweek—that Bennett was feeding stories and information to in order to protect his CIA proprietary firm. In the first CIA memo quoted above, from three weeks after the Watergate arrests, his case officer said that “Mr. Bennett related that he has now established a ‘back door entry’ to the Edward Bennett Williams law firm which is representing the Democratic Party . . . to kill off any revelation by Ed Williams of Agency association with the Mullen firm.” At that time, Edward Bennett Williams was working with his partner Joseph Califano on the DNC’s lawsuit against CREEP for the break-in.35 Robert Bennett was probably just one of many CIA assets that Richard Helms had the Agency use to move the news media away from a focus on the CIA.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 622 | Loc. 12891-93  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 10:16 PM

Later that day, still on June 17, Liddy used “his White House pass” to get into “the Situation Room in the basement of the West Wing.” There, Liddy “placed a scrambler call through the White House switchboard to [Jeb] Magruder,” who was in California.38
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 624 | Loc. 12923-28  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 10:19 PM

John Dean and a colleague, wearing surgical gloves to avoid leaving fingerprints, picked over the contents of [Hunt’s] White House safe . . . papers they found . . . would eventually be burned by Nixon’s compliant acting FBI Director, Pat Gray.” John Mitchell told Jeb Magruder “maybe you ought to have a little fire at your home,” and Magruder complied. Even Mitchell destroyed “his campaign correspondence with Nixon and Haldeman,” which could have included information on a wide range of illegal matters. After Haldeman told his aide to “make sure our files are clean,” more files were shredded. It’s impossible to know what paper trails, or evidence of other crimes, literally went up in smoke or through the shredder.42
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 625 | Loc. 12956-59  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 10:21 PM

Monday, June 19, 1972, was the first in a series of increasingly important days in the Watergate cover-up. That morning, Nixon’s Press Secretary, Ron Ziegler, proclaimed that the Watergate break-in was nothing more than “a third rate burglary,” a term some still use today. Ziegler also cautioned the press, saying that “certain elements may try to stretch this beyond what it is,” and much of the press corps took his caution seriously.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 626 | Loc. 12977-82  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 10:23 PM

“bugging of U.S. citizens in internal security cases must be first authorized by a court-ordered warrant.” Basically, Nixon and Mitchell had argued that if the President wanted someone bugged, the President had the “inherent power” to do so, which the Supreme Court rejected. Hence any contact with the bugging results was now even more clearly a felony, which helps to explain why so many White House aides and officials who probably saw bugging transcripts later denied doing so. The Supreme Court’s ruling also meant that any “national security” justification Nixon felt he could use to ultimately cover his political bugging was no longer valid, a concept that Nixon would still be struggling to accept until his resignation.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 628 | Loc. 13015-21  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 10:26 PM

In Watergate lore, however, June 20, 1972, is mainly remembered as the date of the infamous “eighteen-and-a-half-minute” gap in one of Richard Nixon’s White House tapes, which later investigations proved was a deliberate erasure. Many authors have speculated as to why that portion of that particular tape, a conversation between Nixon and H.R. Haldeman, was erased when other very incriminating tapes were not, such as the June 23, 1972, “Smoking Gun” tape, whose release forced Nixon’s resignation. A close look at all of Nixon’s activities that day, and what he would have been talking about to aides, helps to show why that tape was probably erased—and why it isn’t the only record of Nixon’s talks that day that is missing.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 629 | Loc. 13037-42  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 10:28 PM

Nixon may have decided to tell John Ehrlichman a little about the CIA-Mafia plots, because after his time alone, Nixon met with him. Nixon later wrote that Watergate wasn’t talked about at the meeting, but Ehrlichman says it was briefly discussed, along with wiretapping. As Summers points out, “no tape of that meeting has ever been produced. The tape of the President’s next meeting that morning, with Haldeman,” contains the eighteen-and-a-half-minute gap. Prosecution and White House experts “would later conclude that the tape’s long stretch of buzzing, clicks, and pops reflected a series of overlapping erasures. Someone had manually set the machine to erase at least five times, suggesting that tape was intentionally wiped.”
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 630 | Loc. 13053-59  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 10:29 PM

In a matter that has never been explained, Dan Moldea found that just “fifty-three minutes” after the eighteen-and-a-half-minute gap, “Nixon placed a long-distance call to . . . an associate of Anthony Provenzano . . . that lasted only one minute.” Provenzano had been part of both Nixon-Mafia-Hoffa bribes, for Jimmy Hoffa’s December 1971 release and also in September 1960 (at the same time the CIA-Mafia plots with Johnny Rosselli were beginning).56 Nixon and Haldeman had another conversation four hours after the one with the eighteen-and-a-half-minute gap, which Nixon started by asking, “Have you gotten any further on that Mitchell operation?” That remark demonstrates that Nixon felt John Mitchell was really running, at a high level, the Plumbers operation.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 631 | Loc. 13068-78  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 10:31 PM

That evening, “Nixon spoke on the telephone with John Mitchell,” the first officially documented “contact between the two since the Watergate arrests.” Nixon said they discussed Watergate, and Mitchell essentially apologized, saying that he was “terribly chagrined that the activities of anybody attached to his committee should have been handled in such a manner and that he only regretted that he had not policed all of the people more effectively.” However, no recording was made of the call, supposedly “because the call had been placed on a line from the president’s private quarters, one that was not hooked into the recording system”—at least, that was what Nixon later told one of his attorneys. Eventually, it was discovered “that Nixon had made a note of the [unrecorded Mitchell] conversation on the Dictabelt machine on which he recorded his daily diary.” Even in Nixon’s own summary of his conversation with Mitchell, “there is a forty-two-second break in the dictation,” and the Watergate Special Prosecution Force stated that Nixon’s “Dictabelt appears to have been tampered with” at the time of the break. The tampering was likely because Mitchell’s apology—or Nixon’s comment about it on the Dictabelt—might have included a reference to the fact Nixon had ordered a reluctant Mitchell to approve the whole political espionage plan in the first place.58
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 632 | Loc. 13092-97  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 10:32 PM

Nixon’s evening call to Haldeman then veered into “the Bay of Pigs thing” again, in a way that left Haldeman perplexed. The President ordered Haldeman to “tell Ehrlichman this whole group of Cubans is tied to the Bay of Pigs.” A confused Haldeman asked, “The Bay of Pigs? What does that have to do with this?” Nixon simply said, “Ehrlichman will know what I mean.” This might help to explain Nixon’s unrecorded call to Ehrlichman earlier that day. Recall that Ehrlichman had taken the lead in trying to get Helms to give Nixon the Bay of Pigs material starting in 1969, soon after Nixon’s Assistant Attorney General had checked out the Justice Department’s file on the CIA-Mafia plots involving Johnny Rosselli.61
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 633 | Loc. 13112-19  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 10:59 PM

A review of all of Nixon’s known comments and meetings yields clues about what might have been talked about during the eighteen-and-a-half-minute gap on June 20. The press’s naming of Hunt, particularly his leading role in the Bay of Pigs operation, seems to have been a concern for Nixon that day. In addition, two of the unrecorded calls from that day involved Mitchell, who knew about the CIA-Mafia plots, and Ehrlichman, who apparently knew more about the Bay of Pigs matter—a euphemism for the CIA-Mafia plots—than Haldeman. The call to the Provenzano associate less than an hour after the eighteen-and-a-half-minute gap also raises the possibility that the gap concerned one or both of the Nixon-Mafia-Hoffa bribes, which were known by John Mitchell. So, it appears likely that the eighteen-and-a-half-minute gap—like other conversations that day—involved some discussion about Hunt and something about the Bay of Pigs (which to Nixon meant the CIA-Mafia plots); it could have also included a reference or allusion to one or both of the Nixon-Mafia-Hoffa bribes.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 636 | Loc. 13177-87  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 11:05 PM

On June 23, 1972, in three meetings, Richard Nixon and H.R. Haldeman discussed the Watergate cover-up extensively on what has come to be known as the “Smoking Gun” tape. Nixon was very receptive to using the CIA to block the FBI investigation because he knew secrets about the CIA, Hunt, and Richard Helms that his aides like Haldeman and Dean didn’t know or only suspected. In a way, we’re lucky that the “Smoking Gun” tape exists at all, and that it involved a conversation with Haldeman—as opposed to the more-informed Mitchell, who already knew about the CIA-Mafia plots. Nixon, not wanting to spread the knowledge of those plots further than it already had been disseminated, kept having to repeatedly imply things about Helms, Hunt, and the plots to Haldeman, leaving a revealing audio trail. Dean and Gray’s suggestion was to use the protection of a possible Mexican CIA operation as the excuse to have the CIA limit the FBI investigation, but Nixon quickly went in a very different and telling direction. Nixon’s comments on the tape about the CIA weren’t fully appreciated when it was finally made public on August 5, 1974, because just the fact that it showed Nixon was actively involved in the cover-up forced the President to resign three days later, on August 8. In addition, the CIA-Mafia plots wouldn’t become widely known and documented until the year after the tape’s release, and the CIA would continue to withhold important information about the plots for decades after that.70
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 637 | Loc. 13194-211  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 11:07 PM

    PRESIDENT NIXON: All right, fine . . . you call him in, I mean you just—well, we protected Helms from one hell of a lot of things.     PRESIDENT NIXON: Of course, this Hunt will uncover a lot of things. You open that scab, there’s a hell of a lot of things and that we just feel that it would be very detrimental to have this thing go any further. This involves these Cubans, Hunt, and a lot of hanky-panky that we have nothing to do with ourselves.     PRESIDENT NIXON: When you get these people [Helms and Walters] say: “Look, the problem is that this will open the whole, the whole Bay of Pigs thing and the President just feels that . . . The President’s belief is that this is going to open the whole Bay of Pigs thing up again. And, because these people are plugging for, for keeps and that they should call the FBI in and say that we wish for the good of the country, don’t go any further into this case,” period . . .     PRESIDENT NIXON: Hunt . . . knows too damn much and he was involved, we have to know that. And that it gets out . . . this is all involved in the Cuban thing, that it’s a fiasco, and it’s going to make the FB—ah CIA—look bad, it’s going to make Hunt look bad, and its likely to blow the whole, uh, Bay of Pigs thing, which we think would be very unfortunate for the CIA and for the country at this time, and for American foreign policy and he’s [Helms] just gotta tell ’em “lay off.”     PRESIDENT NIXON: I would just say, “Look it’s because of the Hunt involvement.”72 Clearly, Nixon has his own agenda here, one to pressure Helms by using Hunt’s involvement in “the whole, uh, Bay of Pigs thing.”
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 638 | Loc. 13211-13  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 11:07 PM

Of course, Hunt’s leading role in the actual Bay of Pigs invasion and even his cover identity as “Eduardo” had already been announced in The New York Times three days earlier, so that wasn’t a secret any more. What was left to “blow” about “the whole Bay of Pigs thing” that involved Helms (and Nixon) except the CIA-Mafia plots?
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 639 | Loc. 13226-31  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 11:09 PM

Nixon apparently wanted Helms to help him solve two problems. First, to use the CIA to limit the FBI’s investigation. The second problem was that Nixon no longer had a way to find out more about—or stop the leak of—the Cuban Dossier and anything it might say about Nixon’s role in the CIA-Mafia plots. That could still be devastating if it came out before the election, especially if it caused journalists and investigators to look for other ties between Nixon and the mob. Nixon seemed to want Helms to take responsibility for the Cuban Dossier matter as well, and appears to be trying to convey that through Haldeman.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 640 | Loc. 13237-41  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 11:10 PM

As for Nixon’s comment that “we protected Helms from one hell of a lot of things,” Nixon later said he was referring to his help for Helms regarding suppressing parts of Victor Marchetti’s book. But Nixon didn’t say “one thing” on the tape, he said “one hell of a lot of things,” which led investigators to wonder what else Nixon could have been referring to. Helms’s Chilean and domestic spying operations had all been done for Nixon, so those hardly seem like instances in which Nixon “protected” Helms. Congressional investigator Michael Ewing looked at the matter in a report for the House Select Committee on Assassinations in the late 1970s.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 642 | Loc. 13283-88  | Added on Sunday, February 02, 2014, 11:14 PM

Helms went along with Nixon’s request, writing a memo to Walters saying that the CIA was requesting the FBI to “confine themselves to the personalities already arrested . . . and that they desist from expanding the investigation into other areas which may well, eventually, run afoul of our operations.” In later years, Richard Helms would make a point of telling journalists that he had never succumbed to pressure to get the FBI to back off from its Watergate investigation, something repeated by many journalists and several historians. But the record clearly shows Helms did call off the FBI, at least for a time.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 645 | Loc. 13343-48  | Added on Monday, February 03, 2014, 09:34 PM

In a June 30, 1972, meeting, the President told Haldeman “About this fellow [Hunt]—I mean, after all, the gun [found in Hunt’s White House office safe] and the wiretapping doesn’t bother me a bit with this fellow. He’s in the Cuban thing, the whole Cuban business.” In transcripts of Nixon’s taped conversations days after the Plumbers’ arrests, when Colson told Nixon on July 1, 1972, that Hunt had “certainly done a lot of hot stuff . . . Oh, Jesus. He pulled a lot of very fancy stuff in the sixties,” that was followed by a notice from the National Archives: “[Withdrawn item. National security.]” After the censored portion, Nixon then said, “If anything ever happens to him, be sure that he blows the whistle, [on] the whole Bay of Pigs.”4
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 645 | Loc. 13349-54  | Added on Monday, February 03, 2014, 09:35 PM

In addition to the hush money flowing to Hunt and the others from Kalmbach and White House operatives, there was also another channel of money. Nixon had wanted Bebe Rebozo to set up a fund for “the boys,” but it had to be done in a deniable way that could not be traced to the President. That task fell to Manuel Artime, an office tenant in Rebozo’s mob-built shopping center. Lukas wrote that Artime “formed an informal committee to aide the Miami defendants.” He pointed out since Artime was “a leader of the Cuban exile community and the godfather of Hunt’s youngest son, he was an ideal man to assume the role” of a hush money paymaster without arousing suspicion.5
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 646 | Loc. 13359-63  | Added on Monday, February 03, 2014, 09:36 PM

Artime’s assistant at the time, Milian Rodriguez, said that the amounts Artime distributed to Barker and the others were much larger than most investigators realized. As documented by PBS, Milian Rodriguez later used the skills he first learned with Artime by handling the Watergate hush money to become one of Miami’s largest drug traffickers. Artime would have to testify to the Watergate grand jury, but he would never be charged for his Watergate involvement or for his drug trafficking (documented in earlier chapters).6
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 646 | Loc. 13364-67  | Added on Monday, February 03, 2014, 09:36 PM

It was initially difficult to get the Watergate defendants’ attorneys to take the envelopes stuffed with cash. Finally, after two weeks, Hunt’s second attorney—William Bittman—“accepted a bizarre delivery of $25,000 in an envelope left on a ledge in the downstairs lobby of” his law firm. Bittman had been a Mafia prosecutor for Robert Kennedy’s Justice Department before leaving in 1967 to enter private practice.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 646 | Loc. 13367-68  | Added on Monday, February 03, 2014, 09:36 PM

Liddy had no qualms about accepting the hush money, and a money drop for him was arranged “at National Airport, where the cash was in a luggage locker.”7
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 646 | Loc. 13369-71  | Added on Monday, February 03, 2014, 09:36 PM

Hunt’s wife, Dorothy, gave the White House money courier “a five-month ‘budget’ for all seven men involved [that] totaled $450,000,” while Hunt sent Colson a personal note saying that “re-electing the President” was of “overwhelming importance [and] you may be confident that I will do all that is required of me toward that end.”
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 650 | Loc. 13446-49  | Added on Monday, February 03, 2014, 09:43 PM

British researcher John Simkin compiled a list of the mistakes committed by each of those involved with the burglaries, which showed that while McCord committed seven critical errors, so had G. Gordon Liddy, who had no connection to the CIA. Simkin listed Barker as committing six critical errors, along with eight by Hunt. Fiorini himself committed several key errors, including the final taping of the garage stairwell door and insisting the burglary go forward even if it required the time-consuming step of removing the rear door to the DNC offices.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 652 | Loc. 13483-84  | Added on Monday, February 03, 2014, 09:45 PM

In that same conservation with Dean, Nixon revealed his own thinking that played a role in the Watergate scandal, when he said that “Espionage and sabotage is illegal only if against the government.”19
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 655 | Loc. 13548-50  | Added on Monday, February 03, 2014, 09:49 PM

However, Walter Sheridan didn’t release or leak any of the Hoffa information during the campaign, and it’s not known why. In addition, Walter Sheridan was spectacularly unsuccessful in bringing media attention to the Watergate story.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 655 | Loc. 13554-55  | Added on Monday, February 03, 2014, 09:50 PM

Regardless of the reason, a huge opportunity was lost for Watergate and the Nixon-Mafia-Hoffa relationship to become issues in the final months of the 1972 campaign.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 663 | Loc. 13709-10  | Added on Tuesday, February 04, 2014, 04:40 PM

Now that Nixon had won reelection and faced no more campaigns, his fears about whatever Helms could release about his past were greatly diminished.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 664 | Loc. 13729-31  | Added on Thursday, February 06, 2014, 11:13 AM

his firing of CIA Director Richard Helms meant that the dark undercurrent of crime and corruption just below the surface of Nixon’s carefully crafted public image would soon start to become exposed.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 664 | Loc. 13733-38  | Added on Thursday, February 06, 2014, 11:14 AM

His approval rating in a Gallup poll was 68 percent, and three days after he took his second oath of office, his peace deal for Vietnam became final. The settlement was reached after a massive bombing campaign of North Vietnam that Nixon had begun in December, along with intense pressure from Nixon on President Thieu, still the U.S.-backed dictator of South Vietnam. Lyndon Johnson had died the day before the peace deal took effect, and Nixon could claim public credit for ending what he liked to depict as Johnson’s war. Henry Kissinger was awarded a joint Nobel Peace Prize for his efforts (with North Vietnam’s Le Duc Tho), an honor Nixon might have shared had he not withdrawn his name from consideration.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 665 | Loc. 13743-44  | Added on Thursday, February 06, 2014, 11:14 AM

Alexander Haig returned to the Pentagon, as the Army’s Vice Chief of Staff, where he was said to have been “catapulted by Nixon over the heads of two hundred senior officers.”
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 665 | Loc. 13745-47  | Added on Thursday, February 06, 2014, 11:15 AM

As a result of all those shifts, John Dean became a “central figure” in Nixon’s second-term White House. After only having three meetings with Nixon in the first eight months of 1972, Dean would soon have “31 meetings and telephone calls with Nixon” in less than a one-month span, starting in late February.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 666 | Loc. 13767-72  | Added on Thursday, February 06, 2014, 11:17 AM

In a bizarre scenario that brought together Watergate and Nixon’s Hoffa bribes, “on February 10-11, 1973 . . . two meetings were held simultaneously on the grounds” of the La Costa Country Club in Southern California: one for Nixon’s aides plotting their Watergate cover-up strategy and the other between Teamsters President Frank Fitzsimmons and several Mafia leaders. One of the owners of the 5,600-acre posh La Costa resort was mobster Moe Dalitz, who had sold Howard Hughes his first Las Vegas casino in the deal brokered by Johnny Rosselli (see Chapter 19).
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 667 | Loc. 13782-87  | Added on Thursday, February 06, 2014, 11:20 AM

Moldea interviewed “two former Nixon aides” who “confirm[ed] that the La Costa meetings were regarded as ‘very strange’ even by other members of the Nixon staff.” One aide explained that “the meetings were going on in a setting which obviously had the Secret Service, FBI, and Justice people climbing the wall . . . I say it was no secret. What I still don’t know is if it was no accident.” Another aide said that “Word came down from Haldeman to the Secret Service to make sure the agents for that trip kept their mouths shut—about the appearance of impropriety of these [meetings] being held in the midst of Fitzsimmons’s Apalachin affair”—a reference to the historic mob conference described in Chapter 4.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 667 | Loc. 13800-13803  | Added on Thursday, February 06, 2014, 11:21 AM

However, the Fitzsimmons-Mafia meeting, followed by the Nixon-Fitzsimmons Air Force One meeting and Nixon’s Attorney General ending the surveillance on the company involved in the new multimillion-dollar fraud scheme, raises the possibility that Nixon’s January 1973 $500,000 payment was also part of a new deal between Nixon, Fitzsimmons, and the Mafia.9
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 668 | Loc. 13806-14  | Added on Thursday, February 06, 2014, 11:23 AM

Frank Fitzsimmons then pressured the Teamsters’ current attorney—Edward Bennett Williams, Califano’s partner—to drop the DNC lawsuit against CREEP. When Williams refused, Fitzsimmons “fired Williams and gave the $100,000-a-year business to Colson” and his law partner.10 Was Nixon being arrogant in continuing his illegal dealings with Fitzsimmons and the Mafia in his new term, since he would not have to face another election? Was the relatively young President simply interested in accumulating as much money as possible, looking ahead to his post-Presidency years? According to the Time article, Nixon might have just been being practical. It pointed out the “crucial timing” that just three days before Colson received the $500,000 authorized by Fitzsimmons, Dorfman, and Provenzano, there had been a meeting between [E. Howard] Hunt’s lawyer and Colson” regarding “demands for payoffs by [the] Watergate” figure.”
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 668 | Loc. 13817-22  | Added on Thursday, February 06, 2014, 11:24 AM

Though Helms had been of little help to Hunt since the burglaries, the possibility of help had remained as long as Helms was Director, plus Hunt knew enough about Helms that he could always force the issue, if need be. Now, that possibility no longer existed. Hunt had been trying to exert pressure on the White House and Charles Colson since November, in an attempt to have them live up to their promises of hush money, expense money, and lawyers’ fees for himself and the other defendants. His wife, Dorothy Hunt, played a major role in helping to solicit and distribute funds, often giving money to Manuel Artime so he could disburse it to the Cuban exile defendants and Frank Fiorini.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 669 | Loc. 13822-26  | Added on Thursday, February 06, 2014, 11:25 AM

On December 8, 1972, Dorothy Hunt had flown to Chicago, carrying $10,000 in cash in $100 bills, the same type of money she’d been distributing to the other defendants “for more than four months.” On its approach to “Chicago’s Midway Airport through drizzle and fog . . . the plane suddenly nose-dived into a neighborhood . . . a mile and a half short of [the] runway . . . Forty-three of the fifty-five people on board were killed, including Mrs. Hunt.”
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 669 | Loc. 13836-40  | Added on Thursday, February 06, 2014, 11:26 AM

Some have thought it suspicious that Egil Krogh moved to the Department of Transportation as an Undersecretary a month after the crash. The same might apply to Alexander Butterfield’s appointment in March 1973 to become Administrator of the Federal Aviation Administration, where The New York Times reported that Butterfield “read all the accident reports himself.” However, Nixon probably just wanted his people in place so he could know immediately if information about his hush money surfaced in the FAA’s crash investigation.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 670 | Loc. 13856-59  | Added on Thursday, February 06, 2014, 11:28 AM

According to Dean, “on January 5 Colson met with him and Ehrlichman . . . and reported that the had indeed given Bittman a ‘general assurance’ that Hunt would get clemency” from Nixon. The next day, according to the FBI, Colson got the Mafia-Teamsters bribe of $500,000 for Nixon.16 The
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 670 | Loc. 13862-68  | Added on Thursday, February 06, 2014, 11:28 AM

It’s interesting that Hunt received special treatment from Nixon over the other defendants, with the President saying in a conversation with Colson on January 8, 1973, that when it came to clemency, “I would have difficulty with some of the others.” Nixon agreed with Colson’s line of reasoning that the others “can’t hurt us [but] Hunt and Liddy [had] direct meetings, discussions [that] are very incriminating to us.”17 Colson was wrong when he said the other Watergate defendants “can’t hurt us,” because the firing of CIA Director Richard Helms had apparently been the last straw for Agency veteran James McCord. Unlike Hunt, McCord was strongly resisting the White House pressure to plead guilty to avoid a trial.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 672 | Loc. 13889-92  | Added on Thursday, February 06, 2014, 11:31 AM

Along with Liddy, McCord stood trial in front of Judge John Sirica—a conservative Republican judge known for his harsh sentences—who seemed determined to get to the bottom of the Watergate morass. “At a pretrial hearing [Judge Sirica] put the prosecutors on notice that they had to get to the bottom of who had hired the men to go into the Watergate. ‘The jury is going to want to know: . . . What did these men go into that headquarters for?’”
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 673 | Loc. 13906-10  | Added on Thursday, February 06, 2014, 11:32 AM

Helms didn’t destroy the only copy of the IG Report because it had left out so much crucial information, and all of its supporting files had already been destroyed in 1967. When coupled with that earlier file destruction, Helms’s 1973 housecleaning put some details about the CIA-Mafia plots permanently beyond the reach of easily documented history. However, some top secret operations that involved Helms—like AMWORLD—were so large that many related files probably still exist.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 673 | Loc. 13917-20  | Added on Thursday, February 06, 2014, 11:33 AM

It was perhaps poetic justice for Richard Helms that on February 7, 1973—five days after he finished destroying files and had stepped down as CIA Director—Helms found himself testifying to Congress when the subject of Chile came up. Helms lied when asked if the CIA had provided help to those who opposed Allende in Chile. Helms had lied to Congress before, about Chile and other matters, but it would be that particular false statement that would eventually bring him a criminal conviction.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 673 | Loc. 13923-24  | Added on Thursday, February 06, 2014, 11:33 AM

Helms’s testimony about Barker’s mob ties would not be released for more than a year, after All the President’s Men had been completed, which kept Barker’s criminal connections from becoming part of the conventional story of Watergate.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 674 | Loc. 13945-47  | Added on Thursday, February 06, 2014, 11:35 AM

as the scandal unfolded, only one largely ignored article mentioned an important part of Hunt’s back-ground that Helms had withheld from investigators: Hunt’s work on the plots to assassinate Fidel Castro in the mid-1960s. Tad Szulc’s February 1973 Esquire magazine article—on the stands in January, before Helms began his housecleaning—briefly described those operations.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 675 | Loc. 13959-64  | Added on Friday, February 07, 2014, 11:43 AM

In the interview, Haynes told Sprague that “A meeting was held on Nov. 22, 1963 in Wash[ington] D.C. to discuss plans for Cuban operation . . . it was the most important meeting they had . . . at [the] meeting were [CIA Executive Director Lyman] Kirkpatrick, Helms, Hunt, and Williams. Word of [JFK’s] assassination came in [during the] meeting.” Haynes knew something had been about to happen with Cuba, but he hadn’t been told about Almeida or the coup plan. If any of Haynes’s information involving Hunt and Helms had become widely known at that time, it would have radically changed the Watergate investigations. Instead, when some of the interview was finally published in a small newsletter in 1975—after Watergate had faded from the headlines—it passed without notice.30
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 676 | Loc. 13975-79  | Added on Friday, February 07, 2014, 11:44 AM

In the ten years since JFK’s murder, Williams had learned about Barker’s ties to godfather Santo Trafficante and had come to believe that Barker had sold out the coup plan to Trafficante, and that both men had played a role in JFK’s assassination. Now, Williams saw that Barker was involved with Hunt, James McCord, and other notable Cuban exiles in Watergate. Williams also heard in Miami’s Cuban exile community about the efforts of his former friend and rival, Manuel Artime, to provide financial assistance to the burglars. Hunt, McCord, Barker, Artime, and Watergate—it seemed beyond coincidence.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 678 | Loc. 14010-15  | Added on Friday, February 07, 2014, 11:47 AM

In addition to Joseph Califano’s DNC lawsuit against CREEP being overseen by Judge Richey, Califano also had to represent The Washington Post when Nixon had CREEP try to subpoena Woodward, Bernstein, Post editor Howard Simons, and Post owner Katherine Graham. CREEP also demanded all of “their notes, internal memoranda, and phone logs,” since “CREEP wanted to uncover the identity of the reporters’ anonymous source or sources.” Nixon and Haldeman already knew that Mark Felt was providing information to the Post, but they couldn’t be sure of how much or if other officials might be doing the same.38
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 679 | Loc. 14042-53  | Added on Friday, February 07, 2014, 11:50 AM

McCord might have felt free to act because of Richard Helms’s firing from the CIA. Helms was preparing to assume his post as Ambassador to Iran, and an outsider, loyal to Nixon, now ran McCord’s beloved Agency. There were still many CIA secrets McCord would protect, but McCord viewed Watergate as a Nixon White House operation, “not a CIA operation.” As McCord would later testify, he “believed that President Nixon gave the final approval, and set the Watergate operation in motion.”42 It’s not known what other Nixon crimes McCord may have become aware of or suspected, or heard about from Hunt. McCord wrote in his book that Hunt had “information which would impeach the President.” In his Watergate book, McCord did go out of his way to decry “the volume of heroin illegally entering the U.S.,” but there is no indication if he ever learned about or suspected the Trafficante-linked money that Al Haig’s Army investigation would uncover the following year. McCord saw himself as different from his fellow ex-CIA officer Hunt, and certainly from Fiorini and Barker, and seems to have resented having to work with—and being lumped in with—the latter. In his letter to Sirica, McCord was careful to stress that “my motivations were different than those of the others involved, but were not limited to . . . those offered in my defense during the trial.” In his book, McCord doesn’t make clear exactly what those motivations were, or why he got involved in a seemingly purely political operation.43
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- Highlight on Page 681 | Loc. 14070-75  | Added on Friday, February 07, 2014, 11:52 AM

However, Nixon’s main focus the following day was on E. Howard Hunt, and making sure Hunt had enough hush money to remain silent even after he was sentenced. On March 21, 1973, Nixon talked with John Dean about the matter, in the famous conversation that began with Dean telling Nixon, “We have a cancer—within—close to the Presidency, that’s growing.” As mentioned earlier, this is the conversation where Nixon told Dean that “Your major guy to keep under control is Hunt. Because he knows . . . about a lot of other things.” The two discussed the fact that some of the money had gone through “the cover of a Cuban Committee,” the one Nixon had planned to use Rebozo for but that had actually been implemented by Cuban exile Manuel Artime.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
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Dean told Nixon that keeping Hunt and the others quiet will “cost money. It’s dangerous. Nobody, nothing—people around here are not pros at this sort of thing. This is the sort of thing Mafia people can do: washing money, getting clean money, and things like that . . . we just don’t know about those things . . . we are not criminals.” The irony of the last statement is lost on Nixon and Dean, who then told the President, “these people are gong to cost, huh, a million dollars over the next, uh, two years.”47 After a pause, President Nixon told Dean: We could get that . . . if you need the money . . . you could get the money . . . What I mean is, you could, you could get a million dollars. And you could get it in cash. I, I know where it could be gotten . . . I mean it’s not easy, but it could be done.”
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
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McCord’s revelations invigorated the recently created Senate Watergate Committee investigation and gave the Committee its first star witness. Suddenly, the entire American press corps was putting the Watergate story on its front pages, and the drumbeat of pressure on Nixon would continue to mount over the coming months. Now that McCord had made it clear that higher-ups were involved, some of Nixon’s aides began reassessing their own positions. On April 12, 1972, there was another breakthrough when former Nixon aide Jeb Magruder confessed to U.S. Attorneys that he had committed perjury in his earlier testimony. Just four days prior to that, John Dean had begun talking to Watergate prosecutors. The day after Dean met with the prosecutors, Nixon told Haldeman they ought to get rid of the White House tapes, but nothing was done and Nixon continued his recording. However, Nixon greatly increased his use of the tapes to try to spin or simply lie about past events to new and old aides.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
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To divert blame and responsibility from himself, Nixon had to use the strategy of essentially blaming Watergate on his staff, implying they might not have supervised their underlings properly. To make that approach work, he would have to take dramatic action by shaking up his staff and top officials. After much soul-searching and emotion, Nixon told H.R. Haldeman and John Ehrlichman they would have to go. On April 30, 1973, in a dramatic speech, Nixon announced their resignations, while calling them “two of the finest public servants it has been my privilege to know.” That same day, Nixon also announced the resignations of John Dean and Attorney General Kleindienst. L. Patrick Gray had resigned three days earlier, so William Ruckelshaus left the Environmental Protection Agency (the creation of which was one of Nixon’s most notable domestic achievements) to become the new FBI Director.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
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Haig would play a crucial role in essentially running the country in Nixon’s last months in office, before helping to engineer the President’s resignation.1
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
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Hunt was still torn between wanting a reduced sentence from Sirica and wanting his promised clemency from President Nixon, so in his testimony he only implicated Nixon aides, not the President.3
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
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The same day as McCord’s explosive testimony, Archibald Cox was chosen by acting Attorney General Eliot Richardson to be the Watergate Special Prosecutor; both Cox and Richardson were sworn in the following week. Cox had been the Solicitor General during John F. Kennedy’s administration, and the tapes show that Nixon soon regarded Cox as “an adversary,” and the President had no intention of cooperating with Cox’s investigation.4
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
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Bernard Barker testified to Ervin’s Watergate Committee on May 24, 1973, but he was not asked anything about his Mafia ties. The Senate and House Watergate Committees only had access to some FBI information, not the Bureau’s full file, so the subject of his organized crime ties wasn’t raised to Barker, and the same was true when the Committee questioned Frank Fiorini. That meant that organized crime was completely missing from the public Watergate hearings, which was ironic, since the chief investigator for Ervin’s Watergate Committee was Carmine Bellino, who had worked on organized crime cases for Robert Kennedy’s Justice Department. Before that, Bellino had been an investigator for the Senate crime hearings in the late 1950s that had propelled John F. Kennedy to prominence (Senator Sam Ervin had been on that committee with JFK). In the mid-1950s, Bellino had also been partners for a time with Robert Maheu, which would put him in an unusual and potentially awkward position the following year, once Maheu—and the CIA-Mafia plots with Rosselli—became a quiet subject of investigation by the Watergate Committee.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
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The day before Butterfield’s testimony, Thompson admitted in his own autobiographical Watergate book that “‘Even though I had no authority to act for the committee, I decided to call Fred Buzhardt at home’ to tell him that the committee had learned about the taping system. ‘I wanted to be sure that the White House was fully aware of what was to be disclosed so that it could take appropriate action.’” In contrast to that questionable act, Thompson would later take the lead in investigating the CIA’s withholding of important information from the Committee, which raised important unanswered questions about the CIA,
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
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The battle for the tapes that pitted the Senate Watergate Committee and Special Prosecutor Cox against the White House intensified, and would last for another year. In response, Nixon tried to counterattack in various ways. Haldeman, still apparently hoping for clemency from Nixon in the future, was still not being honest in his testimony and claimed “that the tapes he had listened to proved that Nixon was telling the truth” about his lack of involvement in Watergate and the cover-up.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
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In a matter that didn’t involve Watergate, Nixon had been told six months earlier that Agnew was under investigation by the Justice Department. In August, “The Wall Street Journal [had] reported that Agnew was suspected of extortion, bribery, and tax evasion [involving] kickbacks paid by contractors architects and engineers” to Baltimore and Maryland officials. As noted earlier, when Nixon had chosen the racially divisive Agnew as his running mate, he knew “that his running mate was corrupt,” so the news of Agnew’s crimes should have been no surprise. On October 9, 1973, Vice President Agnew told Nixon that he was resigning, after striking a “deal with the Justice Department [to plead] nolo contendere to one count of having knowingly failed to report income for tax purposes.” Agnew would get “three years probation and a $10,000 fine [and] no further prosecution.”21 On October 12, 1973, Nixon chose House Minority Leader Gerald Ford as his new Vice President.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
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To Nixon’s way of thinking, Agnew’s resignation somehow gave him an excuse to fire Special Watergate Prosecutor Archibald Cox, so the President said, “Now that we’ve taken care of Agnew, we can get rid of Cox.” The Special Prosecutor had been pressing for the tapes for several months, and he was reported to be investigating Nixon’s financial affairs with Bebe Rebozo, so Nixon felt he had to be removed.22 On Saturday, October 20, 1973, a critical part of the Watergate saga began. Richard Nixon ordered Attorney General Elliot Richardson to fire Special Prosecutor Cox. However, Richardson resigned rather than obey Nixon’s orders. Richardson’s deputy, former FBI Director William Ruckelshaus, also resigned. That left “Solicitor General Robert Bork . . . temporarily promoted to acting Attorney General, [to] obediently [send] the letter of dismissal” to Cox. The dramatic resignations and the firing of Cox became known as “the Saturday Night Massacre.”23
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
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However, because Jaworski emerged with more power than Cox, his appointment marked another milestone. Nixon had lost control of the Watergate investigation, which was now centered on the tapes. If he lost control of the tapes, Nixon knew his Presidency was over. That process began three days after the Saturday Night Massacre, when Nixon agreed to comply with an appeals court ruling to turn over seven tapes that had been subpoenaed by Sirica’s court, for the grand jury.26
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
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There are several reasons why the Nixon-Rebozo financial entanglements didn’t become a huge scandal in the following months. An investigative report in Rolling Stone reported that “Bebe Rebozo escaped indictment in Watergate despite strong circumstantial evidence of tax evasion and bribe taking. One reason, according to CIA sources, is that CIA officials sanctioned his plea of ‘national security’ when the Special Prosecutor’s office began investigating Rebozo’s” business affairs. (Rebozo’s only real “national security” activity had been money laundering for the Bay of Pigs.) In addition, Rebozo sued The Washington Post for “ten million dollars in damages” for its stock story, and he then dragged the case out for a decade, until a settlement was reached (in which the Post paid Rebozo no damages). Rebozo’s suit eventually had a chilling effect on other news outlets, so his financial crimes and Mafia ties were soon rarely mentioned in the press. In short, Rebozo and Nixon had enough money to make reporting the Nixon-Rebozo story very expensive for media outlets—at a time when there was plenty of other Watergate news to cover.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
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A new Watergate scandal erupted on December 7, 1973, when the public learned about the eighteen-and-a-half-minute gap on Nixon’s June 20, 1972, tape. Though Nixon had turned over the seven subpoenaed tapes, only three had been sent to the grand jury, since he was claiming executive privilege on four, which remained with Sirica. Nixon knew that other tapes would be subpoenaed, so he was having them transcribed for his own use and reference. As part of that process, Nixon’s lawyers had first learned about the mysterious gap on November 14, and they waited a week before telling Judge Sirica.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
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The Committee investigators concluded their memo by saying that “the obsession of the Administration . . . on Larry O’Brien in 1971 and 1972 . . . was in part motivated by a fear that Maheu would impart some of this sensitive information about the plot to O’Brien . . . and these concerns could have been a possible motivation for the break-in to the office of the DNC and Larry O’Brien . . . especially since their directions were to photograph any documents relating to Cuban contributions or Cuban involvement in the 1972 Democratic campaign.” Clearly, the investigators were getting very close to uncovering the Plumbers’ goal of the Cuban Dossier, which could easily fall into the category of “Cuban involvement in the 1972 Democratic campaign.” They end the memo by saying “it is for these reasons that we wish to question John Rosselli about the nature and scope of his activities with Robert Maheu in the early 1960s.”38
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
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As a result, the fact that Rosselli had been interviewed by Watergate investigators at all—let alone the fact that he was viewed as key to the Watergate burglar’s motivation—remained largely unknown. Woodward and Bernstein had finished the manuscript for All the President’s Men the previous month, so it contained nothing about Rosselli or the Mafia.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
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By the spring of 1974, the battle over Watergate had become a battle for the tapes that would decide Nixon’s fate, since impeachment was now a very real possibility. Earlier in the year, Special Prosecutor Jaworski had “requested twenty-two more tapes,” but Nixon had turned him down. (Unknown to Nixon, on February 25, after the President had refused to talk to the Watergate grand jury, it had named Nixon as an “unindicted co-conspirator,” though that wouldn’t become public for almost four months.) Jaworski soon subpoenaed “sixty-four more tapes,” and he included in his request the June 23, 1972, “Smoking Gun” tape. Naturally, Nixon didn’t comply.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
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To deal with legal, Congressional, press, and public pressure, Nixon decided to release edited transcripts of forty-six of his White House tapes. The effort became an intense, mad dash by Nixon and his aides to release enough to make it look like a good faith effort, without revealing anything criminal. Worried about the outcome, Press Secretary Ron Ziegler “assigned his two personal assistants—Diane Sawyer and Frank Gannon, to review the editing and report back to him.” Diane Sawyer was “dismayed at the sloppy presentation [where] lines spoken by the President were mistakenly divided and attributed in part to Ehrlichman.” Much worse was the fact that “certain passages referred back to matters that had been excised [and] could not fail to convey the impression that the really damaging parts had been eliminated.” Sawyer and Gannon “pleaded for more time” to prepare things more properly.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
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When Nixon revealed the tape transcripts to the nation in a televised address on April 29, 1974, they were in neat, uniform, nicely bound volumes that belied the problems within. Criminal references had been removed, and some tapes—like the June 23 “Smoking Gun” tape—were withheld entirely. So the tape battles continued, and pressure continued to mount on Nixon to release more.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
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As the House Judiciary Committee began to consider impeachment more seriously, it hired additional staff. One of those added was twenty-six-year-old Hillary Rodham, thanks to a recommendation by one of her professors, Burke Marshall, who had served in Robert Kennedy’s Justice Department.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
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she was responsible for drawing up highly restrictive rules of procedure that were to govern the impeachment process.” In addition, she helped “to oversee the preparation of a confidential history of Presidential abuse of power.” The thinking was “that Nixon would mount a defense to the effect that actions in the Watergate affair were not inconsistent with those of many previous administrations.”
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March


Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
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All of Nixon’s promise and effort and ambition had been reduced to the disgrace of resignation. Like the four break-ins at the Watergate that ultimately ended in disaster, Nixon’s almost three decades of flirting with organized crime, corruption, and secret intelligence had ultimately taken their toll.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
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In hindsight, Nixon’s crash seems almost inevitable. In reality, if not for one Watergate break-in too many, he might have gotten away with everything.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
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Ford’s aides felt that “as Haig and his friends took possession of or destroyed documents, they were protecting themselves as well [as Nixon].”
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
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On the night of August 10, Ford aide Benton Becker “found three military trucks lined up outside the basement entrance to the West Wing, stuffed with boxes and file cabinets, about to depart for Andrews Air Force Base.” When Becker told them to stop, the Air Force Colonel in command of the convoy said, “I take my instructions from General Haig.”
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
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Only after Miller’s 2009 death did The Washington Post reveal that Nixon had actually “wanted to fight the pending corruption charges in court, but Mr. Miller convinced him that a legal battle over Watergate would not be in his or the country’s best interests.” If he faced charges, Nixon could have used the same national security defense he’d been talking about since the scandal broke, and he might have been successful. The government couldn’t allow Nixon to reveal their most sensitive anti-Castro operations of the early ’60s—especially with Almeida still alive, in place, and unexposed—so any charges would probably have been dropped. Nixon’s desire for a trial would also motivate Miller to help the ex-President, since Miller wouldn’t want secret Kennedy-era Cuban operations exposed. Nixon’s stance also gave him bargaining leverage with new President Gerald Ford for an unconditional pardon as well as more control of his papers and tapes.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
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September 8, 1974, when Ford issued a full pardon to Nixon, which was “unconditional for all crimes Nixon may have committed in the White House.”
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
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The deal arranged by Jack Miller helped to ensure that many of Watergate’s mysteries would remain just that, until after Nixon’s death. Only sixty hours of tapes were released in the 1970s—out of thousands of hours—and Miller aggressively represented Nixon (and his estate) in his fights to prevent the release of more tapes and documents for decades, while Miller continued to represent clients like Senator Edward Kennedy.67
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
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As Gerald Ford consolidated his Presidency, it became clear that Alexander Haig wasn’t a good fit, and he was replaced as Chief of Staff by Donald Rumsfeld. Dick Cheney soon joined Rumsfeld as a top Ford aide. Haig was named Commander of NATO and all U.S. forces in Europe. Ford chose as his Vice President Nelson Rockefeller, but the political climate was such that it took “four months of investigation by 300 FBI agents” before he could be confirmed by Congress.69
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
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When Ford met with a group of editors from The New York Times on January 16, 1975, he told them that the Rockefeller Commission had to be careful not to expose certain past CIA operations, “like assassinations.” Ford quickly tried to qualify his remark, saying it was off the record, but word raced through journalistic circles, soon reaching Congress, where members added CIA assassinations to their investigative agenda.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
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The Senate Select Committee on Intelligence was created on January 27 and chaired by Idaho Senator Frank Church. The Church Committee would look into matters such as domestic spying and CIA attempts to assassinate foreign leaders, including the CIA-Mafia plots against Castro. The Church Committee also created a subcommittee devoted to the JFK assassination, headed by moderate Pennsylvania Republican Senator Richard Schweiker, which also included Colorado Senator Gary Hart. On February 19, 1975, the House created the Nedzi Committee, soon to be called the Pike Committee, to delve into CIA assassinations.72
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
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The general public finally heard about President Ford’s “assassinations” comment on February 28, 1975, during Daniel Schorr’s CBS news broadcast. Schorr had also obtained from CIA Director William Colby an indirect confirmation of CIA assassination attempts against foreign leaders. When Jack Anderson weighed in with new articles about the CIA-Mafia plots on March 10 and 13—having already named Johnny Rosselli as one of those involved—the floodgates were beginning to open. Four days later, Time magazine advanced the story by adding Sam Giancana to the plots with Rosselli and the CIA.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
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Declassified files now make it clear that Helms lied to both committees about his unauthorized Castro assassination plots (admitting only a limited amount of information) and he completely hid the JFK-Almeida coup plan and most of AMWORLD (including its code name and immense size).
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
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Trafficante would have been especially worried when Sam Giancana was subpoenaed and slated to testify on June 26. Giancana had finally returned to the United States the previous year, but he was no longer a major force in the Mafia.78 On June 19, 1975, Sam Giancana became the first of several Congressional witnesses to be murdered. The former mob boss was cooking a late-night meal for a trusted friend who was visiting his home in the Chicago neighborhood of Oak Park. His friend shot Giancana seven times with a silenced .22-caliber pistol, an unusually small gun for a mob hit. Five of the shots were around Giancana’s chin and mouth, a sign that mafiosi shouldn’t talk.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
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Trafficante, Marcello, and others couldn’t afford to let Hoffa testify under oath about those or related matters like the Mafia-Hoffa-Nixon bribes. On July 30, 1975, Jimmy Hoffa was spotted leaving a restaurant near Detroit, heading for what he thought was a meeting with New Jersey mobster Tony Provenzano. Immediately, Provenzano became the government’s top suspect for having arranged Hoffa’s murder, with Frank Fitzsimmons not far behind.81 Hoffa’s disappearance, quickly assumed to be a homicide, immediately became a huge national story, generating headlines for weeks.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
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The Dossier looked like a large photo album, with dark covers (one reason the CIA called it “the Black Book”) and high-quality photos of the assassins and weapons captured during the assassination plots described in its bilingual text.82
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
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On the same day that Hoffa disappeared, Senator George McGovern had a press conference to show a copy of the secret Cuban Dossier that he had just received from Fidel Castro. (See Appendix.)
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
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While it appears the CIA was deliberately attempting to deceive the public and Congressional Committees, it’s possible that Richard Helms had destroyed so many of the relevant files—and his associates in the Agency knew where to hide the rest in the CIA’s vast filing systems—that routine CIA reviews failed to turn up the relevant information.83
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
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While Nixon had paid a high price for his pursuit of the Cuban Dossier, at least he was fortunate that it wasn’t released until five days after he had finally been forced to testify to the Watergate grand jury. Nixon’s two-day testimony had begun on June 23, 1975, four days after Giancana’s murder, and five weeks before Hoffa’s slaying. It was the only time Nixon had to testify under oath about the Watergate scandals surrounding his Presidency.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
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As The Washington Post reported more than three decades later, “Ten days after Nixon testified, the grand jury was dismissed without making any indictments based on what he told them.” The most important person not indicted was Richard Nixon, as a result of his adroit testimony that had skirted any possible perjury charges. Nixon was now completely free of any criminal charges because of Watergate.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
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There were unofficial funds as well, including indications of substantial Swiss bank accounts—some later confirmed by Anthony Summers totaled $11 million or more. Bebe Rebozo had made and managed money for both of them while Nixon was President, so Rebozo’s official net worth had grown to $16 million in today’s dollars. Four years later, Rebozo would begin paying Nixon his share, “giving” Nixon clear title to the entire San Clemente estate, a gift worth $2 million in today’s dollars.
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
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On October 9, 1975, Nixon finally made his first public appearance, “thirteen months after his resignation,” in a place that struck some as unusual, but which makes perfect sense when viewed in the light of Nixon’s and Watergate’s hidden history. As recounted by historian Stephen Ambrose,     It was a charity golf tournament . . . held at the La Costa Country Club [where Nixon’s] playing companions included Frank Fitzsimmons (a prime suspect in the . . . murder of Jimmy Hoffa . . .), Allen Dorfman (a convicted felon who would later be executed gangland-style), Anthony Provenzano (New Jersey Teamster leader later convicted of murder), and others of that ilk. [Parentheses in original.]90
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Watergate: The Hidden History: Nixon, The Mafia, and The CIA (Lamar Waldron)
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Ambrose didn’t mention that Provenzano was the top suspect in Hoffa’s murder, or that he was a captain in the Genovese Mafia family. Since Ambrose’s otherwise excellent three-volume biography of Nixon had left out almost all of Nixon’s mob dealings, he simply considered Nixon’s association with the men “odd,” while “it just seemed inexplicable to most reporters and editors that Nixon would make his first public appearance with such a crowd.”91
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In 1979, the HSCA concluded that JFK was likely killed by a conspiracy, and “Trafficante, like Marcello, had the motive, means, and opportunity to assassinate President Kennedy.”97
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In 1981, his former Chief of Staff Alexander Haig became President Reagan’s Secretary of State and began a new plan of covert action against Fidel Castro.
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Fifty-One Tales (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight Loc. 42-46  | Added on Wednesday, March 12, 2014, 09:13 PM

Time dallies like a fool at her feet when he should be smiting cities. Time never wearies of her silly smile. There are temples all about her that he has forgotten to spoil. I saw an old man go by, and Time never touched him. Time that has carried away the seven gates of Thebes! She has tried to bind him with ropes of eternal sand, she had hoped to oppress him with the Pyramids. He lies there in the sand with his foolish hair all spread about her paws.
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Fifty-One Tales (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight Loc. 46-49  | Added on Wednesday, March 12, 2014, 09:13 PM

If she ever finds his secret we will put out his eyes, so that he shall find no more our beautiful things—there are lovely gates in Florence that I fear he will carry away. We have tried to bind him with song and with old customs, but they only held him for a little while, and he has always smitten us and mocked us. When he is blind he shall dance to us and make sport. Great clumsy time shall stumble and dance, who liked to kill little children, and can hurt even the daisies no longer.
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Fifty-One Tales (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight Loc. 80  | Added on Wednesday, March 12, 2014, 09:15 PM

All we who write put me in mind of sailors hastily making rafts upon doomed ships.
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Fifty-One Tales (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight Loc. 97-100  | Added on Wednesday, March 12, 2014, 09:17 PM

"And why," I asked, "do you laugh at serious work?" "Why, yer bloomin' life 'ull go by like a wind," he said, "and yer 'ole silly civilization 'ull be tidied up in a few centuries." Then he fell to laughing again and this time audibly; and, laughing still, faded back through the wall again and into the eternity from which he had come.
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Fifty-One Tales (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight Loc. 97-100  | Added on Wednesday, March 12, 2014, 09:17 PM

and then the ghost spoke. It said: "I'm a laughin' at you sittin' and workin' there." "And why," I asked, "do you laugh at serious work?" "Why, yer bloomin' life 'ull go by like a wind," he said, "and yer 'ole silly civilization 'ull be tidied up in a few centuries." Then he fell to laughing again and this time audibly; and, laughing still, faded back through the wall again and into the eternity from which he had come.
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Fifty-One Tales (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight Loc. 121-23  | Added on Wednesday, March 12, 2014, 09:20 PM

In the Olympian courts Love laughed at Death, because he was unsightly, and because She couldn't help it, and because he never did anything worth doing, and because She would.
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Fifty-One Tales (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight Loc. 123-24  | Added on Wednesday, March 12, 2014, 09:20 PM

And Death hated being laughed at, and used to brood apart thinking only of his wrongs and of what he could do to end this intolerable treatment.
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Fifty-One Tales (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight Loc. 128-31  | Added on Wednesday, March 12, 2014, 09:21 PM

And Death came up behind him, and suddenly shouted. And Odysseus went on warming his pale hands. Then Death came close and began to mouth at him. And after a while Odysseus turned and spoke. And "Well, old servant," he said, "have your masters been kind to you since I made you work for me round Ilion?" And Death for some while stood mute, for the thought of the laughter of Love. Then "Come now," said Odysseus, "lend me your shoulder," and he leaning heavily on that bony joint, they went together through the open door.
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Fifty-One Tales (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight Loc. 132-38  | Added on Wednesday, March 12, 2014, 09:22 PM

Two dark young men in a foreign southern land sat at a restaurant table with one woman. And on the woman's plate was a small orange which had an evil laughter in its heart. And both of the men would be looking at the woman all the time, and they ate little and they drank much. And the woman was smiling equally at each. Then the small orange that had the laughter in its heart rolled slowly off the plate on to the floor. And the dark young men both sought for it at once, and they met suddenly beneath the table, and soon they were speaking swift words to one another, and a horror and an impotence came over the Reason of each as she sat helpless at the back of the mind, and the heart of the orange laughed and the woman went on smiling; and Death, who was sitting at another table, tête-à-tête with an old man, rose and came over to listen to the quarrel.
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Fifty-One Tales (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight Loc. 170-76  | Added on Wednesday, March 12, 2014, 10:52 PM

As he crawled from the tombs of the fallen a worm met with an angel. And together they looked upon the kings and kingdoms, and youths and maidens and the cities of men. They saw the old men heavy in their chairs and heard the children singing in the fields. They saw far wars and warriors and walled towns, wisdom and wickedness, and the pomp of kings, and the people of all the lands that the sunlight knew. And the worm spake to the angel saying: "Behold my food." "Be dakeon para Thina poluphloisboio Thalassaes," murmured the angel, for they walked by the sea, "and can you destroy that too?" And the worm paled in his anger to a greyness ill to behold, for for three thousand years he had tried to destroy that line and still its melody was ringing in his head.
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Fifty-One Tales (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight Loc. 176-82  | Added on Wednesday, March 12, 2014, 10:53 PM

The poet came unto a great country in which there were no songs. And he lamented gently for the nation that had not any little foolish songs to sing to itself at evening. And at last he said: "I will make for them myself some little foolish songs so that they may be merry in the lanes and happy by the fireside." And for some days he made for them aimless songs such as maidens sing on the hills in the older happier countries. Then he went to some of that nation as they sat weary with the work of the day and said to them: "I have made you some aimless songs out of the small unreasonable legends, that are somewhat akin to the wind in the vales of my childhood; and you may care to sing them in your disconsolate evenings." And they said to him: "If you think we have time for that sort of nonsense nowadays you cannot know much of the progress of modern commerce." And the poet wept for he said: "Alas! They are damned."
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Fifty-One Tales (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight Loc. 216-28  | Added on Wednesday, March 12, 2014, 11:03 PM

It may be that I dreamed this. So much at least is certain—that I turned one day from the traffic of a city, and came to its docks and saw its slimy wharves going down green and steep into the water, and saw the huge grey river slipping by and the lost things that went with it turning over and over, and I thought of the nations and unpitying Time, and saw and marvelled at the queenly ships come newly from the sea. It was then, if I mistake not, that I saw leaning against a wall, with his face to the ships, a man with golden ear-rings. His skin had the dark tint of the southern men: the deep black hairs of his moustache were whitened a little with salt; he wore a dark blue jacket such as sailors wear, and the long boots of seafarers, but the look in his eyes was further afield than the ships, he seemed to be beholding the farthest things. Even when I spoke to him he did not call home that look, but answered me dreamily with that same fixed stare as though his thoughts were heaving on far and lonely seas. I asked him what ship he had come by, for there were many there. The sailing ships were there with their sails all furled and their masts straight and still like a wintry forest; the steamers were there, and great liners, puffing up idle smoke into the twilight. He answered he had come by none of them. I asked him what line he worked on, for he was clearly a sailor; I mentioned well-known lines, but he did not know them. Then I asked him where he worked and what he was. And he said: "I work in the Sargasso Sea, and I am the last of the pirates, the last left alive." And I shook him by the hand I do not know how many times. I said: "We feared you were dead. We feared you were dead." And he answered sadly: "No. No. I have sinned too deeply on the Spanish seas: I am not allowed to die."
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Fifty-One Tales (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight Loc. 282-91  | Added on Wednesday, March 12, 2014, 11:08 PM

"Whatever is the use of it?" said the Hare, and this time he stopped for good. Some say he slept. There was desperate excitement for an hour or two, and then the Tortoise won. "Run hard. Run hard," shouted his backers. "Hard shell and hard living: that's what has done it." And then they asked the Tortoise what his achievement signified, and he went and asked the Turtle. And the Turtle said, "It is a glorious victory for the forces of swiftness." And then the Tortoise repeated it to his friends. And all the beasts said nothing else for years. And even to this day, "a glorious victory for the forces of swiftness" is a catch-phrase in the house of the snail. And the reason that this version of the race is not widely known is that very few of those that witnessed it survived the great forest-fire that happened shortly after. It came up over the weald by night with a great wind. The Hare and the Tortoise and a very few of the beasts saw it far off from a high bare hill that was at the edge of the trees, and they hurriedly called a meeting to decide what messenger they should send to warn the beasts in the forest. They sent the Tortoise.
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Fifty-One Tales (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight Loc. 310-29  | Added on Wednesday, March 12, 2014, 11:12 PM

There was once an earnest Puritan who held it wrong to dance. And for his principles he labored hard, his was a zealous life. And there loved him all of those who hated the dance; and those that loved the dance respected him too; they said "He is a pure, good man and acts according to his lights." He did much to discourage dancing and helped to close several Sunday entertainments. Some kinds of poetry, he said, he liked, but not the fanciful kind as that might corrupt the thoughts of the very young. He always dressed in black. He was quite interested in morality and was quite sincere and there grew to be much respect on Earth for his honest face and his flowing pure-white beard. One night the Devil appeared unto him in a dream and said "Well done." "Avaunt," said that earnest man. "No, no, friend," said the Devil. "Dare not to call me 'friend,'" he answered bravely. "Come, come, friend," said the Devil. "Have you not put apart the couples that would dance? Have you not checked their laughter and their accursed mirth? Have you not worn my livery of black? O friend, friend, you do not know what a detestable thing it is to sit in hell and hear people being happy, and singing in theatres and singing in the fields, and whispering after dances under the moon," and he fell to cursing fearfully. "It is you," said the Puritan, "that put into their hearts the evil desire to dance; and black is God's own livery, not yours." And the Devil laughed contemptuously and spoke. "He only made the silly colors," he said, "and useless dawns on hill-slopes facing South, and butterflies flapping along them as soon as the sun rose high, and foolish maidens coming out to dance, and the warm mad West wind, and worst of all that pernicious influence Love." And when the Devil said that God made Love that earnest man sat up in bed and shouted "Blasphemy! Blasphemy!" "It's true," said the Devil. "It isn't I that send the village fools muttering and whispering two by two in the woods when the harvest moon is high, it's as much as I can bear even to see them dancing." "Then," said the man, "I have mistaken right for wrong; but as soon as I wake I will fight you yet." "O, no you don't," said the Devil. "You don't wake up out of this sleep." And somewhere far away Hell's black steel doors were opened, and arm in arm those two were drawn within, and the doors shut behind them and still they went arm in arm, trudging further and further into the deeps of Hell, and it was that Puritan's punishment to know that those that he cared for on Earth would do evil as he had done.
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Fifty-One Tales (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight Loc. 401-3  | Added on Thursday, March 13, 2014, 06:56 PM

"Some great thing has been here," one said, "in these huge places." "It was the mammoth," said one. "Something greater than he," said another. And then they found that the greatest thing in the world had been the dreams of man.
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Fifty-One Tales (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight Loc. 413-17  | Added on Thursday, March 13, 2014, 06:59 PM

Death was sick. But they brought him bread that the modern bakers make, whitened with alum, and the tinned meats of Chicago, with a pinch of our modern substitute for salt. They carried him into the dining-room of a great hotel (in that close atmosphere Death breathed more freely), and there they gave him their cheap Indian tea. They brought him a bottle of wine that they called champagne. Death drank it up. They brought a newspaper and looked up the patent medicines; they gave him the foods that it recommended for invalids, and a little medicine as prescribed in the paper. They gave him some milk and borax, such as children drink in England. Death arose ravening, strong, and strode again through the cities.
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Fifty-One Tales (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight Loc. 429-32  | Added on Thursday, March 13, 2014, 07:01 PM

"All that is beautiful he crushes down as a big man tramples daises, all that is fairest. How very fair are the little children of men. It is autumn with all the world, and the stars weep to see it. "Therefore no longer be the friend of Time, who will not let us be, and be not good to him but pity us, and let lovely things live on for the sake of our tears." Thus prayed I out of compassion one windy day to the snout-faced idol to whom no one kneeled.
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Fifty-One Tales (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight Loc. 441-54  | Added on Thursday, March 13, 2014, 07:03 PM

One's spirit goes further in dreams than it does by day. Wandering once by night from a factory city I came to the edge of Hell. The place was foul with cinders and cast-off things, and jagged, half-buried things with shapeless edges, and there was a huge angel with a hammer building in plaster and steel. I wondered what he did in that dreadful place. I hesitated, then asked him what he was building. "We are adding to Hell," he said, "to keep pace with the times." "Don't be too hard on them," I said, for I had just come out of a compromising age and a weakening country. The angel did not answer. "It won't be as bad as the old hell, will it?" I said. "Worse," said the angel. "How can you reconcile it with your conscience as a Minister of Grace," I said, "to inflict such a punishment?" (They talked like this in the city whence I had come and I could not avoid the habit of it.) "They have invented a new cheap yeast," said the angel. I looked at the legend on the walls of the hell that the angel was building, the words were written in flame, every fifteen seconds they changed their color, "Yeasto, the great new yeast, it builds up body and brain, and something more." "They shall look at it for ever," the angel said. "But they drove a perfectly legitimate trade," I said, "the law allowed it." The angel went on hammering into place the huge steel uprights. "You are very revengeful," I said. "Do you never rest from doing this terrible work?" "I rested one Christmas Day," the angel said, "and looked and saw little children dying of cancer. I shall go on now until the fires are lit." "It is very hard to prove," I said, "that the yeast is as bad as you think." "After all," I said, "they must live." And the angel made no answer but went on building his hell.
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Fifty-One Tales (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight Loc. 483-87  | Added on Thursday, March 13, 2014, 07:07 PM

"Who told you he will not die?" his brown friend said. "Who told me!" the black one said. "My family and his have understood each other times out of mind. We know what follies will kill each other and what each may survive, and I say that furrow-maker will not die." "He will die," said the brown one. "Caw," said the other. And Man said in his heart: "Just one invention more. There is something I want to do with petrol yet, and then I will give it all up and go back to the woods."
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Fifty-One Tales (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight Loc. 523-27  | Added on Thursday, March 13, 2014, 07:12 PM

And the twenty men began looking uneasily at each other, and the plaint of the one-eyed man went on in that tearful voice, and all of a sudden they all looked at me. I do not know who the two old men were or what any of them were doing, but there are moments when it is clearly time to go, and I left them there and then. And just as I got up on to my bicycle I heard the plaintive voice of the one with the hammer apologizing for the liberty he had taken in coming back to Stonehenge.
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Fifty-One Tales (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight Loc. 528-42  | Added on Thursday, March 13, 2014, 07:14 PM

NATURE AND TIME Through the streets of Coventry one winter's night strode a triumphant spirit. Behind him stooping, unkempt, utterly ragged, wearing the clothes and look that outcasts have, whining, weeping, reproaching, an ill-used spirit tried to keep pace with him. Continually she plucked him by the sleeve and cried out to him as she panted after and he strode resolute on. It was a bitter night, yet it did not seem to be the cold that she feared, ill-clad though she was, but the trams and the ugly shops and the glare of the factories, from which she continually winced as she hobbled on, and the pavement hurt her feet. He that strode on in front seemed to care for nothing, it might be hot or cold, silent or noisy, pavement or open fields, he merely had the air of striding on. And she caught up and clutched him by the elbow. I heard her speak in her unhappy voice, you scarcely heard it for the noise of the traffic. "You have forgotten me," she complained to him. "You have forsaken me here." She pointed to Coventry with a wide wave of her arm and seemed to indicate other cities beyond. And he gruffly told her to keep pace with him and that he did not forsake her. And she went on with her pitiful lamentation. "My anemones are dead for miles," she said, "all my woods are fallen and still the cities grow. My child Man is unhappy and my other children are dying, and still the cities grow and you have forgotten me!" And then he turned angrily on her, almost stopping in that stride of his that began when the stars were made. "When have I ever forgotten you?" he said, "or when forsaken you ever? Did I not throw down Babylon for you? And is not Nineveh gone? Where is Persepolis that troubled you? Where Tarshish and Tyre? And you have said I forget you." And at this she seemed to take a little comfort. I heard her speak once more, looking wistfully at her companion. "When will the fields come back and the grass for my children?" "Soon, soon," he said: then they were silent. And he strode away, she limping along behind him, and all the clocks in the towers chimed as he passed.
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Fifty-One Tales (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight Loc. 543-55  | Added on Thursday, March 13, 2014, 07:15 PM

As the poet passed the thorn-tree the blackbird sang. "How ever do you do it?" the poet said, for he knew bird language. "It was like this," said the blackbird. "It really was the most extraordinary thing. I made that song last Spring, it came to me all of a sudden. There was the most beautiful she-blackbird that the world has ever seen. Her eyes were blacker than lakes are at night, her feathers were blacker than the night itself, and nothing was as yellow as her beak; she could fly much faster than the lightning. She was not an ordinary she-blackbird, there has never been any other like her at all. I did not dare go near her because she was so wonderful. One day last Spring when it got warm again—it had been cold, we ate berries, things were quite different then, but Spring came and it got warm—one day I was thinking how wonderful she was and it seemed so extraordinary to think that I should ever have seen her, the only really wonderful she-blackbird in the world, that I opened my beak to give a shout, and then this song came, and there had never been anything like it before, and luckily I remembered it, the very song that I sang just now. But what is so extraordinary, the most amazing occurence of that marvellous day, was that no sooner had I sung the song than that very bird, the most wonderful she-blackbird in the world, flew right up to me and sat quite close to me on the same tree. I never remember such wonderful times as those. "Yes, the song came in a moment, and as I was saying…." And an old wanderer walking with a stick came by and the blackbird flew away, and the poet told the old man the blackbird's wonderful story. "That song new?" said the wanderer. "Not a bit of it. God made it years ago. All the blackbirds used to sing it when I was young. It was new then."
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Fifty-One Tales (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight Loc. 584-92  | Added on Thursday, March 13, 2014, 07:19 PM

And at last Man raised on high the final glory of his civilization, the towering edifice of the ultimate city. Softly beneath him in the deeps of the earth purred his machinery fulfilling all his needs, there was no more toil for man. There he sat at ease discussing the Sex Problem. And sometimes painfully out of forgotten fields, there came to his outer door, came to the furthest rampart of the final glory of Man, a poor old woman begging. And always they turned her away. This glory of Man's achievement, this city was not for her. It was Nature that came thus begging in from the fields, whom they always turned away. And away she went again alone to her fields. And one day she came again, and again they sent her hence. But her three tall sons came too. "These shall go in," she said. "Even these my sons to your city." And the three tall sons went in. And these are Nature's sons, the forlorn one's terrible children, War, Famine and Plague. Yea and they went in there and found Man unawares in his city still poring over his Problems, obsessed with his civilization, and never hearing their tread as those three came up behind.
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Fifty-One Tales (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight Loc. 599-604  | Added on Thursday, March 13, 2014, 07:21 PM

And the centuries plodded by, on and on round the world, and one day they that had danced, they that had sung in that city, remembered the lair of the earthquake in the deeps down under their feet, and made plans one with another and sought to avert the danger, sought to appease the earthquake and turn his anger away. They sent down singing girls, and priests with oats and wine, they sent down garlands and propitious berries, down by dark steps to the black depths of the earth, they sent peacocks newly slain, and boys with burning spices, and their thin white sacred cats with collars of pearls all newly drawn from sea, they sent huge diamonds down in coffers of teak, and ointment and strange oriental dyes, arrows and armor and the rings of their queen. "Oho," said the earthquake in the coolth of the earth, "so they are not the gods."
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Fifty-One Tales (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight Loc. 605-6  | Added on Thursday, March 13, 2014, 07:22 PM

When the advertiser saw the cathedral spires over the downs in the distance, he looked at them and wept. "If only," he said, "this were an advertisement of Beefo, so nice, so nutritious, try it in your soup, ladies like it."
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The Sword of Welleran and Other Stories (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight on Page 72 | Loc. 822-37  | Added on Friday, March 14, 2014, 05:37 PM

One night I sat alone on the great down, looking over the edge of it at a murky, sullen city. All day long with its smoke it had troubled the holy sky, and now it sat there roaring in the distance and glared at me with its furnaces and lighted factory windows. Suddenly I became aware that I was not the only enemy of that city, for I perceived the colossal form of the Hurricane walking over the down towards me, playing idly with the flowers as he passed, and near me he stopped and spake to the Earthquake, who had come up mole-like but vast out of a cleft in the earth. 'Old friend,' said the Hurricane, 'rememberest when we wrecked the nations and drave the herds of the sea into new pasturage?' 'Yes,' said the Earthquake, drowsily; 'Yes, yes.' 'Old friend,' said the Hurricane, 'there are cities everywhere. Over thy head while thou didst sleep they have built them constantly. My four children the Winds suffocate with the fumes of them, the valleys are desolate of flowers, and the lovely forests are cut down since last we went abroad together.' The Earthquake lay there, with his snout towards the city, blinking at the lights, while the tall Hurricane stood beside him pointing fiercely at it. 'Come,' said the Hurricane, 'let us fare forth again and destroy them, that all the lovely forests may come back and the furry creeping things. Thou shalt whelm these cities utterly and drive the people forth, and I will smite them in the shelterless places and sweep their desecrations from the sea. Wilt thou come forth with me and do this thing for the glory of it? Wilt thou wreck the world again as we did, thou and I, or ever Man had come? Wilt thou come forth to this place at this hour tomorrow night?' 'Yes,' said the Earthquake, 'Yes,' and he crept to his cleft again, and head foremost waddled down into the abysses. When the Hurricane strode away, I got up quietly and departed, but at that hour of the next night I came up cautiously to the same spot. There I found the huge grey form of the Hurricane alone, with his head bowed in his hands, weeping; for the Earthquake sleeps long and heavily in the abysses, and he would not wake.
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The Sword of Welleran and Other Stories (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight on Page 104 | Loc. 1199-1205  | Added on Friday, March 14, 2014, 05:41 PM

But into a great pink flower that was horrible and lovely grew the soul of La Traviata; and it had in it two eyes but no eyelids, and it stared constantly into the faces of all the passers-by that went along the dusty road to Hell; and the flower grew in the glare of the lights of Hell, and withered but could not die; only, one petal turned back towards the heavenly hills as an ivy leaf turns outwards to the day, and in the soft and silvery light of Paradise it withered not nor faded, but heard at times the commune of the saints coming murmuring from the distance, and sometimes caught the scent of orchards wafted from the heavenly hills, and felt a faint breeze cool it every evening at the hour when the saints to Heaven's edge went forth to bless the dead. But the Lord arose with His sword, and scattered His disobedient angels as a thresher scatters chaff.
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The Sword of Welleran and Other Stories (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight on Page 106 | Loc. 1222-25  | Added on Friday, March 14, 2014, 06:15 PM

Then Love said: 'Is it thus with you?' and his voice was grave now and quiet. 'Are you so troubled? Old friend of so many years, there is grief in my heart for you. Old friend of perilous ventures, I must leave you now. But I will send my brother soon to you—my little brother Death. And he will come up out of the marshes to you, and will not forsake you, but will be true to you as I have not been true.'
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The Sword of Welleran and Other Stories (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight on Page 7 | Loc. 32-36  | Added on Friday, March 14, 2014, 06:21 PM

Sometimes indeed there arose among the tribes young men who doubted and said: 'How may a man for ever escape death?' But graver men answered them: 'Hear us, ye whose wisdom has discerned so much, and discern for us how a man may escape death when two score horsemen assail him with their swords, all of them sworn to kill him, and all of them sworn upon their country's gods; as often Welleran hath. Or discern for us how two men alone may enter a walled city by night, and bring away from it that city's king, as did Soorenard and Mommolek. Surely men that have escaped so many swords and so many sleety arrows shall escape the years and Time.'
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The Sword of Welleran and Other Stories (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight on Page 14 | Loc. 125-27  | Added on Friday, March 14, 2014, 06:32 PM

Now into Paradise no sorrow may ever come, but may only beat like rain against its crystal walls, yet the souls of Merimna's heroes were half aware of some sorrow far away as some sleeper feels that some one is chilled and cold yet knows not in his sleep that it is he.
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The Sword of Welleran and Other Stories (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight on Page 14 | Loc. 131-37  | Added on Friday, March 14, 2014, 06:34 PM

'How beautiful thou art with all thy spires, Merimna. For thee we left the earth, its kingdoms and little flowers, for thee we have come away for awhile from Paradise. 'It is very difficult to draw away from the face of God—it is like a warm fire, it is like dear sleep, it is like a great anthem, yet there is a stillness all about it, a stillness full of lights. 'We have left Paradise for awhile for thee, Merimna. 'Many women have we loved, Merimna, but only one city. 'Behold now all the people dream, all our loved people. How beautiful are dreams! In dreams the dead may live, even the long dead and the very silent. Thy lights are all sunk low, they have all gone out, no sound is in thy streets. Hush! Thou art like a maiden that shutteth up her eyes and is asleep, that draweth her breath softly and is quite still, being at ease and untroubled.
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The Sword of Welleran and Other Stories (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight on Page 16 | Loc. 155-57  | Added on Friday, March 14, 2014, 06:36 PM

and one by one they troubled the dreams of all Merimna's men and caused them to arise and go out armed, all save the purple guard who, heedless of danger, sang of Welleran still, for waking men cannot hear the souls of the dead.
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The Sword of Welleran and Other Stories (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight on Page 19 | Loc. 188-95  | Added on Friday, March 14, 2014, 06:39 PM

And now the armies had come very near. Suddenly Rold leaped up, crying: 'Welleran! And the sword of Welleran!' And the savage, lusting sword that had thirsted for a hundred years went up with the hand of Rold and swept through a tribesman's ribs. And with the warm blood all about it there came a joy into the curved soul of that mighty sword, like to the joy of a swimmer coming up dripping out of warm seas after living for long in a dry land. When they saw the red cloak and that terrible sword a cry ran through the tribal armies, 'Welleran lives!' And there arose the sounds of the exulting of victorious men, and the panting of those that fled, and the sword singing softly to itself as it whirled dripping through the air. And the last that I saw of the battle as it poured into the depth and darkness of the ravine was the sword of Welleran sweeping up and falling, gleaming blue in the moonlight whenever it arose and afterwards gleaming red, and so disappearing into the darkness.
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The Sword of Welleran and Other Stories (LORD DUNSANY)
- Highlight on Page 20 | Loc. 206-8  | Added on Friday, March 14, 2014, 06:42 PM

Thus wept the people of Merimna in the hour of their great victory, for men have strange moods, while beside them their old inviolate city slumbered safe. But back from the ramparts and beyond the mountains and over the lands that they had conquered of old, beyond the world and back again to Paradise, went the souls of Welleran, Soorenard, Mommolek, Rollory, Akanax, and young Iraine.
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 80-86  | Added on Sunday, March 16, 2014, 08:02 PM

History, Edward Gibbon wrote in The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, is “little more than the register of crimes, follies, and misfortunes of mankind.” The annals of the Central Intelligence Agency are filled with folly and misfortune, along with acts of bravery and cunning. They are replete with fleeting successes and long-lasting failures abroad. They are marked by political battles and power struggles at home. The agency’s triumphs have saved some blood and treasure. Its mistakes have squandered both. They have proved fatal for legions of American soldiers and foreign agents; some three thousand Americans who died in New York, Washington, and Pennsylvania on September 11, 2001; and three thousand more who have died since then in Iraq and Afghanistan. The one crime of lasting consequence has been the CIA’s inability to carry out its central mission: informing the president of what is happening in the world. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 136-41  | Added on Sunday, March 16, 2014, 08:10 PM

The challenge of understanding the world as it is has overwhelmed three generations of CIA officers. Few among the new generation have mastered the intricacies of foreign lands, much less the political culture of Washington. In turn, almost every president, almost every Congress, and almost every director of central intelligence since the 1960s has proved incapable of grasping the mechanics of the CIA. Most have left the agency in worse shape than they found it. Their failures have handed future generations, in the words of President Eisenhower, “a legacy of ashes.” We are back where we began sixty years ago, in a state of disarray. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 165-67  | Added on Sunday, March 16, 2014, 08:13 PM

Truman wanted it to serve him solely as a global news service, delivering daily bulletins. “It was not intended as a ‘Cloak & Dagger Outfit’!” he wrote. “It was intended merely as a center for keeping the President informed on what was going on in the world.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 201-3  | Added on Sunday, March 16, 2014, 08:17 PM

Senior American military officers thought an independent civilian intelligence service run by Donovan, with direct access to the president, would be “an extremely dangerous thing in a democracy,” in the words of Major General Clayton Bissell, the assistant chief of staff for military intelligence. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 245-47  | Added on Sunday, March 16, 2014, 08:23 PM

Donovan had hoped that he could sweet-talk Truman, a man he had always treated with cavalier disdain, into creating the CIA. But he had misread his own president. Truman had decided that Donovan’s plan had the earmarks of a Gestapo. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 250-51  | Added on Sunday, March 16, 2014, 08:24 PM

In the rubble of Berlin, Allen Dulles, the ranking OSS officer in Germany, had found a splendid and well-staffed mansion for his new headquarters in the summer of 1945. His favorite lieutenant, Richard Helms, began trying to spy on the Soviets. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 255-56  | Added on Sunday, March 16, 2014, 08:25 PM

Helms had been happy to return to Berlin, where he had made his name as a twenty-three-year-old wire service reporter by interviewing Hitler at the 1936 Olympics. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 263-66  | Added on Sunday, March 16, 2014, 08:26 PM

On September 26, 1945, six days after President Truman signed away the OSS, General Magruder stalked down the endless corridors of the Pentagon. The moment was opportune: the secretary of war, Henry Stimson, had resigned that week, and Stimson had been dead-set against the idea of a CIA. “Seems to me most inadvisable,” he had told Donovan a few months earlier. Now General Magruder seized the opening left by Stimson’s departure. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 285-89  | Added on Sunday, March 16, 2014, 08:29 PM

And as the fear of a new war increased, the future leaders of American intelligence split into two rival camps. One believed in the slow and patient gathering of secret intelligence through espionage. The other believed in secret warfare—taking the battle to the enemy through covert action. Espionage seeks to know the world. That was Richard Helms. Covert action seeks to change the world. That would be Frank Wisner. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 321-22  | Added on Sunday, March 16, 2014, 08:34 PM

President Truman had relied on his budget director, Harold D. Smith, to oversee the orderly dismantling of the American war machine. But demobilization was turning into disintegration. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 326-29  | Added on Sunday, March 16, 2014, 08:34 PM

Truman saw he had created a snafu and decided to set it straight. He summoned the deputy director of naval intelligence, Rear Admiral Sidney W. Souers. A reservist, Souers was a Democratic Party stalwart from Missouri, a wealthy businessman who made his money in life insurance and Piggly Wiggly shops, the nation’s first self-service supermarkets. He had served on a postwar commission studying the future of intelligence created by Secretary of the Navy James Forrestal, but his sights were set on nothing grander than a swift return to Saint Louis. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 337-38  | Added on Sunday, March 16, 2014, 08:35 PM

Like every director of central intelligence who followed him, he was given great responsibility without equivalent authority. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 347-49  | Added on Sunday, March 16, 2014, 08:36 PM

The only American insights on the Kremlin in those days came from the newly appointed American ambassador in Moscow, the future director of central intelligence, General Walter Bedell Smith, and his ranking Russia hand, George Kennan. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 382-84  | Added on Sunday, March 16, 2014, 08:41 PM

The general repeated: “How far is Russia going to go?” Stalin looked right at him and said: “We’re not going to go much further.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 390-96  | Added on Sunday, March 16, 2014, 08:42 PM

Vandenberg lacked three essential tools: money, power, and people. The Central Intelligence Group stood outside the law, in the judgment of Lawrence Houston, general counsel for Central Intelligence from 1946 to 1972. The president could not legally create a federal agency out of thin air. Without the consent of Congress, Central Intelligence could not legally spend money. No money meant no power. Vandenberg set out to get the United States back into the intelligence business. He created a new Office of Special Operations to conduct spying and subversion overseas and wrangled $15 million under the table from a handful of congressmen to carry out those missions. He wanted to know everything about the Soviet forces in Eastern and Central Europe—their movements, their capabilities, their intentions—and he ordered Richard Helms to deliver in a hurry. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 441-45  | Added on Monday, March 17, 2014, 01:21 AM

Washington was a small town run by people who believed that they lived in the center of the universe. Their city within the city was Georgetown, a square-mile enclave of cobblestone streets lush with magnolias. In its heart, at 3327 P Street, stood a fine four-story house built in 1820, with an English garden out back and a formal dining room with high windows. Frank and Polly Wisner made it their home. On Sunday evenings in 1947, it became the seat of the emerging American national-security establishment. The foreign policy of the United States took shape at the Wisners’ table. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 453-57  | Added on Monday, March 17, 2014, 01:22 AM

These men believed it was in their power to change the course of human events, and their great debate was how to stop a Soviet takeover of Europe. Stalin was consolidating his control of the Balkans. Leftist guerrillas battled a right-wing monarchy in the mountains of Greece. Food riots broke out in Italy and France, where communist politicians called for general strikes. British soldiers and spies were pulling out of their posts all over the world, leaving wide swaths of the map open for the communists. The sun was setting on the British Empire; the exchequer could not sustain it. The United States was going to have to lead the free world alone. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 474  | Added on Monday, March 17, 2014, 01:23 AM

Truman’s popularity was plunging; his approval 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Bookmark Loc. 474  | Added on Monday, March 17, 2014, 01:23 AM


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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 474-76  | Added on Monday, March 17, 2014, 01:23 AM

Truman’s popularity was plunging; his approval rating in public opinion polls had fallen 50 points since the end of the war. He had changed his mind about Stalin and the Soviets. He was now convinced that they were an evil abroad in the world. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 478-82  | Added on Monday, March 17, 2014, 01:24 AM

Acheson explained that a communist beachhead in Greece would threaten all of Western Europe. The United States was going to have to find a way to save the free world—and Congress was going to have to pay the bill. Senator Vandenberg cleared his throat and turned to Truman. “Mr. President,” he said, “the only way you are ever going to get this is to make a speech and scare the hell out of the country.” On March 12, 1947, Truman made that speech, warning a joint session of Congress that the world would face disaster unless the United States fought communism abroad. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 485-87  | Added on Monday, March 17, 2014, 01:25 AM

His credo was something new: “I believe that it must be the policy of the United States to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures.” Any attack launched by an American enemy in any nation of the world was an attack on the United States. This was the Truman Doctrine. Congress rose for a standing ovation. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 490-93  | Added on Monday, March 17, 2014, 01:25 AM

General Vandenberg was counting the days until he could take over the new air force, but he delivered secret testimony to a handful of members of Congress in his last days as director of central intelligence, saying that the nation faced foreign threats as never before. “The oceans have shrunk, until today both Europe and Asia border the United States almost as do Canada and Mexico,” he said, in a turn of phrase repeated, eerily, by President Bush after 9/11. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 497-99  | Added on Monday, March 17, 2014, 01:26 AM

Vandenberg ended by saying it would take at least five more years to build a professional cadre of American spies. The warning was repeated word for word half a century later, in 1997, by Director of Central Intelligence George J. Tenet, and Tenet said it again upon resigning in 2004. A great spy service was always five years over the horizon. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 510-12  | Added on Monday, March 17, 2014, 01:28 AM

in the way that his brother John Foster Dulles, the party’s principal foreign policy spokesman, was seen as a shadow secretary of state. Allen was genial in the extreme, with twinkling eyes, a belly laugh, and an almost impish deviousness. But he was also a duplicitous man, a chronic adulterer, ruthlessly ambitious. He was not above misleading Congress or his colleagues or even his commander in chief. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 523-27  | Added on Monday, March 17, 2014, 01:31 AM

The creation of a new American clandestine service was at hand. President Truman unveiled the new architecture for the cold war by signing the National Security Act of 1947 on July 26. The act created the air force as a separate service, led by General Vandenberg, and a new National Security Council was to be the White House switchboard for presidential decisions. The act also created the office of secretary of defense; its first occupant, James Forrestal, was ordered to unify the American military. (“This office,” Forrestal wrote a few days later, “will probably be the greatest cemetery for dead cats in history.”) 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 530-32  | Added on Monday, March 17, 2014, 01:32 AM

The agency was not their overseer, but their stepchild. Its powers were poorly defined. No formal charter or congressionally appropriated funds would come for nearly two more years. The CIA’s headquarters would survive until then on a subsistence fund maintained by a few members of Congress. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 552-57  | Added on Monday, March 17, 2014, 01:35 AM

The new commander of the CIA’s Office of Special Operations, Colonel Donald “Wrong-Way” Galloway, was a strutting martinet who had reached the apex of his talent as a West Point cavalry officer teaching equestrian etiquette to cadets. His deputy, Stephen Penrose, who had run the Middle East division of the OSS, resigned in frustration. In a bitter memo to Forrestal, Penrose warned that “CIA is losing its professionals, and is not acquiring competent new personnel,” at the very time “when, as almost never before, the government needs an effective, expanding, professional intelligence service.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 557-59  | Added on Monday, March 17, 2014, 01:36 AM

Nevertheless, on December 14, 1947, the National Security Council issued its first top secret orders to the CIA. The agency was to execute “covert psychological operations designed to counter Soviet and Soviet-inspired activities.” With this martial drum roll, the CIA set out to beat the Reds in the Italian elections, set for April 1948. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 574-79  | Added on Monday, March 17, 2014, 01:39 AM

tap into the Exchange Stabilization Fund set up in the Depression to shore up the value of the dollar overseas through short-term currency trading, and converted during World War II as a depository for captured Axis loot. The fund held $200 million earmarked for the reconstruction of Europe. It delivered millions into the bank accounts of wealthy American citizens, many of them Italian Americans, who then sent the money to newly formed political fronts created by the CIA. Donors were instructed to place a special code on their income tax forms alongside their “charitable donation.” The millions were delivered to Italian politicians and the priests of Catholic Action, a political arm of the Vatican. Suitcases filled with cash changed hands in the four-star Hassler Hotel. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 624-26  | Added on Monday, March 17, 2014, 01:44 AM

On June 23, the Western powers instituted the new currency. In immediate response, the Soviets blockaded Berlin. As the United States mounted an airlift to beat the blockade, Kennan spent long hours in the crisis room, the double-locked overseas communications center on the fifth floor of the State Department, agonizing as cables and telexes flashed in from Berlin. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 653-54  | Added on Tuesday, March 18, 2014, 10:55 AM

His organization soon grew bigger than the rest of the agency combined. Covert operations became the agency’s dominant force, with the most people, the most money, the most power, and so they remained for more than twenty years. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 710-12  | Added on Tuesday, March 18, 2014, 11:04 AM

Wisner proposed to break communist influence over the largest trade federations in France and Italy with cash from the plan; Kennan personally authorized these operations. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 716-17  | Added on Tuesday, March 18, 2014, 11:04 AM

The CIA’s money and power flowed into the well-greased palms of Corsican gangsters who knew how to break a strike with bare knuckles. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Bookmark Loc. 786  | Added on Tuesday, March 18, 2014, 11:11 AM


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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 786-89  | Added on Tuesday, March 18, 2014, 11:11 AM

“We will just have to tell the House they will have to accept our judgment and we cannot answer a great many questions that might be asked,” Vinson told his colleagues. Dewey Short of Missouri, the ranking Republican on the House Armed Services Committee, agreed that it would be “supreme folly” to debate the act in public: “The less we say about this bill, the better off all of us will be.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 791-93  | Added on Tuesday, March 18, 2014, 11:11 AM

in the twenty-five years between the passage of the CIA Act and the awakening of a watchdog spirit in Congress, the CIA was barred only from behaving like a secret police force inside the United States. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 827-29  | Added on Tuesday, March 18, 2014, 11:14 AM

Another warned that “American Intelligence is a rich blind man using the Abwehr as a seeing-eye dog. The only trouble is—the leash is much too long.” Helms himself expressed a well-founded fear that “there is no question the Russians know this operation is going on.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 899-903  | Added on Tuesday, March 18, 2014, 11:27 AM

Angleton was promoted to chief of counterintelligence when it was over. He held the job for twenty years. Drunk after lunch, his mind an impenetrable maze, his in-box a black hole, he passed judgment on every operation and every officer that the CIA aimed against the Soviets. He came to believe that a Soviet master plot controlled American perceptions of the world, and that he and he alone understood the depths of the deception. He took the CIA’s missions against Moscow down into a dark labyrinth. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 923-24  | Added on Tuesday, March 18, 2014, 11:30 AM

All told, hundreds of the CIA’s foreign agents were sent to their deaths in Russia, Poland, Romania, Ukraine, and the Baltic States during the 1950s. Their fates were unrecorded; no accounts were kept and no penalty assessed for failure. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 942-46  | Added on Tuesday, March 18, 2014, 11:33 AM

The general’s task was to learn the secrets of the Kremlin, and he had a good idea of his chances. “There are only two personalities that I know of who might do it,” he told the five senators who confirmed him at an August 24 hearing where he wore a newly acquired fourth star, a prize from the president. “One is God, and the other is Stalin, and I do not know that even God can do it because I do not know whether he is close enough in touch with Uncle Joe to know what he is talking about.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 960-61  | Added on Tuesday, March 18, 2014, 07:44 PM

The president wanted the CIA’s best intelligence on Korea. Above all, he wanted to know whether the communist Chinese would enter the war. MacArthur, driving his troops deep into North Korea, had insisted that China would never attack. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 974-77  | Added on Tuesday, March 18, 2014, 07:46 PM

The one true source of intelligence on the Far East from the final days of World War II until the end of 1949 had been the wizards of American signals intelligence. They had been able to intercept and decrypt passages from communist cables and communiqués sent between Moscow and the Far East. Then silence fell at the very hour that the North Korean leader Kim Il-sung was consulting with Stalin and Mao on his intent to attack. America’s ability to listen in on Soviet, Chinese, and North Korean military plans suddenly vanished. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Bookmark Loc. 978  | Added on Tuesday, March 18, 2014, 07:46 PM


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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 979-84  | Added on Tuesday, March 18, 2014, 07:46 PM

He was William Wolf Weisband, a linguist who translated broken messages from Russian into English. Weisband, recruited as a spy by Moscow in the 1930s, single-handedly shattered the ability of the United States to read the Soviets’ secret dispatches. Bedell Smith recognized that something terrible had happened to American signals intelligence, and he alerted the White House. The result was the creation of the National Security Agency, the signals-intelligence service that grew to dwarf the CIA in its size and power. Half a century later, the National Security Agency called the Weisband case “perhaps the most significant intelligence loss in U.S. history.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 996-99  | Added on Tuesday, March 18, 2014, 07:50 PM

Yet CIA headquarters asserted one last time that China would not invade in force. Two days later 300,000 Chinese troops struck with an attack so brutal that it nearly pushed the Americans into the sea. Bedell Smith was aghast. He believed that the business of the CIA was to guard the nation against military surprise. But the agency had misread every global crisis of the past year: the Soviet atom bomb, the Korean War, the Chinese invasion. In December 1950, 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1003-4  | Added on Tuesday, March 18, 2014, 07:50 PM

On January 4, 1951, Bedell Smith bowed to the inevitable and appointed Allen Dulles as the CIA’s deputy director of 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1003-4  | Added on Tuesday, March 18, 2014, 07:50 PM

On January 4, 1951, Bedell Smith bowed to the inevitable and appointed Allen Dulles as the CIA’s deputy director of plans (the title was a cover; the job was chief of covert operations). 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1007-10  | Added on Tuesday, March 18, 2014, 07:51 PM

Wisner’s operations had multiplied fivefold since the start of the war. Bedell Smith saw that the United States had no strategy for conducting this kind of struggle. He appealed to President Truman and the National Security Council. Was the agency really supposed to support armed revolution in Eastern Europe? In China? In Russia? The Pentagon and the State Department replied: yes, all that, and more. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1019  | Added on Tuesday, March 18, 2014, 07:52 PM

“The operational tail will wag the intelligence dog,” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1018-20  | Added on Tuesday, March 18, 2014, 07:52 PM

This posed “a distinct danger to CIA as an intelligence agency,” Bedell Smith fumed. “The operational tail will wag the intelligence dog,” he warned. “The top people will be forced to take up all their time in the direction of operations and will necessarily neglect intelligence.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1091-96  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 09:48 AM

deputy director of intelligence, Loftus Becker. After Bedell Smith sent him on an inspection tour of all the CIA’s Asian stations in November 1952, Becker came home and turned in his resignation. He had concluded that the situation was hopeless: the CIA’s ability to gather intelligence in the Far East was “almost negligible.” Before resigning, he confronted Frank Wisner: “Blown operations indicate a lack of success,” he told him, “and there have been a number of these lately.” Hart’s reports and Haney’s frauds were buried. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1100-1101  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 09:49 AM

The ability to represent failure as success was becoming a CIA tradition. The agency’s unwillingness to learn from its mistakes became a permanent part of its culture. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1101-2  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 09:49 AM

The CIA’s covert operators never wrote “lessons-learned” studies. Even today there are few if any rules or procedures for producing them. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1105-6  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 09:49 AM

The inability to penetrate North Korea remains the longest-running intelligence failure in the CIA’s history. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1107-13  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 09:51 AM

The agency opened a second front in the Korean War in 1951. The officers on the agency’s China operations desk, frantic at Mao’s entry into the war, convinced themselves that as many as one million Kuomintang Nationalist guerrillas were waiting inside Red China for the CIA’s help. Were these reports fabricated by paper mills in Hong Kong, produced by political conniving in Taiwan, or conjured up by wishful thinking in Washington? Was it wise for the CIA to make war against Mao? There was no time to think that through. “You do not have in government a basic approved strategy for this kind of war,” Bedell Smith told Dulles and Wisner. “We haven’t even a policy on Chiang Kai-shek.” Dulles and Wisner made their own. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1114-18  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 09:51 AM

One potential recruit, Paul Kreisberg, was eager to join the CIA until “they tested me on my loyalty and my commitment by asking whether I would be willing to be dropped by parachute into Szechuan. My target would be to organize a group of anti-communist Kuomintang soldiers who remained up in the hills in Szechuan and work with them in a number of operations and then exfiltrate myself, if necessary, out through Burma. They looked at me, and they said, ‘Would you be willing to do that?’” Kreisberg thought it over and joined the State Department. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1152-56  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 09:56 AM

When Li Mi’s soldiers crossed over into China, Mao’s forces shot them to pieces. The CIA’s espionage officers discovered that Li Mi’s radioman in Bangkok was a Chinese communist agent. But Wisner’s men pressed on. Li Mi’s soldiers retreated and regrouped. When FitzGerald dropped more guns and ammunition into Burma, Li Mi’s men would not fight. They settled into the mountains known as the Golden Triangle, harvested opium poppies, and married the local women. Twenty years later, the CIA would have to start another small war in Burma to wipe out the heroin labs that were the basis of Li Mi’s global drug empire. 
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- Bookmark Loc. 1165  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 09:57 AM


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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1165-67  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 09:57 AM

the luckless station chief, John Hart, had to start all over again, recruiting, training, and parachuting agents into North Korea from 1953 until 1955. All of them, to the best of his knowledge, were captured and executed. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1169-70  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 09:58 AM

A generation later, American military veterans called Korea “the forgotten war.” At the agency, it was deliberate amnesia. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1179-83  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 10:00 AM

at a secret conference held at the Princeton Inn in May 1952. “After all, we have had a hundred thousand casualties in Korea,” he said, according to a transcript declassified in 2003. “If we have been willing to accept those casualties, I wouldn’t worry if there were a few casualties or a few martyrs behind the iron curtain…. I don’t think you can wait until you have all your troops and are sure you are going to win. You have got to start and go ahead. “You have got to have a few martyrs,” Dulles said. “Some people have to get killed.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1193  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 10:01 AM

“When you ask, ‘Shall we go on the offensive?’ I see a vast field of illusion,” Bohlen said. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1194-99  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 10:02 AM

commanded Frank Wisner and the CIA to conduct “a major covert offensive against the Soviet Union,” aimed at “the heartland of the communist control system.” Wisner tried. The Marshall Plan was being transformed into pacts providing America’s allies with weapons, and Wisner saw this as a chance to arm secret stay-behind forces to fight the Soviets in the event of war. He was seeding the ground all over Europe. Throughout the mountains and forests of Scandinavia, France, Germany, Italy, and Greece, his men were dropping gold ingots into lakes and burying caches of weapons for the coming battle. In the marshes and foothills of Ukraine and the Baltics, his pilots were dropping agents to their deaths. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1201-2  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 10:02 AM

None of this provided insight into the nature of the Soviet threat. Operations to sabotage the Soviet empire kept overwhelming plans to spy on it. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1204-20  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 10:04 AM

Deeply wary, Walter Bedell Smith dispatched a trusted three-star general, Lucian K. Truscott, an officer with impeccable connections and a distinguished war record, to take over the CIA’s operations in Germany and to find out what Wisner’s men were doing. General Truscott’s orders were to suspend every scheme he deemed dubious. Upon his arrival, he chose Tom Polgar of the CIA’s Berlin base as his chief aide. They found several ticking time bombs. Among them was one very dark secret, described in CIA documents of the day as a program of “overseas interrogations.” The agency had set up clandestine prisons to wring confessions out of suspected double agents. One was in Germany, another in Japan. The third, and the biggest, was in the Panama Canal Zone. “Like Guantánamo,” Polgar said in 2005. “It was anything goes.” The zone was its own world, seized by the United States at the turn of the century, bulldozed out of the jungles that surrounded the Panama Canal. On a naval base in the zone, the CIA’s office of security had refitted a complex of cinder-block prison cells inside a navy brig normally used to house drunk and disorderly sailors. In those cells, the agency was conducting secret experiments in harsh interrogation, using techniques on the edge of torture, drug-induced mind control, and brainwashing. The project dated back to 1948, when Richard Helms and his officers in Germany realized they were being defrauded by double agents. The effort began as a crash program in 1950, when the Korean War erupted and a sense of emergency seized the CIA. Late that summer, as the temperature approached a hundred degrees in Panama, two Russian émigrés who had been delivered to the Canal Zone from Germany were injected with drugs and brutally interrogated. Along with four suspected North Korean double agents subjected to the same treatment at a military base commandeered by the CIA in Japan, they were among the first known human guinea pigs under a program code-named Project Artichoke, a small but significant part of a fifteen-year search by the CIA for ways to control the human mind. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1224-27  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 10:05 AM

Richard Helms once said that American intelligence officers were trained to believe that they could not count on a foreign agent “unless you own him body and soul.” The need for a way to own a man’s soul led to the search for mind-control drugs and secret prisons in which to test them. Dulles, Wisner, and Helms were personally responsible for these endeavors. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1234-37  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 10:06 AM

Senior CIA officers, including Helms, destroyed almost all the records of these programs in fear that they might become public. The evidence that remains is fragmentary, but it strongly suggests that use of secret prisons for the forcible drug-induced questioning of suspect agents went on throughout the 1950s. Members of the clandestine service, the agency’s security office, and the CIA’s scientists and doctors met monthly to discuss the progress of Project Artichoke until 1956. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1276-77  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 10:10 AM

Shackley said he never forgot the sight of his fellow officers realizing that five years of planning and millions of dollars had gone down the drain. The unkindest cut might have been their discovery that the Poles had sent a chunk of the CIA’s money to the Communist Party of Italy. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1300-1302  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 10:16 AM

Dwight D. Eisenhower won the presidency on a national-security platform that called for the free world to liberate the Soviet satellites, a script written by his closest foreign-policy adviser, John Foster Dulles. Their victory plans called for a new director of central intelligence. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1314-16  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 10:18 AM

Over the next eight years, through his devotion to covert action, his disdain for the details of analysis, and his dangerous practice of deceiving the president of the United States, Allen Dulles did untold damage to the agency he had helped to create. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1323-25  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 10:19 AM

Allen Dulles had been director of central intelligence for one week when, on March 5, 1953, Joseph Stalin died. “We have no reliable inside intelligence on thinking inside the Kremlin,” the agency lamented a few days later. “Our estimates of Soviet long-range plans and intentions are speculations drawn from inadequate evidence.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1330-34  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 10:20 AM

But the agency’s speculations about the Soviets were reflections in a funhouse mirror. Stalin never had a master plan for world domination, nor the means to pursue it. The man who eventually took control of the Soviet Union after his death, Nikita Khrushchev, recalled that Stalin “trembled” and “quivered” at the prospect of a global combat with America. “He was afraid of war,” Khrushchev said. “Stalin never did anything to provoke a war with the nited States. He knew his weakness.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1336-37  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 10:20 AM

Stalin and his successors were pathological about their frontiers. Napoleon had invaded from Paris, and then Hitler from Berlin. Stalin’s only coherent postwar foreign policy had been to turn Eastern Europe into an enormous human shield. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1338-40  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 10:21 AM

Americans were about to enjoy eight years of peace and prosperity under Eisenhower. But that peace came at the cost of a skyrocketing arms race, political witch hunts, and a permanent war economy. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1341-43  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 10:21 AM

He feared that the costs of the cold war could cripple the United States; if his generals and admirals had their way, they would consume the treasury. He decided to base his strategy on secret weapons: nuclear bombs and covert action. They were far cheaper than multibillion-dollar fleets of fighter jets and flotillas of aircraft carriers. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1363-66  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 10:24 AM

“We were engaged in the defense of a way of life, and the great danger was that in defending this way of life we would find ourselves resorting to methods that endangered this way of life. The real problem, as the President saw it, was to devise methods of meeting the Soviet threat and of adopting controls, if necessary, that would not result in our transformation into a garrison state. The whole thing, said the President, was a paradox.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1383-84  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 10:25 AM

By the end of the Solarium project, the idea of rolling back Russia through covert action was pronounced dead at age five. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1386-87  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 10:25 AM

Under Eisenhower, the agency undertook 170 new major covert actions in 48 nations—political, psychological, and paramilitary warfare missions in countries where American spies knew little of the culture or the language or the history of the people. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1407-10  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 10:28 AM

The minutes of the daily meetings of Dulles and his deputies depict an agency lurching from international crisis to internal calamities—rampant alcoholism, financial malfeasance, mass resignations. What should be done about a CIA officer who had killed a British colleague and faced trial for manslaughter? Why had the former station chief in Switzerland committed suicide? What could be done about the lack of talent in the clandestine service? 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1446-49  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 01:12 PM

During the nineteen months that Bedell Smith served as the president’s proconsul for covert action, the agency carried out the only two victorious coups in its history. The declassified records of those coups show that they succeeded by bribery and coercion and brute force, not secrecy and stealth and cunning. But they created the legend that the CIA was a silver bullet in the arsenal of democracy. They gave the agency the aura that Dulles coveted. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1456-58  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 01:13 PM

He learned that Prime Minister Winston Churchill wanted the CIA to help overthrow Iran. Iran’s oil had propelled Churchill to power and glory forty years before. Now Sir Winston wanted it back. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1458-63  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 01:14 PM

On the eve of World War I, Churchill, as first lord of the British Admiralty, had converted the Royal Navy from coal-burning to oil-burning ships. He championed the British purchase of 51 percent of the new Anglo-Persian Oil Company, which had struck the first of Iran’s oil five years before. The British took a lion’s share. Not only did Iranian oil fuel Churchill’s new armada, but the revenues paid for it. The oil became the lifeblood of the British exchequer. While Britannia ruled the waves, British, Russian, and Turkish troops trampled northern Iran, destroying much of the nation’s agriculture and sparking a famine that killed perhaps two million people. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1472-76  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 01:16 PM

After the war, Mossadeq called upon the Majlis to renegotiate the British oil concession. Anglo-Iranian Oil controlled the world’s largest known reserves. Its offshore refinery at Abadan was the biggest on earth. While British oil executives and technicians played in private clubs and swimming pools, Iranian oil workers lived in shanties without running water, electricity, or sewers; the injustice bred support for the communist Tudeh Party of Iran, which claimed about 2,500 members at the time. The British took twice as much income from the oil as the Iranians. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1482-87  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 01:17 PM

He was seventy-six; Mossadeq was sixty-nine. Both were stubborn old men who conducted affairs of state in their pajamas. British commanders drew up plans for seventy thousand troops to seize Iran’s oil fields and the Abadan refinery. Mossadeq took his case to the United Nations and the White House, laying on the charm in public while warning Truman in private that a British attack could set off World War III. Truman told Churchill flatly that the United States would never back such an invasion. Churchill countered that the price for British military support in the Korean War was American political support for his position in Iran. They reached an impasse in the summer of 1952. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1491-92  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 01:18 PM

The stated foreign policy of the United States was to support Mossadeq. But the CIA was setting out to depose him without the imprimatur of the White House. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1505-6  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 01:20 PM

The CIA took its cues from the influence-buying network controlled by British intelligence. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1605-6  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 01:30 PM

On the way to meet him at the airport, members of the American embassy passed a toppled bronze statue of the shah’s father, with only the boots left standing. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1614-23  | Added on Wednesday, March 19, 2014, 01:32 PM

sometime after 2 a.m., Wisner placed a frantic telephone call to John Waller, who was running the Iran desk at CIA headquarters. The shah had flown to Rome and checked into the Excelsior Hotel, Wisner reported. And then “a terrible, terrible coincidence occurred,” Wisner said. “Can you guess what it is?” Waller could not imagine. “Think of the worst thing you can think of,” Wisner said. “He was hit by a cab and killed,” Waller replied. “No, no, no, no,” Wisner responded. “John, maybe you don’t know that Dulles had decided to extend his vacation by going to Rome. Now can you imagine what happened?” Waller shot back: “Dulles hit him with his car and killed him?” Wisner was not amused. “They both showed up at the reception desk at the Excelsior at the very same moment,” Wisner said. “And Dulles had to say, ‘After you, Your Majesty.’” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1640-41  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 08:28 AM

Roosevelt handed Zahedi $1 million in cash, and the new prime minister set out to crush all opposition and jail thousands of political prisoners. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1645-48  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 08:29 AM

In his hour of glory, Kim Roosevelt flew to London. On August 26, at two in the afternoon, he was received at 10 Downing Street by the prime minister. Winston Churchill was “in bad shape,” Roosevelt reported, his speech slurred, his vision occluded, his memory fleeting: “The initials CIA meant nothing to him, but he had a vague idea that Roosevelt must be connected in some way with his old friend Bedell Smith.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1648-49  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 08:29 AM

Roosevelt was hailed as a hero at the White House. Faith in the magic of covert action soared. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1658-59  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 08:30 AM

The shah wanted a secret police to protect his power. SAVAK, trained and equipped by the CIA, enforced his rule for more than twenty years. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1660-62  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 08:31 AM

The CIA wove itself into Iran’s political culture, locked in “a passionate embrace with the Shah,” said Andrew Killgore, a State Department political officer under the American ambassador from 1972 to 1976—Richard Helms. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1666-67  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 08:31 AM

The illusion that the CIA could overthrow a nation by sleight of hand was alluring. It led the agency into a battle in Central America that went on for the next forty years. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1673-76  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 08:32 AM

Plots for a coup against the president, Jacobo Arbenz, had been kicking around the agency for almost three years. They were revived the instant that Kim Roosevelt returned triumphant from Iran. An elated Allen Dulles asked him to lead the operation in Central America. Roosevelt respectfully declined. He determined after studying the matter that the agency was going in blind. It had no spies in Guatemala and no sense of the will of the army or the people. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1685-86  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 08:33 AM

He met with President Arbenz and reported: “I am definitely convinced that if the President is not a communist, he will certainly do until one comes along.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1710-15  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 08:37 AM

The CIA’s charter demanded that covert action be conducted in ways so subtle that the American hand was unseen. That mattered little to Wisner. “There is not the slightest doubt that if the operation is carried through many Latin Americans will see in it the hand of the U.S.,” he told Dulles. But if Operation Success was curtailed “on the grounds that the hand of the U.S. is too clearly shown,” Wisner argued, “a serious question is raised as to whether any operation of this kind can appropriately be included as one of the U.S. cold war weapons, no matter how great the provocation or how favorable the auspices.” Wisner thought that an operation was clandestine so long as it was unacknowledged by the United States and kept secret from the American people. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1763-68  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 08:43 AM

The arrival of the arms—many of them rusted and useless, some bearing a swastika stamp, indicating their age and origin—created a propaganda windfall for the United States. Grossly overstating the size and military significance of the cargo, Foster Dulles and the State Department announced that Guatemala was now part of a Soviet plot to subvert the Western Hemisphere. The Speaker of the House, John McCormack, called the shipment an atomic bomb planted in America’s backyard. Ambassador Peurifoy said the United States was at war. “Nothing short of direct military intervention will succeed,” he cabled Wisner on May 21. Three days later, U.S. Navy warships and submarines blockaded Guatemala, in violation of international law. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1775-80  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 08:44 AM

For four weeks, starting on May Day 1954, the CIA had been waging psychological warfare in Guatemala through a pirate radio station called the Voice of Liberation, run by a CIA contract officer, an amateur actor and skilled dramatist named David Atlee Phillips. In a tremendous stroke of luck, the Guatemalan state radio station went off the air in mid-May for a scheduled replacement of its antenna. Phillips snuggled up to its frequency, where listeners looking for the state broadcasts found Radio CIA. Unrest turned to hysteria among the populace as the rebel station sent out shortwave reports of imaginary uprisings and defections and plots to poison wells and conscript children. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1808-13  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 08:47 AM

“Bomb repeat Bomb,” he pleaded. Haney weighed in less than two hours later with a blistering message to Wisner: “Are we going to stand by and see last hope of free people in Guatemala submerged to depths of Communist oppression and atrocity until we send American armed force against enemy?…Is not our intervention now under these circumstances far more palatable than by Marines? This is the same enemy we fought in Korea and may fight tomorrow in Indo-China.” Wisner froze. It was one thing to send legions of foreigners to their deaths. It was quite another to send American pilots to blow up a national capital. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1829-31  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 08:49 AM

Dulles picked up the phone and called William Pawley—one of the richest businessmen in the United States, the chairman of Democrats for Eisenhower, one of Ike’s biggest benefactors in the 1952 elections, and a CIA consultant. Pawley could provide a secret air force if anyone could. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1836-38  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 08:49 AM

The president and Pawley recorded the conversation almost identically in their memoirs—with one exception. Eisenhower erased Pawley from history, and it is clear why: he cut a secret deal with his political benefactor. “Ike turned to me,” Pawley wrote, “and he said: ‘Bill, go ahead and get the planes.’” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1851-62  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 08:51 AM

Ambassador Peurifoy met with the coup plotters on June 27, victory within his grasp. But then Arbenz ceded power to Colonel Carlos Enrique Diaz, who formed a junta and vowed to fight Castillo Armas. “We have been double-crossed,” Peurifoy cabled. Al Haney sent a message to all CIA stations identifying Diaz as a “Commie agent.” He ordered a silver-tongued CIA officer, Enno Hobbing, Time’s Berlin bureau chief before joining the agency, to have a little talk with Diaz at dawn the next day. Hobbing delivered the message to Diaz: “Colonel, you are not convenient for American foreign policy.” The junta vanished instantly, to be replaced in quick succession by four more, each one increasingly pro-American. Ambassador Peurifoy now demanded that the CIA stand down. Wisner cabled all hands on June 30 that it was time for “the surgeons to step back and the nurses to take over the patient.” Peurifoy maneuvered for two more months before Castillo Armas assumed the presidency. He received a twenty-one-gun salute and a state dinner at the White House, where the vice president offered the following toast: “We in the United States have watched the people of Guatemala record an episode in their history deeply significant to all peoples,” Richard Nixon said. “Led by the courageous soldier who is our guest this evening, the Guatemalan people revolted against communist rule, which in collapsing bore graphic witness to its own shallowness, falsity, and corruption.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1862-63  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 08:52 AM

Guatemala was at the beginning of forty years of military rulers, death squads, and armed repression. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1871-80  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 08:53 AM

In the East Wing of the White House, in a room darkened for a slide show, the CIA sold Eisenhower a dressed-up version of Operation Success. When the lights went on, the president’s first question went to the paramilitary man Rip Robertson. “How many men did Castillo Armas lose?” Ike asked. Only one, Robertson replied. “Incredible,” said the president. At least forty-three of Castillo Armas’s men had been killed during the invasion, but no one contradicted Robertson. It was a shameless falsehood. This was a turning point in the history of the CIA. The cover stories required for covert action overseas were now part of the agency’s political conduct in Washington. Bissell stated it plainly: “Many of us who joined the CIA did not feel bound in the actions we took as staff members to observe all the ethical rules.” He and his colleagues were prepared to lie to the president to protect the agency’s image. And their lies had lasting consequences. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1896-98  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 08:55 AM

When McCarthy privately told Dulles face-to-face “that CIA was neither sacrosanct nor immune from investigation,” the director knew its survival was at stake. Foster Dulles had opened his doors to McCarthy’s bloodhounds in a public display of sanctimony that devastated the State Department for a decade. But Allen fought them off. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1903-6  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 09:55 AM

After his private confrontation with McCarthy, Dulles organized a team of CIA officers to penetrate the senator’s office with a spy or a bug, preferably both. The methodology was just like J. Edgar Hoover’s: gather dirt, then spread it. Dulles instructed James Angleton, his counterintelligence czar, to find a way to feed disinformation to McCarthy and his staff as a means of discrediting him. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1907-8  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 09:56 AM

McCargar succeeded: the CIA penetrated the Senate. “You’ve saved the Republic,” Allen Dulles told him. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 1932-33  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 09:58 AM

“For some of us who have seen the other side of Allen Dulles, we don’t see too many Christian traits. I personally consider him a ruthless, ambitious and utterly incompetent government administrator.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2039-42  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 10:07 AM

Dulles gave the job of building the plane to Dick Bissell, who knew nothing about aircraft but skillfully created a secret government bureaucracy that shielded the U-2 program from scrutiny and helped speed the plane’s creation. “Our Agency,” he proudly told a class of CIA trainees a few years later, “is the last refuge of organizational privacy available to the U.S. government.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2042-46  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 10:07 AM

Bissell paced down the CIA’s corridors with long strides, a gawky man with great ambitions. He believed that he someday would be the next director of central intelligence, for Dulles told him so. He became increasingly contemptuous of espionage, and disdained Richard Helms and his intelligence officers. The two men became bureaucratic rivals and then bitter enemies. They personified the battle between spies and gadgets, which began fifty years ago and continues today. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2053-56  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 10:08 AM

“We didn’t raise the right questions,” Reber said. If the CIA had developed a bigger picture of life inside the Soviet Union, it would have learned that the Soviets were putting little money into the resources that truly made a nation strong. They were a weak enemy. If the CIA’s leaders had been able to run effective intelligence operations inside the Soviet Union, they might have seen that Russians were unable to produce the necessities of life. The idea that the final battles of the cold war would be economic instead of military was beyond their imagination. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2078-81  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 10:10 AM

With the CIA’s help, Nobusuke Kishi became Japan’s prime minister and the chief of its ruling party. Yoshio Kodama secured his freedom and his position as the nation’s number-one gangster by helping American intelligence. Together they shaped the politics of postwar Japan. In the war against fascism, they had represented everything America hated. In the war against communism, they were just what America needed. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2171-75  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 10:20 AM

The biggest domestic political issue in Japan that year was the enormous American military base on Okinawa, a crucial staging ground for the bombing of Vietnam and a storehouse of American nuclear weapons. Okinawa was under American control, but regional elections were set for November 10, and opposition politicians threatened to force the United States off the island. Kaya played a key role in the CIA’s covert actions aimed to swing the elections for the LDP, which narrowly failed. Okinawa itself returned to Japanese administration in 1972, but the American military remains there to this day. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2181-82  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 10:21 AM

Enthralled by covert action, Allen Dulles ceased to focus on his core mission of providing intelligence to the president. He handled most of the CIA’s analysts and much of their work with studied contempt. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2205-8  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 10:23 AM

Then as now, the CIA relied heavily on foreign intelligence services, paying for secrets it could not uncover on its own. In April 1956, Israel’s spies delivered the text to James Angleton, who became the CIA’s one-man liaison with the Jewish state. The channel produced much of the agency’s intelligence on the Arab world, but at a cost—a growing American dependence on Israel to explain events in the Middle East. The Israeli perspective colored American perceptions for decades to come. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2273-75  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 10:31 AM

The biggest surprise was that Nasser did not stay bought: he used part of the $3 million in bribes that the CIA had slipped him to build a minaret in Cairo on an island in front of the Nile Hilton. It was known as el wa’ef rusfel—Roosevelt’s erection. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2283-85  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 10:32 AM

First Israel would attack Egypt, and then Britain and France would strike, posing as peacekeepers while seizing the canal. The CIA knew none of this. Dulles assured Eisenhower that reports of a joint Israeli-UK-French military plan were absurd. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2312-16  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 10:34 AM

During the two-week life of the Hungarian revolution, the agency knew no more than what it read in the newspapers. It had no idea that the uprising would happen, or how it flourished, or that the Soviets would crush it. Had the White House agreed to send weapons, the agency would have had no clue where to send them. A secret CIA history of the Hungarian uprising said the clandestine service was in a state of “wishful blindness.” “At no time,” it said, “did we have anything that could or should have been mistaken for an intelligence operation.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2348-49  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 01:13 PM

In four brutal days, Soviet troops crushed the partisans of Budapest, killing tens of thousands and hauling thousands more away to die in Siberian prison camps. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2426-27  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 01:18 PM

His ideas and his sense of order became as evanescent as his pipe smoke. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2448-50  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 01:22 PM

The only lasting legacy of the “secret task force” was the fulfillment of Frank Wisner’s proposal to put King Hussein of Jordan on the CIA’s payroll. The agency created a Jordanian intelligence service, which lives today as its liaison to much of the Arab world. The king received a secret subsidy for the next twenty years. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2455-58  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 01:23 PM

“He had given a mandate to Allen Dulles to do this…. And, of course, Allen Dulles just unleashed people.” As a result, “we were caught out in attempted coups, ham-handed operations of all kinds.” He and his fellow diplomats tried “to keep track of some of these dirty tricks that were being planned in the Middle East so that if they were just utterly impossible, we’d get them killed before they got any further. And we succeeded in doing that in some cases. But we couldn’t get all of them killed.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2482-85  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 01:24 PM

The Syrians set up a sting. “The officers with whom Stone was dealing took his money and then went on television and announced that they had received this money from the ‘corrupt and sinister Americans’ in an attempt to overthrow the legitimate government of Syria,” said Curtis F. Jones, a State Department officer sent to clean up the mess Stone left behind. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2488-92  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 01:25 PM

The revelation of this “particularly clumsy CIA plot,” in the words of the U.S. ambassador to Syria, Charles Yost, had consequences that reverberate today. The Syrian government formally declared Rocky Stone persona non grata. That was the first time that an American diplomat of any stripe—be he a spy working undercover or a bona fide State Department officer—had been expelled from an Arab nation. In turn, the United States expelled the Syrian ambassador to Washington, the first expulsion of any foreign diplomat from Washington since World War I. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2527-28  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 01:28 PM

“We came to power on a CIA train,” said Ali Saleh Sa’adi, the Ba’ath Party interior minister in the 1960s. One of the passengers on that train was an up-and-coming assassin named Saddam Hussein. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2531-33  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 01:29 PM

in 1958, the CIA’s effort to overthrow the government of Indonesia backfired so badly that it fueled the rise of the biggest communist party in the world outside of Russia and China. It would take a real war, in which hundreds of thousands died, to defeat that force. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2563-64  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 01:31 PM

nearly one thousand inhabited islands, with thirteen major ethnic groups among a predominantly Islamic population of more than eighty million people—the world’s fifth-largest nation in the 1950s. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2619-23  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 01:37 PM

But it also raised fundamental questions about the consequences of American covert action. Arming the rebellious officers “could increase the likelihood of the dismemberment of Indonesia, a country which was created with U.S. support and assistance,” members of the Cumming group noted. “Since the U.S. played a very important role in the creation of an independent Indonesia, doesn’t it stand to lose a great deal in Asia and the rest of the world if Indonesia breaks up, particularly if, as seems inevitable, our hand in the breakup eventually becomes known?” The question went unanswered. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2650-52  | Added on Thursday, March 20, 2014, 01:43 PM

The agency appeared unmindful that some of the most powerful commanders in the Indonesian army had been trained in the United States and referred to themselves as “the sons of Eisenhower.” These were the men who were fighting the rebels. The army, led by anticommunists, was at war with the CIA. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2734-36  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 04:31 PM

“The operation was, of course, a complete failure,” Richard Bissell said. For the rest of his days in power, Sukarno rarely failed to mention it. He knew the CIA had tried to overthrow his government, and his army knew it, and the political establishment of Indonesia knew it too. The ultimate effect was to strengthen Indonesia’s communists, whose influence and power grew for the next seven years. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2764-65  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 04:33 PM

On January 1, 1959, Richard Bissell became the chief of the clandestine service. That same day, Fidel Castro came to power in Cuba. A secret CIA history unearthed in 2005 described in detail how the agency took on the threat. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2768-73  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 04:35 PM

Al Cox, chief of the paramilitary division, proposed to “make secret contact with Castro” and offer him arms and ammunition to establish a democratic government. Cox told his superiors that the CIA could ship weapons to Castro on a vessel manned by a Cuban crew. But “the most secure means of help would be giving the money to Castro, who could then purchase his own arms,” Cox wrote to his superiors. “A combination of arms and money would probably be best.” Cox was an alcoholic, and his thinking might have been clouded, but more than a few of his fellow officers felt the way he did. “My staff and I were all Fidelistas” at the time, Robert Reynolds, chief of the CIA’s Caribbean operations desk, said many years later. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2783-86  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 04:37 PM

On January 8, 1960, Dulles told Bissell to organize a special task force to overthrow Castro. Bissell personally selected many of the same people who had subverted the government of Guatemala six years before—and had deceived President Eisenhower face-to-face about the coup. He chose the feckless Tracy Barnes for political and psychological warfare, the talented Dave Phillips for propaganda, the gung-ho Rip Robertson for paramilitary training, and the relentlessly mediocre E. Howard Hunt to manage the political front groups. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2797-98  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 04:39 PM

Bissell almost never talked about Cuba with Richard Helms, his second-in-command at the clandestine service. The two men disliked and distrusted one another intensely. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2857-63  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 04:43 PM

Eisenhower walked into the Oval Office on May 9 and said out loud: “I would like to resign.” For the first time in the history of the United States, millions of citizens understood that their president could deceive them in the name of national security. The doctrine of plausible deniability was dead. The summit with Khrushchev was wrecked and the brief thaw in the cold war iced over. The CIA’s spy plane destroyed the idea of détente for almost a decade. Eisenhower had approved the final mission in the hope of putting the lie to the missile gap. But the cover-up of the crash made him out to be a liar. In retirement, Eisenhower said the greatest regret of his presidency was “the lie we told about the U-2. I didn’t realize how high a price we were going to pay for that lie.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2863-67  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 04:44 PM

The president knew he would not be able to leave office in a spirit of international peace and reconciliation. He was now intent on policing as many parts of the planet as possible before leaving office. The summer of 1960 became a season of incessant crisis for the CIA. Red arrows signifying hot spots in the Caribbean, Africa, and Asia multiplied on the maps that Allen Dulles and his men brought to the White House. The chagrin over the U-2 shootdown gave way to a murderous anger. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2888-93  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 04:46 PM

asked for another $10.75 million to begin the paramilitary training of the five hundred Cubans in Guatemala. Eisenhower said yes, on one condition: “So long as the Joint Chiefs, Defense, State and CIA think we have a good chance of being successful” in “freeing the Cubans from this incubus.” When Bissell tried to raise the idea of creating an American military force to lead the Cubans in battle, Dulles twice cut him off, evading debate and dissent. The president—the man who had led the biggest secret invasion in American history—warned the CIA’s leaders against “the danger of making false moves” or “starting something before we were ready.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2917-25  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 04:50 PM

The agency had already selected the Congo’s next leader: Joseph Mobutu, “the only man in the Congo able to act with firmness,” as Dulles told the president at the NSC meeting on September 21. The CIA delivered $250,000 to him in early October, followed by shipments of arms and ammunition in November. Mobutu captured Lumumba and, in Devlin’s words, delivered him into the hands of a “sworn enemy.” The CIA base in Elizabethville, deep in the heart of the Congo, reported that “a Belgian officer of Flemish origin executed Lumumba with a burst of submachine gun fire” two nights before the next president of the United States took office. With the unwavering support of the CIA, Mobutu finally gained full control of the Congo after a five-year power struggle. He was the agency’s favorite ally in Africa and the clearinghouse for American covert action throughout the continent during the cold war. He ruled for three decades as one of the world’s most brutal and corrupt dictators, stealing billions of dollars in revenues from the nation’s enormous deposits of diamonds, minerals, and strategic metals, slaughtering multitudes to preserve his power. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2927-32  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 04:50 PM

As the 1960 election drew nearer, it was clear to Vice President Nixon that the CIA was far from ready to attack Cuba. At the end of September, Nixon nervously instructed the task force: “Don’t do anything now; wait until after the elections.” The delay gave Fidel Castro a crucial edge. His spies told him an American-backed invasion might be imminent, and he built up his military and intelligence forces, cracking down hard on the political dissidents whom the CIA hoped would serve as shock troops for the coup. The internal resistance against Castro began to die that summer, though the CIA never paid much heed to what was actually happening on the island. Tracy Barnes privately commissioned a public-opinion poll in Cuba—and it showed that people overwhelmingly supported Castro. Disliking the results, he discarded them. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2970-71  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 04:53 PM

Eisenhower had never approved an invasion of Cuba. But Kennedy did not know that. What he knew was what Dulles and Bissell told him. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2995-3003  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 05:02 PM

“A great deal has been accomplished,” Dulles insisted to the president at the final gatherings of Eisenhower’s National Security Council. Everything is well in hand, he said. I have fixed the clandestine service. American intelligence has never been more agile and adept. Coordination and cooperation are better than they ever have been. The proposals of the president’s intelligence board were preposterous, he said, they were madness, they were illegal. I am responsible under the law for intelligence coordination, he reminded the president. I cannot delegate that responsibility. Without my leadership, he said, American intelligence would be “a body floating in thin air.” At the last, Dwight Eisenhower exploded in anger and frustration. “The structure of our intelligence organization is faulty,” he told Dulles. It makes no sense, it has to be reorganized, and we should have done it long ago. Nothing had changed since Pearl Harbor. “I have suffered an eight-year defeat on this,” said the president of the United States. He said he would “leave a legacy of ashes” to his successor. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3031-33  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:04 PM

The CIA then dispatched three .38-caliber pistols to the Dominicans. Bissell authorized a second shipment of four machine guns and 240 rounds of ammunition. The machine guns remained at the American consulate in Santo Domingo after members of the new administration questioned what the world reaction might be if it were known that the United States was delivering murder weapons via diplomatic pouch. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3034-39  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:05 PM

Dearborn received a cable, personally approved by President Kennedy, which he read to say: “We don’t care if the Dominicans assassinate Trujillo, that is all right. But we don’t want anything to pin this on us.” Nothing ever did. When Trujillo’s killers shot him two weeks later, the smoking gun might or might not have been the agency’s. There were no fingerprints. But the assassination was as close as the CIA had ever come to carrying out a murder at the command of the White House. The attorney general of the United States, Robert F. Kennedy, jotted down some notes after he learned of the assassination. “The great problem now,” he wrote, “is that we don’t know what to do.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3076-79  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:09 PM

The knowledge that Stevenson was caught lying in public riveted Secretary of State Dean Rusk, who already had good reason to be enraged with the CIA. Only hours before, on the heels of another blown operation, Rusk had to send a formal letter of apology to Prime Minister Lee Kwan Yew of Singapore. The secret police in Singapore had burst into a CIA safe house, where a cabinet minister on the CIA’s payroll was being interrogated. Lee Kwan Yew, a key American ally, said that the station chief offered him a $3.3 million bribe to hush up the matter. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3092-3106  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:11 PM

At 4:30 a.m. on Monday, April 17, Cabell called Rusk at home and pleaded for presidential authority for more air power to protect the CIA’s ships, which were loaded to the gunwales with ammunition and military supplies. Rusk called President Kennedy at his Virginia retreat, Glen Ora, and put Cabell on the phone. The president said he was unaware that there were going to be any air strikes on the morning of D-Day. Request denied. Four hours later, a Sea Fury fighter-bomber swooped down on the Bay of Pigs. The American-trained pilot, Captain Enrique Carreras, was the ace of Fidel Castro’s air force. He took aim at the Rio Escondido, a rust-bucket freighter out of New Orleans under contract to the CIA. Below him to the southeast, aboard the Blagar, a converted World War II landing craft, a CIA paramilitary officer named Grayston Lynch fired at the Cuban fighter with a defective .50-caliber machine gun. Captain Carreras let loose a rocket that hit the forward deck of the Rio Escondido six feet below the railing, striking dozens of fifty-five-gallon drums filled with aviation gasoline. The fire ignited three thousand gallons of aircraft fuel and 145 tons of ammunition in the forward hold. The crew abandoned ship and started swimming for their lives. The freighter exploded in a fireball that sent a mushroom cloud rising half a mile high above the Bay of Pigs. From sixteen miles away, on a beach newly littered with the brigade’s dead and wounded, the CIA commando Rip Robertson thought Castro had dropped an atomic bomb. President Kennedy called on Admiral Arleigh Burke, the commander of the U.S. Navy, to save the CIA from disaster. “Nobody knew what to do nor did the CIA who were running the operation and who were wholly responsible for the operation know what to do or what was happening,” the admiral said on April 18. “We have been kept pretty ignorant of this and have just been told partial truths.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3107-11  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:11 PM

For two miserable days and nights, Castro’s Cubans and the CIA’s Cubans killed one another. On the night of April 18, the commander of the rebel brigade, Pepe San Roman, radioed back to Lynch: “Do you people realize how desperate the situation is? Do you back us up or quit?…Please don’t desert us. Am out of tank and bazooka ammo. Tanks will hit me at dawn. I will not be evacuated. Will fight to the end if we have to.” Morning came and no help arrived. “We are out of ammo and fighting on the beach. Please send help. We cannot hold,” San Roman shouted through his radio. His men were massacred standing knee-deep in the water. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3112-15  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:11 PM

“Situation for air support beachhead completely out of our hands,” the agency’s air operations chief told Bissell in a cable at noon. “Have now lost 5 Cuban pilots, 6 co-pilots, 2 American pilots, and one copilot.” In all, four American pilots on contract to the CIA from the Alabama National Guard were killed in combat. For years the agency hid the cause of their deaths from their widows and families. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3117-21  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:12 PM

In sixty hours, 1,189 members of the Cuban brigade had been captured and 114 killed. “For the first time in my thirty-seven years,” Grayston Lynch wrote, “I was ashamed of my country.” That same day, Robert Kennedy sent a prophetic note to his brother. “The time has come for a showdown, for in a year or two years the situation will be vastly worse,” he wrote. “If we don’t want Russia to set up missile bases in Cuba, we had better decide now what we are willing to do to stop it.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3127-34  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:13 PM

At the hour of the invasion, Allen Dulles was making a speech in Puerto Rico. His public departure from Washington had been part of a deception plan, but now it looked like an admiral abandoning ship. Upon his return, Bobby Kennedy recounted, he looked like living death, his face buried in his trembling hands. On April 22, the president convened the National Security Council, an instrument of government he had disdained. After ordering the distraught Dulles to start “stepping up coverage of Castro activities in the United States”—a task outside the CIA’s charter—the president told General Maxwell Taylor, the new White House military adviser, to work with Dulles, Bobby Kennedy, and Admiral Arleigh Burke to perform an autopsy on the Bay of Pigs. The Taylor board of inquiry met that same afternoon, with Dulles clutching a copy of NSC 5412/2, the 1955 authorization for the covert operations of the CIA. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3174-78  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:15 PM

In his wrath after the Bay of Pigs, John Kennedy first wanted to destroy the CIA. Then he took the agency’s clandestine service out of its death spiral by handing the controls to his brother. It was one of the least wise decisions of his presidency. Robert F. Kennedy, thirty-five years old, famously ruthless, fascinated with secrecy, took command of the most sensitive covert operations of the United States. The two men unleashed covert action with an unprecedented intensity. Ike had undertaken 170 major CIA covert operations in eight years. The Kennedys launched 163 major covert operations in less than three. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3181-83  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:16 PM

Almost sixty years old, a deeply conservative California Republican, a devout Roman Catholic, and a fiery anticommunist, McCone would very likely have been secretary of defense had Nixon been elected in 1960. He had made a fortune building ships on the West Coast during World War II, then served as a deputy to Defense Secretary James Forrestal, hammering out the first budget of the new Department of Defense in 1948. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3273-86  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:22 PM

Halpern said to Richard Helms: “This is a political operation in the city of Washington D.C., and has nothing to do with the security of the United States.” He warned that the CIA had no intelligence about Cuba. “We don’t know what is going on,” he told Helms. “We don’t know who is doing what to whom. We haven’t got any idea of their order of battle in terms of political organization and structure. Who hates whom? Who loves whom? We have nothing.” It was the same problem the CIA would face when it confronted Iraq forty years later. Helms agreed. The plan was a pipe dream. The Kennedys did not want to hear that. They wanted swift, silent sabotage to overthrow Castro. “Let’s get the hell on with it,” the attorney general barked. “The President wants some action, right now.” Helms saluted smartly and got the hell on with it. He created a new freestanding task force to report to Ed Lansdale and Robert Kennedy. He assembled a team from all over the world, creating the CIA’s largest peacetime intelligence operation to date, with some six hundred CIA officers in and around Miami, almost five thousand CIA contractors, and the third largest navy in the Caribbean, including submarines, patrol boats, coast guard cutters, seaplanes, and Guantánamo Bay for a base. Some “nutty schemes” against Fidel were proposed by the Pentagon and the White House, Helms said. These included blowing up an American ship in Guantánamo Harbor and faking a terrorist attack against an American airliner to justify a new invasion. The operation needed a code name, and Sam Halpern came up with Mongoose. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3290-3309  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:24 PM

Bill Harvey. Harvey was introduced to the Kennedys as the CIA’s James Bond. This seems to have mystified JFK, an avid reader of Ian Fleming’s spy romances, for the only thing Bond and Harvey had in common was a taste for martinis. Obese, pop-eyed, always packing a pistol, Harvey drank doubles at lunch and returned to work muttering darkly, cursing the day he met RFK. Bobby Kennedy “wanted fast actions, he wanted fast answers,” said McCone’s executive assistant, Walt Elder. “Harvey did not have fast actions or fast answers.” But he did have a secret weapon. The Kennedy White House twice had ordered the CIA to create an assassination squad. Under very close questioning by Senate investigators and a presidential commission in 1975, Richard Bissell said those orders had come from national security adviser McGeorge Bundy and Bundy’s aide Walt Rostow, and that the president’s men “would not have given such encouragement unless they were confident that it would meet with the president’s approval.” Bissell had handed down the order to Bill Harvey, who did as he was told. He had returned to headquarters in September 1959 after a long tour as chief of the Berlin base to command Division D of the clandestine service. The division’s officers broke into foreign embassies overseas to steal codebooks and ciphers for the eavesdroppers at the National Security Agency. They called themselves the Second-Story Men, and their skills ran from locksmithing to larceny and beyond. The division had contacts with criminals in foreign capitals who could be called on for cat burglaries, the kidnapping of embassy couriers, and assorted felonies in the name of American national security. In February 1962, Harvey created an “executive action” program, code-named Rifle, and retained the services of a foreign agent, a resident of Luxembourg but a man without a country, who worked on contract for Division D. Harvey intended to use him to kill Fidel Castro. In April 1962, the CIA’s records show, Harvey took a second approach. He met the mobster John Rosselli in New York. He picked up a new batch of poison pills, designed to be dropped into Castro’s tea or coffee, from Dr. Edward Gunn, the chief of the operations division of the CIA’s Office of Medical Services. Then he drove to Miami and delivered them to Rosselli, along with a U-Haul truck filled with weapons. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3309-12  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:24 PM

On May 7, 1962, the attorney general was briefed in full on the Rifle project by the CIA’s general counsel, Lawrence Houston, and the agency’s security chief, Sheffield Edwards. RFK was “mad as hell”—not mad about the assassination plot itself, but about the Mafia’s role in it. He did nothing to stop the CIA from seeking Castro’s death. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3317-20  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:24 PM

Helms thought political assassination in peacetime was a moral aberration. But there were practical considerations as well. “If you become involved in the business of eliminating foreign leaders, and it is considered by governments more frequently than one likes to admit, there is always the question of who comes next,” he observed. “If you kill someone else’s leaders, why shouldn’t they kill yours?” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3376-80  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:29 PM

McCone was the only one who saw the threat clearly. “If I were Khrushchev,” he said, “I’d put offensive missiles in Cuba. Then I’d bang my shoe on the desk and say to the United States, ‘How do you like looking down the end of a gun barrel for a change? Now, let’s talk about Berlin and any other subject that I choose.’” No one seems to have believed him. “The experts unanimously and adamantly agreed that this was beyond the realm of possibility,” notes an agency history of McCone’s years. “He stood absolutely alone.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3409-13  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:32 PM

At the same August 15 meeting that sealed Jagan’s fate, McCone handed President Kennedy the CIA’s new doctrine on counterinsurgency. Along with it came a second document outlining covert operations under way in eleven nations—Vietnam, Laos, and Thailand; Iran and Pakistan; and Bolivia, Colombia, the Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Guatemala, and Venezuela. That document was “highly classified because it tells all about the dirty tricks,” McCone told the president. “A marvelous collection or dictionary of your crimes,” Bundy said, with a laugh. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3414-20  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:33 PM

On August 21, Robert Kennedy asked McCone if the CIA could stage a phony attack on the American military base at Guantánamo Bay as a pretext for an American invasion of Cuba. McCone demurred. He told John Kennedy in private the next day that an invasion could be a fatal mistake. He warned the president for the first time that he thought the Soviets might be installing medium-range ballistic missiles in Cuba. If so, an American sneak attack might set off a nuclear war. He advocated raising a public alarm about the likelihood of a Soviet missile base. The president instantly rejected that idea, but he wondered aloud whether the CIA’s guerrillas or American troops would be needed to destroy the missile sites—if they existed. At that point, no one but McCone was convinced that they did. Their conversation continued in the Oval Office, 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3414-29  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:33 PM

Their conversation continued in the Oval Office, shortly after 6 p.m. on August 22, when they were joined by Maxwell Taylor, the general Kennedy trusted most. The president wanted to go over two other secret operations before discussing Cuba. The first was the developing plan to drop twenty Chinese Nationalist soldiers into mainland China during the coming week. The second was a plan for the CIA to wiretap members of the Washington press corps. “How are we doing with that set-up on the Baldwin business?” the president asked. Four weeks before, Hanson Baldwin, the national security reporter for The New York Times, had published an article on Soviet efforts to protect intercontinental ballistic missile launch sites with concrete bunkers. Baldwin’s highly detailed reporting accurately stated the conclusions of the CIA’s most recent national intelligence estimate. The president told McCone to set up a domestic task force to stop the flow of secrets from the government to the newspapers. The order violated the agency’s charter, which specifically prohibits domestic spying. Long before Nixon created his “plumbers” unit of CIA veterans to stop news leaks, Kennedy used the agency to spy on Americans. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3431-32  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:34 PM

1965. By ordering the director of central intelligence to conduct a program of domestic surveillance, Kennedy set a precedent that Presidents Johnson, Nixon, and George W. Bush would follow. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3437-39  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:34 PM

McCone left Washington the next day for a long honeymoon. A recent widower who had just remarried, he planned to go to Paris and the south of France. “I would be only too happy to have you call for me,” he wrote to the president, “and if you do, I would be somewhat relieved of a guilty feeling that seems to possess me.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3441-44  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:34 PM

A U-2 flight passed over Cuba on August 29. Its film was processed overnight. On August 30, a CIA analyst bent over his light table and shouted: I’ve got a SAM site! It was a surface-to-air missile, an SA-2, the same Soviet weapon that had brought the U-2 down over Russia. That same day, another U-2 was caught straying over Soviet airspace, violating a solemn American vow and prompting a formal protest from Moscow. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3445-54  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:35 PM

JFK ordered General Carter, the acting director of central intelligence during McCone’s honeymoon, to deep-six the report on the SAM. “Put it in the box and nail it shut,” the president said. He could not afford to let international tensions create a domestic political uproar, not with elections two months away. Then, on September 9, another U-2 was shot down over China. The spy plane and its risks were now regarded, as a CIA report put it, with “universal repugnance, or, at the very least, extreme uneasiness” at the State Department and the Pentagon. A furious McGeorge Bundy, spurred by Dean Rusk and acting in the president’s name, canceled the next scheduled U-2 flight over Cuba and summoned James Q. Reber, the CIA veteran in charge of the Committee on Overhead Reconnaissance. “Is there anyone involved in the planning of these missions who wants to start a war?” Bundy asked bluntly. President Kennedy restricted U-2 flights from passing over Cuban airspace on September 11. Four days later, the first Soviet medium-range missiles docked at Mariel Harbor in Cuba. The photo gap—a blind spot at a decisive moment in history—went on for forty-five days. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3455-58  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:35 PM

McCone, keeping watch on CIA headquarters through incessant cables from the French Riviera, commanded the agency to warn the White House of the “danger of a surprise.” It did not. The CIA estimated that there were 10,000 Soviet troops in Cuba. There were 43,000. The agency said Cuban troop strength stood at 100,000. The true number was 275,000. The CIA flatly rejected the possibility that the Soviets were building nuclear sites in Cuba. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3503-7  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:38 PM

Richard Helms brought the U-2 photos to the attorney general’s office at 9:15 a.m. on October 16. “Kennedy got up from his desk and stood for a moment staring out the window,” Helms remembered. “He turned to face me. ‘Shit,’ he said loudly, raising both fists to his chest as if he were about to begin shadow boxing. ‘Damn it all to hell and back.’ These were my sentiments exactly.” Bobby Kennedy thought: “We had been deceived by Khrushchev, but we had also fooled ourselves.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3519-47  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:40 PM

The president flicked on his tape recorder. More than forty years went by before an accurate transcript of the Cuban missile crisis meetings was compiled. “THAT’D BE GODDAMN DANGEROUS” The president stared at the pictures. “How far advanced is this?” he asked. “Sir, we’ve never seen this kind of an installation before,” Lundahl said. “Not even in the Soviet Union?” Kennedy said. “No, sir,” Lundahl replied. “It’s ready to be fired?” asked the president. “No, sir,” said Graybeal. “How long have…we can’t tell that, can we, how long before they fire?” Kennedy asked. No one knew. Where were the warheads? asked Defense Secretary McNamara. No one knew. Why had Khrushchev done this? wondered the president. No one knew. But Secretary Rusk had a good guess: “We don’t really live under fear of his nuclear weapons to the extent that he has to live under ours,” he suggested. “Also, we have nuclear weapons nearby, in Turkey and places like that.” The president was only dimly aware that those missiles were in place. He had all but forgotten that he had chosen to keep those weapons pointed at the Soviets. JFK ordered three strike plans prepared: number one, to destroy the nuclear missile sites with air force or navy jets; number two, to mount a far bigger air strike; number three, to invade and conquer Cuba. “We’re certainly going to do number one,” he said. “We’re going to take out these missiles.” The meeting broke up at 1 p.m. after Bobby Kennedy argued for an all-out invasion. At 2:30 p.m., RFK cracked the lash at the Mongoose team at his enormous office in the Justice Department, demanding new ideas, new missions. Passing on a question posed to him by the president ninety minutes earlier, he asked Helms to tell him how many Cubans would fight for the regime if the United States invaded. No one knew. At 6:30 p.m., the president’s men reconvened in the Cabinet Room. Thinking of the Mongoose missions, President Kennedy asked if the MRBMs, the medium-range ballistic missiles, could be destroyed with bullets. Yes, General Carter told him, but these were mobile missiles; they could be moved to new hiding places. The problem of targeting mobile missiles has remained unsolved to this day. The president now contemplated the question of a nuclear war over Cuba. He began to grasp how little he understood the Soviet leader. “We certainly have been wrong about what he’s trying to do,” the president said. “Not many of us thought that he was gonna put MRBMs on Cuba.” Nobody save John McCone, Bundy muttered. Why had Khrushchev done it? the president asked. “What is the advantage of that? It’s just as if we suddenly began to put a major number of MRBMs in Turkey,” he said. “Now that’d be goddamn dangerous, I would think.” A moment of awkward silence fell. “Well, we did it, Mr. President,” said Bundy. The talk then turned to secret warfare. “We have a list of sabotage options, Mr. President,” said Bundy. “…I take it you are in favor of sabotage.” He was. Ten teams of five Mongoose agents were authorized to infiltrate Cuba by submarine. Their orders were to blow up Soviet ships with underwater mines in Cuban harbors, to attack three surface-to-air missile sites with machine guns and mortars, and perhaps to go after the nuclear missile launchers. The Kennedys were swinging wildly. The CIA was their blunt instrument. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3569-71  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:42 PM

McNamara pointed out that a surprise air strike on the bases would kill several hundred Soviets. Attacking them was an act of war against Moscow, not Havana. Then Undersecretary of State George Ball voiced what the CIA’s Marshall Carter had said two nights before: “A course of action where we strike without warning is like Pearl Harbor.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3595-3604  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:44 PM

“Well, it looks like it’s gonna be real mean. But on the other hand, there’s really no choice,” said the president. “If they get mean on this one—Jesus Christ! What are they gonna fuck up next?” His brother said: “There wasn’t any choice. I mean, you woulda had a—you woulda been impeached.” The president agreed: “I woulda been impeached.” At 10 a.m. on Wednesday, October 24, the blockade took effect, the American military went on its highest alert short of nuclear war, and McCone began his daily briefing at the White House. The director of central intelligence at last was serving as his charter commanded, bringing all of American intelligence to the president into a single voice. The Soviet army was not on full alert, but it was increasing its readiness, he reported, and the Soviet navy had submarines in the Atlantic trailing the fleet headed for Cuba. New photoreconnaissance showed storage buildings for nuclear warheads, but no sign of the warheads themselves. McCone took pains that day to point out to the president that the blockade would not stop the Soviets from readying the missile launching sites. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3610-11  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:45 PM

This is the moment when Rusk is supposed to have leaned over to Bundy and said: “We are eyeball to eyeball, and I think the other fellow just blinked.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3640-56  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:47 PM

McCone agreed: it was specific, serious, and impossible to ignore. The arguments over how to respond dragged on all day, punctuated by moments of terror. First a U-2 strayed into Soviet airspace off the coast of Alaska, prompting Soviet jets to scramble. Then, at about 6 p.m., McNamara suddenly announced that another U-2 had been shot down over Cuba, killing Air Force Major Rudolf Anderson. The Joint Chiefs now strongly recommended that a full-scale attack on Cuba should begin in thirty-six hours. Around 6:30 p.m., President Kennedy left the room, and the talk immediately became less formal, more brutal. “The military plan is basically invasion,” McNamara said. “When we attack Cuba, we are going to have to attack with an all-out attack,” he said. “This is almost certain to lead to an invasion.” Or a nuclear war, Bundy muttered. “The Soviet Union may, and I think probably will, attack the Turkish missiles,” McNamara continued. Then the United States would have to attack Soviet ships or bases in the Black Sea. “And I would say that it is damn dangerous,” said the secretary of defense. “Now, I’m not sure we can avoid anything like that if we attack Cuba. But I think we should make every effort to avoid it. And one way to avoid it is to defuse the Turkish missiles before we attack Cuba,” McNamara said. McCone exploded: “I don’t see why you don’t make the trade then!” And the ground shifted. Other voices shouted out: Make the trade! Make the trade then! His anger rising, McCone went on: “We’ve talked about this, and we’d say we’d be delighted to trade those missiles in Turkey for the thing in Cuba.” He pressed his point home. “I’d trade these Turkish things out right now. I wouldn’t even talk to anybody about it. We sat for a week and there was—everybody was in favor of doing it”—until Khrushchev proposed it. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3664-66  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:48 PM

For many years thereafter, the world believed that only President Kennedy’s calm resolve and his brother’s steely commitment to a peaceable resolution had saved the nation from a nuclear war. McCone’s central role in the Cuban missile crisis was obscured for the rest of the twentieth century. The Kennedys soon turned against McCone. The 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3678-88  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:49 PM

Helms replaced him as the man in charge of Cuba with his Far East chief, Desmond FitzGerald, a Harvard man and a millionaire who lived in a red-brick Georgetown mansion with a butler in the pantry and a Jaguar in the garage. The president liked him; he fit the James Bond image. He had been hired out of his New York law firm by Frank Wisner at the start of the Korean War and instantly made executive officer of the Far East division of the clandestine service. He had helped run the disastrous Li Mi operation in Burma. Then he commanded the CIA’s China Mission, which sent foreign agents to their deaths until 1955, when a headquarters review deemed the mission a waste of time, money, energy, and human life. FitzGerald then rose to deputy chief of the Far East, where he helped to plan and execute the Indonesian operation in 1957 and 1958. As Far East division chief, he presided over the rapid expansion of the CIA’s operations in Vietnam, Laos, and Tibet. Now the Kennedys ordered him to blow up Cuban mines, mills, power plants, and commercial ships, to destroy the enemy in hopes of creating a counterrevolution. The objective, as Bobby Kennedy told FitzGerald in April 1963, was to oust Castro in eighteen months—before the next presidential election. Twenty-five Cuban agents of the CIA died on those futile operations. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Bookmark Loc. 3701  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 06:50 PM


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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 1 | Loc. 195-97  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 07:04 PM

It was to be his last electoral campaign; “[M]ake it the best,” he had told his Chief of Staff, H. R. Haldeman, in September. Nixon’s triumph rivaled Franklin D. Roosevelt’s in 1936 and Lyndon Baines Johnson’s in 1964; and like them, President Nixon would quickly discover that the electorate’s mandates were neither absolute nor irrevocable. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 4 | Loc. 224-27  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 07:06 PM

The re-election, then, produced nothing but contradictions. Where confidence should have abounded, confusion reigned; instead of joy, resentment surged through the White House; and whereas “peace abroad and justice at home” should have dominated the President’s concerns, the “sour note” of Watergate was to echo through the remainder of Richard Nixon’s presidency. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 10 | Loc. 262-66  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 07:08 PM

We must also look to Nixon’s long public career to explain his conduct as President. His personality, his lengthy tenure in the political arena, and his behavior in prominent events of the previous quarter-century clearly conditioned much of his presidency. Those years were ones of preparation for his ambition; they also molded and shaped those special qualities that anticipated the disaster that befell him. With Richard Milhous Nixon’s election to the presidency in 1968, the times and the man came together—and Watergate was the result. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 12 | Loc. 299-306  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 09:31 PM

On every front, Johnson commanded and directed a succession of triumphs. The opposition—what there was of it—was in total disarray. “I am a fellow that likes small parties,” Johnson quipped, “and the Republican party is about the size I like.” The President’s power was immense, almost absolute. “He’s getting everything through the Congress but the abolition of the Republican party,” James Reston wrote in the New York Times,“and he hasn’t tried that yet.” And yet, despite Johnson’s triumphs, a White House aide noted, “something was wrong, drastically wrong.” Johnson himself acknowledged that his support was “like a Western river, broad but not deep.” Kennedy loyalists nipped at the President’s heels, snickered at his Texas roots and mannerisms, claimed he was succeeding only because of sympathy for the martyred Kennedy, and, most of all, complained about something they called “style.” The Pedernales did not flow through Camelot. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 12 | Loc. 320-28  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 09:33 PM

The master politician could not elude the questions and innuendoes regarding his moral character. The United States’ growing involvement in Indochina was intractable and unpopular enough, but Johnson’s lack of moral authority compounded the difficulty. The result was tragic for him, and for the nation. President Johnson eagerly anticipated the 1964 election as a personal referendum, a plebiscite offering him a ticket of admission to the White House in his own right rather than as an “accidental president”; 1964 would release him from the Kennedy bondage. His wish seemed to be granted. Whatever his personal merits, Lyndon Johnson was lucky—blessed, it might seem-in having an opponent that year who politically and emotionally terrified a substantial part of the American electorate. The President’s triumph over Senator Barry Goldwater rivaled Franklin D. Roosevelt’s landslide victory in 1936. Johnson’s victory was total, absolute, and, like so much else about him, excessive. The staggering dimensions of his election, with 61 percent of the popular vote, certainly gave him an exaggerated sense of his mandate. Ironically, however, the very scale of his victory served to heighten suspicions of him. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 15 | Loc. 377-83  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 09:36 PM

The Gulf of Tonkin incident, early in August 1964, and Johnson’s subsequent dealings with Congress, eventually shaped that image of deception more than any other event of his presidency. The congressional resolution authorizing Johnson to retaliate against North Vietnamese attacks never escaped the smell of presidential duplicity. Whether Johnson used the occasion to fulfill longstanding plans for wider American involvement in the war, as Senator J. William Fulbright later believed, or whether the resolution resulted from the President’s fear that Goldwater and the Right would preempt him on the issue of standing up to Communism—or both—the Tonkin Gulf Resolution was a watershed not only for the Vietnam war but for the relationship between the executive and legislative branches for the next decade. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 16 | Loc. 416-18  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 09:39 PM

He treated it as a blank check for congressional support, although Congress’s support was not unlimited, and in time, Johnson and the presidency paid high interest for its use. The Gulf of Tonkin incident and its aftermath planted the seeds for a decade of discord and estrangement between the presidency and Congress over Vietnam policy. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 17 | Loc. 425-30  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 09:39 PM

Washington had seen nothing like it since the Hundred Days of the New Deal. “Johnson’s Congress” compiled a staggering legislative record. The sweeping, almost revolutionary, Voting Rights Act and the long-sought Medicare program headed the list. Congress also created the National Endowment for the Humanities, the National Endowment for the Arts, the new Department of Housing and Urban Development, and the Arms Control Agency. It passed clean-air, clean-water, and highway-beautification measures to preserve the environment. It allocated new and enlarged grants for federal research on heart disease, cancer, and stroke, as well as a raft of new programs for the President’s “War on Poverty,” including provisions for rent subsidies, manpower training, and Operation Head Start. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 18 | Loc. 443-44  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 09:40 PM

The notion of a “credibility gap” in the Administration symbolized the growing unease. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 19 | Loc. 465-66  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 09:42 PM

Johnson craved personal attention, and then objected when press accounts depicted his behavior as grotesque or undesirable. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 19 | Loc. 473-77  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 09:43 PM

The net result of his bad press was that Johnson responded with an equal measure of contempt. Worse, he retreated into an ever-shrinking shell of friends and advisers in the White House. Unwilling to confront hostile receptions, he became a virtual prisoner in Washington, increasingly under siege. Johnson’s seclusion was ominous. Even at the nadir of his popularity, Harry Truman still moved freely about Washington, taking his morning walk down Pennsylvania Avenue, accompanied only by a few Secret Service agents. Aides urged President Johnson to travel, believing he could generate a counterwave of sympathy. Reportedly, the Secret Service and Johnson himself rejected the advice. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 20 | Loc. 493-95  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 09:44 PM

He was a high-pressure salesman,” Harry McPherson wrote, “always trying to get his foot in the door, frequently arousing—in professionally skeptical men who had spent their working lives listening to the apologies of politicians—an incredible resistance.” 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 21 | Loc. 520-23  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 09:45 PM

But Johnson wove the war inextricably into the fabric of American politics and society. The Vietnam venture raised fundamental questions about the course of American foreign policy; eventually, however, those questions spilled over into more basic domestic considerations of presidential authority and power. The result was a politics of turmoil and upheaval that did not abate for nearly a decade and witnessed the unexpected departures of two presidents. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 22 | Loc. 550-53  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 09:48 PM

Johnson’s patriotic homilies were inadequate. George Washington, at Valley Forge in 1778, warned that whoever built upon patriotism as a sufficient basis for conducting a long and bloody war “will find themselves deceived in the end.” Such a war, Washington insisted, could never be sustained by patriotism alone. “It must be aided by a prospect of Interest or some reward. For a time, it may, of itself push Men to action; … but it will not endure unassisted by Interest.” 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 24 | Loc. 591-94  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 09:50 PM

Johnson had hoped that if he had “to turn back I want to make sure I am not in too deep to do so.” By 1967, however, he was deep in the Vietnam “mud.” “We face more cost, more loss, more agony,” he reported in his 1967 State of the Union message. The result was that the master of crafty, pragmatic politics now emerged as a rigid ideologue, seemingly unresponsive to emerging political realities. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 25 | Loc. 610-12  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 09:51 PM

The North, he realized, could deploy most of its troops in the South without having to fear any strike against its home terrain. “They didn’t believe it at first, and then, finally, they came to the conclusion that we were really that stupid,” Moorer later complained. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 25 | Loc. 617-20  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 09:52 PM

Johnson was described by a contemporary as “king of the river and a stranger to the sea.” 34 He was a clever navigator of the congressional stream, paddling deftly through its pools and eddies, ever alert for the occasional sandbar. But in the open sea of foreign policy, with its shifting, almost imperceptible currents, its swells and tempests—there he was out of his depth. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 25 | Loc. 624-27  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 09:52 PM

The history of presidential power is a history of aggrandizement; the transformation of the office in the twentieth century alone has been remarkable. 35 Economic dislocation, global wars, and the assumption of world leadership have focused power in the presidency, and with it the rapt attention of a fascinated, often adoring, public. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 27 | Loc. 655-58  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 09:54 PM

The first month of 1968 portended the “continuous nightmare,” as Johnson later characterized the final year of his presidency. It was, he said, “one of the most agonizing years any President ever spent in the White House.” 39 By then, he interpreted assaults against the United States as personal humiliations, even when his fault was minimal or the enemy’s victory dubious. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 27 | Loc. 658-59  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 09:54 PM

On January 23, 1968, North Korea—perhaps North Vietnam’s prototype in Johnson’s eyes—seized the USS Pueblo, a highly sophisticated spy ship. One week later, the North Vietnamese and their Viet Cong allies unleashed the Tet offensive. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 30 | Loc. 721-24  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 09:58 PM

Physically ill and worn, obsessed with the fear of a second heart attack, demoralized by his failure to win the hearts and minds of Americans, Johnson announced his withdrawal from the presidential race in a March 31 televised address. “I shall not seek, and I will not accept, the nomination of my party for another term as your President.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3702-8  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 10:08 PM

Alone in the Oval Office on Monday, November 4, 1963, John F. Kennedy dictated a memo about a maelstrom he had set in motion half a world away—the assassination of an American ally, President Ngo Dinh Diem of South Vietnam. “We must bear a good deal of responsibility for it,” JFK said. He stopped for a moment to play with his children as they ran in and out of the room. Then he resumed. “The way he was killed”—and he paused again—“made it particularly abhorrent.” The CIA’s Lucien Conein was Kennedy’s spy among the mutinous generals who murdered Diem. “I was part and parcel of the whole conspiracy,” Conein said in an extraordinary testament years later. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3714-16  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 10:09 PM

Conein served under the command of Ed Lansdale at the CIA’s new Saigon Military Mission. Lansdale had “a very broad charter,” said the CIA’s Rufus Phillips. “It was literally, ‘Ed, do what you can to save South Vietnam.’” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3718-19  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 10:09 PM

He then returned to Saigon to help shore up President Diem, a mystic Catholic in a Buddhist country whom the CIA provided with millions of dollars, a phalanx of bodyguards, and a direct line to Allen Dulles. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3793-98  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 10:14 PM

“I wanted to stay,” he remembered. “I wanted to see the celebration of the birthday of Buddha. I wanted to see the boats with the candles lit going down the perfumed river, but it was not to be.” The next morning Diem’s soldiers attacked and killed members of a Buddhist entourage in Hue. “Diem had been out of touch with reality,” Conein said. Diem’s blue-uniformed scouts modeled on the Hitler Youth, his CIA-trained special forces, and his secret police aimed to create a Catholic regime in a Buddhist nation. By oppressing the monks, Diem had made them a powerful political force. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3812-17  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 10:15 PM

He was alone on a rainy Saturday night in Hyannis Port, on crutches for his aching back, grieving for his stillborn son Patrick, buried two weeks before. Shortly after 9 p.m., the president took a call from his national-security aide Michael Forrestal, and without preamble approved an eyes-only cable for the newly arrived Ambassador Lodge, drafted by Roger Hilsman at the State Department. “We must face the possibility that Diem himself cannot be preserved,” it told Lodge, and it urged him to “make detailed plans as to how we might bring about Diem’s replacement.” The secretary of state, the secretary of defense, and the director of central intelligence had not been consulted. All three were dubious about a coup against Diem. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3817-22  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 10:15 PM

“I should not have given my consent to it,” the president told himself after the consequences became clear. Yet the order went forward. Hilsman told Helms that the president had ordered Diem ousted. Helms handed the assignment to Bill Colby, the new chief of the CIA’s Far East division. Colby passed it on to John Richardson, his choice to replace him as the station chief in Saigon: “In circumstance believe CIA must fully accept directives of policy makers and seek ways to accomplish objectives they seek,” he instructed Richardson—though the order “appears to be throwing away bird in hand before we have adequately identified birds in bush, or songs they may sing.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3839-42  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 10:36 PM

Lucien Conein went to meet General Duong Van Minh, known as “Big Minh,” at the Joint General Staff Headquarters in Saigon on October 5. He reported that the general raised the issue of assassination and the question of American support for a new junta. Dave Smith, the new acting station chief, recommended that “we do not set ourselves irrevocably against the assassination plot”—music to Ambassador Lodge’s ears, anathema to McCone’s. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3843-45  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 10:36 PM

Careful to avoid using words that could link the White House to a murder, he later testified, he chose a sports analogy: Mr. President, if I were the manager of a baseball team, and I had only one pitcher, I’d keep him on the mound whether he was a good pitcher or not. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3867-71  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 10:37 PM

The coup struck on November 1. It was noon in Saigon, midnight in Washington. Summoned at home by an emissary from General Don, Conein changed into his uniform and called Rufus Phillips to watch over his wife and infant children. Then he grabbed a .38-caliber revolver and a satchel with about $70,000 in CIA funds, hopped into his jeep, and rushed through the streets of Saigon to the Joint General Staff headquarters of the army of South Vietnam. The streets were filled with gunfire. The leaders of the coup had closed the airport, cut the city’s telephone lines, stormed central police headquarters, seized the government radio station, and attacked the centers of political power. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3889-91  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 10:39 PM

Diem said he would be waiting at the Saint Francis Xavier church in the Chinese quarter of Saigon. The general sent an armored personnel carrier to fetch Diem and his brother, ordered his personal bodyguard to lead the convoy, and then raised two fingers on his right hand. It was a signal: kill them both. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3918-20  | Added on Saturday, March 22, 2014, 10:41 PM

Here were the guys who had just carried out a coup, killed the chief of state, and then they walk up to the Embassy, as if to say, ‘Hey, boss, we did a good job, didn’t we?’” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4022-25  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 02:46 PM

The creation of the Warren Commission posed a crushing moral dilemma for Richard Helms. “Helms realized that disclosing the assassination plots would reflect very poorly on the Agency and reflect very poorly on him, and that it might indeed turn out that the Cubans had undertaken this assassination in retaliation for our operations to assassinate Castro. This would have a disastrous effect on him and the Agency,” John Whitten testified. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4106-15  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 02:52 PM

Angleton’s highest duty as chief of counterintelligence was to protect the CIA and its agents against its enemies. But a great deal had gone wrong on his watch. In 1959, Major Pyotr Popov, the CIA’s first spy of any note inside the Soviet Union, had been arrested and executed by the KGB. George Blake, the British spy for Moscow who blew the Berlin Tunnel before it was dug, had been exposed in the spring of 1961, forcing the CIA to consider that the tunnel had been used for Soviet disinformation. Six months later, Heinz Felfe, Angleton’s West German counterpart, was exposed as a Soviet spy after inflicting deep damage on the CIA’s operations in Germany and Eastern Europe. A year after that, the Soviets arrested Colonel Oleg Penkovsky, secret hero of the Cuban missile crisis. They executed him in the spring of 1962. Then there was Kim Philby. In January 1963, Angleton’s prime tutor in counterintelligence, his old confidant, his drinking partner, fled to Moscow. He was revealed at last as a Soviet spy who had served at the highest levels of British intelligence. Philby had been a suspect for twelve years. Back when he first fell under suspicion, Walter Bedell Smith had demanded reports from everyone having had contact with the man. Bill Harvey stated categorically that Philby was a Soviet agent. Jim Angleton stated categorically that he was not. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4167-68  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 02:56 PM

The covert operations of the Kennedys haunted Lyndon Johnson all his life. He said over and over that Dallas was divine retribution for Diem. “We all got together and got a goddamn bunch of thugs and we went in and assassinated him,” he lamented. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4179-81  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 02:58 PM

But Lyndon Johnson lay awake at night, trying to decide whether to go all-out in Vietnam or get out. Without American support, Saigon would fall. He did not want to plunge in with thousands of American troops. He could not be seen to pull out. The only path between war and diplomacy was covert action. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4208-10  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 03:00 PM

The president had been in office for eleven months before he asked McCone how big the CIA was, what it cost, and precisely how it could serve him. The director’s advice was rarely heard and rarely heeded. Without the president’s ear, he had no power, and without that power, the CIA began to drift into the dangerous middle passage of the 1960s. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4231-34  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 03:02 PM

The war was authorized by the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution, rammed through Congress after what the president and the Pentagon proclaimed was an unprovoked attack by North Vietnam on American ships in international waters on August 4. The National Security Agency, which compiled and controlled the intelligence on the attack, insisted the evidence was ironclad. Robert McNamara swore to it. The navy’s official history of the Vietnam War calls it conclusive. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4283-87  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 03:06 PM

In the process, someone at the NSA destroyed the smoking gun—the intercept that McNamara had shown to the president. “McNamara had taken over raw SIGINT and shown the president what they thought was evidence of a second attack,” said Ray Cline, then the CIA’s deputy director of intelligence. “And it was just what Johnson was looking for.” In a rational world, it would have been the CIA’s task to take a hard look at the SIGINT from the Gulf of Tonkin and issue an independent interpretation of its meaning. It was no longer a rational world. “It was too late to make any difference,” Cline said. “The planes had been launched.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4295-99  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 03:07 PM

On August 7, Congress authorized the war in Vietnam. The House voted 416–0. The Senate voted 88–2. It was a “Greek tragedy,” Cline said, an act of political theater reprised four decades later when false intelligence on the Iraqi arsenal upheld another president’s rationale for war. It remained to Lyndon Johnson to sum up what really happened in the Gulf of Tonkin, which he did four years after the fact. “Hell,” said the president, “those damn stupid sailors were just shooting at flying fish.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4367-71  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 07:36 PM

The president wondered how to fight an enemy he could not see. “There must be somebody out there that’s got enough brains to figure out some way that we can find some special targets to hit on,” Johnson demanded as night fell in Saigon. He decided to pour thousands more troops into battle and ratchet up the bombing campaign. He never once consulted the director of central intelligence. “A 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4380-86  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 07:37 PM

Lyndon Johnson had stopped listening to John McCone long ago. The director left office knowing he had had no impact whatsoever on the thinking of the president of the United States. Like almost all who followed him, LBJ liked the agency’s work only if it fit his thinking. When it did not, it went into the wastebasket. “Let me tell you about these intelligence guys,” he said. “When I was growing up in Texas, we had a cow named Bessie. I’d go out early and milk her. I’d get her in the stanchion, seat myself, and squeeze out a pail of fresh milk. One day I’d worked hard and gotten a full pail of milk, but I wasn’t paying attention, and old Bessie swung her shit-smeared tail through that bucket of milk. Now, you know, that’s what these intelligence guys do. You work hard and get a good program or policy going, and they swing a shit-smeared tail through it.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4434-37  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 07:40 PM

the U-2 had done for Eisenhower and the Bay of Pigs for Kennedy. It led directly to the first assertion by the American press that Lyndon Johnson had a “credibility gap.” The phrase was first published on May 23, 1965. It stung, and it stuck. The president took no further counsel from his new director of central intelligence. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4450-55  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 07:42 PM

On July 2, LBJ called Eisenhower for advice on escalating the war. The American death toll in Vietnam stood at 446. The ninth junta since the assassination of President Diem had just seized power, led by Nguyen Cao Ky, a pilot who had dropped paramilitary agents to their death on CIA missions, and by Nguyen Van Thieu, a general who later assumed the presidency. Ky was vicious, Thieu corrupt. Together they were the public face of democracy in South Vietnam. “You think that we can really beat the Vietcong out there?” the president asked. Victory depended entirely on good intelligence, Eisenhower replied, and “this is the hardest thing.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4632-36  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 07:50 PM

More than one million political prisoners were jailed by the new regime. Some stayed in prison for decades. Some died there. Indonesia remained a military dictatorship for the rest of the cold war. The consequences of the repression resound to this day. The United States has denied for forty years that it had anything to do with the slaughter carried out in the name of anticommunism in Indonesia. “We didn’t create the waves,” said Marshall Green. “We only rode the waves ashore.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4667-73  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 07:54 PM

Fifty-three, graying, trim from tennis, wound up like a Swiss watch, Helms drove his old black Cadillac to headquarters each morning at six-thirty, Saturdays included; this was a rare day off. What began for him as a wartime romance with secret intelligence had become an all-consuming passion. His marriage of twenty-seven years to Julia Shields, a sculptor six years older, was dying from inattention. Their son was off at college. His life was entirely devoted to the agency. When he answered the ringing phone, he heard his greatest wish fulfilled. His swearing-in took place at the White House on June 30. The president brought in the Marine Band to perform. Helms now commanded close to twenty thousand people, more than a third of them spying overseas, and a budget of about a billion dollars. He was perceived as one of the most powerful men in Washington. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4675-76  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 07:55 PM

A quarter of a million American soldiers were at war when Richard Helms took control at the CIA. One thousand covert operators in Southeast Asia and three thousand intelligence analysts at home were consumed by the growing disaster. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4680-83  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 07:56 PM

One of the hundreds of new CIA recruits who arrived for work the summer that Helms took power was a twenty-three-year-old who had signed up on a lark, looking for a free trip to Washington during his senior year at Indiana University. Bob Gates, the future director of central intelligence and secretary of defense, rode an agency bus from downtown Washington into a driveway surrounded by a high chain-link fence topped with barbed wire. He entered a forbidding seven-story concrete slab topped with antennas. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4702-18  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 08:33 PM

McNamara was fascinated to learn that Allen had spent seventeen years working on Vietnam. He did not know there was anyone who had devoted himself to the struggle for so long. Well, he said, you must have some ideas about what to do. “He wanted to know what I would do if I were sitting in his place,” Allen remembered. “I decided to respond candidly.” “Stop the buildup of American forces,” he said. “Halt the bombing of the North, and negotiate a cease-fire with Hanoi.” McNamara called his secretary and told her to cancel the rest of his appointments until after lunch. Why, the secretary of defense asked, would the United States choose to let the dominoes of Asia fall? Allen replied that the risk was no greater at the peace table than in the theater of war. If the United States stopped the bombing and started negotiating with China and the Soviet Union, as well as its Asian allies and enemies, there might be peace with honor. After ninety minutes of this riveting heresy, McNamara made three fateful decisions. He asked the CIA to compile an order of battle, an estimate of the enemy forces arrayed against the United States. He told his aides to begin to compile a top secret history of the war since 1954—the Pentagon Papers. And he questioned what he was doing in Vietnam. On September 19, McNamara telephoned the president: “I myself am more and more convinced that we ought definitely to plan on termination of bombing in the North,” he said. “I think also we ought to be planning, as I mentioned before, on a ceiling on our force levels. I don’t think we ought to just look ahead to the future and say we’re going to go higher and higher and higher and higher—six hundred thousand, seven hundred thousand, whatever it takes.” The president’s only response was an unintelligible grunt. McNamara came to understand, too late, that the United States had dramatically underestimated the strength of the insurgents killing American soldiers in Vietnam, a fatal mistake that would be repeated many years later in Iraq. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4732-34  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 08:36 PM

Carver reported to the director. Quantifying the number of Vietcong irregulars in South Vietnam “would produce a politically unacceptable total of over 400,000.” Since the military had “a pre-determined total, fixed on public-relations grounds, we can go no further (unless you instruct otherwise).” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4735-37  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 08:36 PM

Helms felt a crushing pressure to get on the team—and to trim the CIA’s reporting to fit the president’s policy. He caved in. He said the number “didn’t mean a damn.” The agency officially accepted the falsified figure of 299,000 enemy forces or fewer. “Circle now squared,” Carver cabled back to the director. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4738-42  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 08:37 PM

In the spring of 1963, John McCone had come under enormous pressure from the Pentagon to scuttle a pessimistic estimate that cited “very great weaknesses” in the government of South Vietnam—including poor morale among the troops, terrible intelligence, and communist penetration of the military. The CIA rewrote that estimate to read: “We believe that Communist progress has been blunted and that the situation is improving.” The CIA did not believe that. A few weeks later came the riots in Hue, followed by the burning Buddhists, and the plotting to do away with Diem. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4757-59  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 08:38 PM

Never had so much intelligence meant so little. The conduct of the war had been set by a series of lies that the leaders of the United States told one another and the American people. The White House and the Pentagon kept trying to convince the people that the war was going well. In time, the facts on the ground would prevail. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4795-98  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 08:41 PM

Five weeks before, LBJ and the syndicated columnist Drew Pearson had had an hour-long off-the-record conversation in the White House. Not for nothing was Pearson’s column called Washington Merry-Go-Round. He had set the president’s head spinning with a story about the Mafia’s John Rosselli, the loyal friend of the CIA’s Bill Harvey, who was the sworn enemy of Senator Robert F. Kennedy. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4798-4809  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 08:42 PM

“This story going around about the CIA…sendin’ in the folks to get Castro,” LBJ said to Ramsey Clark. “It’s incredible.” He told the tale as he had heard it: “They have a man that was involved, that was brought in to the CIA, with a number of others, and instructed by the CIA and the Attorney General to assassinate Castro after the Bay of Pigs…. They had these pills.” Every word of that was true. But the story went on. It took Johnson to a terrifying if unfounded conclusion: Castro had captured the plotters and “he tortured ’em. And they told him all about it…. So he said, ‘Okay. We’ll just take care of that.’ So then he called Oswald and a group in, and told them to…get the job done.” The job was the assassination of the president of the United States. Johnson told Ramsey Clark to find out what the FBI knew about the connections among the CIA, and the Mafia, and Bobby Kennedy. On March 3, Pearson’s column reported that “President Johnson is sitting on a political H-bomb—an unconfirmed report that Senator Robert Kennedy may have approved an assassination plot which then backfired against his late brother.” The item badly frightened Bobby Kennedy. He and Helms had lunch the next day, and the director brought the sole copy of the only CIA memo tying Kennedy to the Mafia plot against Castro. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4809-12  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 08:42 PM

Two days later, the FBI completed a report for the president with the pungent title “Central Intelligence Agency’s Intentions to Send Hoodlums to Cuba to Assassinate Castro.” It was clear and concise: the CIA had tried to kill Castro. The agency had hired members of the Mafia to do it. Robert Kennedy as attorney general knew about the CIA plot as it unfolded, and he knew the mob was involved. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4856-64  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 08:46 PM

Angleton by the mid-1960s had come to hold a set of views that, if accurate, portended grave consequences for the United States. Angleton believed that the Soviet Union, guided by as skillful a group of leaders as ever served one government, was implacable in its hostility toward the West. International Communism remained monolithic, and reports of a rift between Moscow and Peking were only part of an elaborate “disinformation campaign.” An “integrated and purposeful Socialist Bloc,” Angleton wrote in 1966, sought to foster false stories of “splits, evolution, power struggles, economic disasters, [and] good and bad Communism” to present “a wilderness of mirrors” to the confused West. Once this program of strategic deception had succeeded in splintering Western solidarity, Moscow would find it an easy matter to pick off the Free World nations one by one. Only the Western intelligence services, in Angleton’s view, could counter this challenge and stave off disaster. And because the Soviets had penetrated every one of these services, the fate of Western civilization rested, to a large extent, in the hands of the counterintelligence experts. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4865-66  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 08:46 PM

Angleton was unsound—“a man of loose and disjointed thinking whose theories, when applied to matters of public record, were patently unworthy of serious consideration,” as an official CIA assessment later concluded. The consequences of believing in him were grave. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4885-89  | Added on Sunday, March 23, 2014, 08:47 PM

Despite the blighted careers, the damaged lives, and the sheer chaos that Angleton created, Helms never broke faith with him. Why? First, as far as anyone knows, the CIA was never penetrated by a traitor or a Soviet spy during the twenty years that Angleton ran counterintelligence, and for this Helms was eternally grateful. Second, as the secret CIA history of the Helms years makes clear for the first time, Angleton was partly responsible for his greatest triumph as director of central intelligence: the CIA’s accurate call of the Six-Day War. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5093-95  | Added on Monday, March 24, 2014, 10:18 PM

At last Lyndon Johnson understood that no strategy could survive the failure of intelligence in Vietnam. The United States could not defeat an enemy it could not understand. A few weeks later, he announced he would not seek re-election as the president of the United States. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5145-48  | Added on Monday, March 24, 2014, 10:25 PM

The Covert Operations Study Group’s secret report was dated December 1, 1968. One of its recommendations particularly pleased Kissinger: it said the new president should give one senior White House official responsibility for watching over all covert operations. Kissinger would not merely watch them. He would run them. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Bookmark Loc. 5169  | Added on Monday, March 24, 2014, 10:27 PM


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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5168-70  | Added on Monday, March 24, 2014, 10:27 PM

The stack grew for a month, until Kissinger sent word in December that Nixon would never look at them. He made it clear that from now on anything the agency wanted to tell the president would have to be channeled through him. Neither Helms nor anyone else from the CIA would ever see Nixon alone. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5174-76  | Added on Monday, March 24, 2014, 10:28 PM

During a thirty-two-month stretch, the committee technically approved nearly forty covert actions but never once actually convened. In all, more than three quarters of the covert-action programs of the Nixon administration never were considered formally by the committee. The black operations of the United States were approved by Henry Kissinger. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5184-86  | Added on Monday, March 24, 2014, 10:29 PM

This was not merely a continuation of Chaos, the CIA’s ongoing search for sources of foreign support for the antiwar movement. It was a specific request from the president’s national security adviser for CIA files on American citizens. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5206-12  | Added on Monday, March 24, 2014, 10:31 PM

In the end, that is exactly what Helms did, erasing a key passage of the CIA’s most important estimate on Soviet nuclear forces in 1969. Once again, the agency was tailoring its work to fit the pattern of White House policy. His decision to go along with the White House “did not sit well with the Agency analysts,” Helms recorded. “In their view, I had compromised one of the Agency’s fundamental responsibilities—the mandate to evaluate all available data and express conclusions irrespective of U.S. policies.” But Helms would not risk this battle: “I was convinced we would have lost the argument with the Nixon administration, and that in the process the Agency would have been permanently damaged.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5237-38  | Added on Monday, March 24, 2014, 10:33 PM

All that was good—but it was also old hat to Nixon. What captured his imagination was the CIA’s ability to swing elections. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5281-82  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:32 PM

The CIA’s days of buying political influence in Italy finally ended when Graham Martin left Rome to become the next—and the last—American ambassador to South Vietnam. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5284-86  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:32 PM

Throughout 1969 and 1970, Nixon and Kissinger focused the CIA on the secret expansion of the war in Southeast Asia. They ordered the agency to make $725,000 in political payoffs to President Thieu of South Vietnam, manipulate the media in Saigon, fix an election in Thailand, and step up covert commando raids in North Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5287-92  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:33 PM

Helms told the president about the CIA’s long war in Laos. The agency “maintained a covert irregular force of a total of 39,000 men which has borne a major share of the active fighting” against the communists, he reminded Nixon. They were the CIA’s Hmong fighters, led since 1960 by General Vang Pao. “These irregular forces are tired from eight years of constant warfare, and Vang Pao…has been forced to use 13-and 14-year-old children to replace his casualties…. The limits have largely been reached on what this agency can do in a paramilitary sense to stop the North Vietnamese advance.” Nixon responded by ordering Helms to create a new Thai paramilitary battalion in Laos to shore up the Hmong. Kissinger asked where it would be best to bomb Laos with B-52s. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5311-18  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:35 PM

When Kissinger finally sat down with Chou, the prime minister asked about the latest Free Taiwan campaign: “The CIA had no hand in it?” Kissinger assured Chou that “he vastly overestimates the competence of the CIA.” “They have become the topic of discussion throughout the world,” Chou said. “Whenever something happens in the world they are always thought of.” “That is true,” Kissinger replied, “and it flatters them, but they don’t deserve it.” Chou was fascinated to learn that Kissinger personally approved the CIA’s covert operations. He voiced his suspicions that the agency was still subverting the People’s Republic. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5348-52  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:37 PM

“What the hell do those clowns do out there in Langley?” Nixon thundered. “Get the CIA jerks working on Cambodia,” he commanded. He told Helms to ship thousands of AK-47 automatic rifles to Lon Nol, to print a million propaganda leaflets, and to spread the word throughout the world that the United States was ready to invade. Then he ordered the CIA to deliver $10 million to the new Cambodian leader. “Get the money to Lon Nol,” he insisted. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5363-67  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:38 PM

“He understands that the intelligence community has been bitten badly a few times and thus tends to make its reports as bland as possible so that it won’t be bitten again,” the minutes say. “He believes that those responsible for the deliberate distortion of an intelligence report should be fired. He suggested that the time may be coming when he would have to read the riot act to the entire intelligence community.” At this delicate moment, Nixon ordered the CIA to fix the next election in Chile. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5377-84  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:40 PM

The CIA had beaten Allende once before. President Kennedy first approved a political-warfare program to subvert him more than two years before the September 1964 Chilean elections. The agency put in the plumbing and pumped roughly $3 million into the political apparatus of Chile. It worked out to about a dollar a vote for the pro-American Christian Democrat Eduardo Frei. Lyndon Johnson, who approved the continuing operation, spent a lot less per voter when he won the American presidency in 1964. Frei’s campaign received get-out-the-vote drives and political consultants along with suitcases full of cash. The CIA financed covert anti-Allende efforts by the Roman Catholic Church and trade unions. The agency pumped up the resistance to Allende in the Chilean military command and the national police. Secretary of State Rusk told President Johnson that Frei’s victory was “a triumph for democracy,” achieved “partly as a result of the good work of the CIA.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5390-92  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:40 PM

But in March 1970, he approved a $135,000 political-warfare program to crush Allende. On June 27, adding another $165,000, he observed: “I don’t see why we have to let a country go Marxist just because its people are irresponsible.” He backed the defeat of Allende, but the election of no one. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5399-5402  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:41 PM

Ambassador Korry found the CIA’s work appallingly unprofessional. “I had never seen such dreadful propaganda in a campaign anywhere in the world,” he said many years later. “I said that the idiots in the CIA who had helped create the ‘campaign of terror’—and I said this to the CIA—should have been sacked immediately for not understanding Chile and Chileans. This was the kind of thing I had seen in 1948 in Italy.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5406-7  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:41 PM

The CIA had plenty of experience fixing an election before the ballot. It had never fixed one afterward. It had seven weeks to reverse the outcome. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5414-17  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:42 PM

Helms met Edwards at midday at the Washington Hilton. They discussed the timing for a military coup against Allende. That afternoon, Kissinger approved $250,000 more for political warfare in Chile. In all, the CIA delivered a total of $1.95 million directly to Edwards, El Mercurio, and their campaign against Allende. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5421-28  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:42 PM

“Helms was very nervous when he returned,” Polgar remembered, and with good reason: Nixon had ordered him to mount a military coup without telling the secretary of state, the secretary of defense, the American ambassador, or the station chief. Helms had scrawled the president’s commands on a notepad: One in 10 chance perhaps, but save Chile!… $10,000,000 available…. best men we have…. make the economy scream. Helms had forty-eight hours to give Kissinger a game plan and forty-nine days to stop Allende. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5428-32  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:43 PM

Tom Polgar had known Richard Helms for twenty-five years. They had started out together in the Berlin base in 1945. Polgar looked his old friend in the eye and saw a flicker of despair. Helms turned to General Lanusse and asked what it would take for his junta to help overthrow Allende. The Argentine general stared at the chief of American intelligence. “Mr. Helms,” he said, “you already have your Vietnam. Don’t make me have mine.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5436-43  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:43 PM

The CIA divided the Allende operation into Track One and Track Two. Track One was political warfare, economic pressure, propaganda, and diplomatic hardball. It aimed to buy enough votes in the Chilean Senate to block Allende’s confirmation. If that failed, Ambassador Korry planned to persuade President Frei to create a constitutional coup. As a last resort, the United States would “condemn Chile and the Chileans to utmost deprivation and poverty,” Korry told Kissinger, “forcing Allende to adopt the harsh features of a police state,” and provoking a popular uprising. Track Two was a military coup. Korry knew nothing about it. But Helms defied the president’s order to exclude Henry Hecksher, and he told Tom Polgar to return to Argentina to bolster him. Hecksher and Polgar—Berlin base boys, the best of friends since World War II—were among the finest officers the CIA had. They both thought Track Two was a fool’s errand. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5445-49  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:44 PM

“Anyone who had lived in Chile, as I had, and knew Chileans, knew that you might get away with bribing one Chilean Senator, but two? Never. And three? Not a chance,” he said. “They would blow the whistle. They were democrats and had been for a long time.” As for Track Two, Phillips said, “the Chilean military was a very model of democratic rectitude.” Their commander, General Rene Schneider, had proclaimed that the army would obey the constitution and refrain from politics. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5457-63  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:44 PM

“You have twenty-four hours to either understand that I run you or you leave the country,” the ambassador said. “I am appalled,” Korry cabled Kissinger. “Any attempt on our part actively to encourage a coup could lead us to a Bay of Pigs failure.” An apoplectic Kissinger ordered the ambassador to stop meddling. Then he summoned Helms once more to the White House. The result was a flash cable to the CIA station in Santiago: “CONTACT THE MILITARY AND LET THEM KNOW USG”—the U.S. government—“WANTS A MILITARY SOLUTION, AND THAT WE WILL SUPPORT THEM NOW AND LATER…. CREATE AT LEAST SOME SORT OF COUP CLIMATE…. SPONSOR A MILITARY MOVE.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5465-72  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:45 PM

That day, Henry Hecksher tried to knock down the idea of running a coup in concert with General Viaux. The station chief told headquarters that a Viaux regime “would be a tragedy for Chile and for the free world…. A Viaux coup would only produce a massive bloodbath.” That went over poorly in Washington. On October 10, with two weeks left until the installation of Allende, Hecksher tried again to explain the facts to his superiors. “You have asked us to provoke chaos in Chile,” Hecksher wrote. “Thru Viaux solution we provide you with formula for chaos which is unlikely to be bloodless. To dissimulate US involvement will clearly be impossible. Station team, as you know, has given serious consideration to all plans suggested by HQs counterparts. We conclude that none of them stand even a remote chance of achieving objective. Hence, Viaux gamble, despite high risk factors, may commend itself to you.” Headquarters hesitated. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5485-88  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:46 PM

On October 19, with five days to go, Hecksher pointed out that Track Two had been “so unprofessional and insecure that, in Chilean setting, it could stand a chance of succeeding.” In other words, so many Chilean military officers knew that the CIA wanted Allende stopped that the odds of a coup were rising. “All interested military parties know our position,” reads a CIA memo dated October 20. Richard Helms returned to the United States from his two-week tour of Asian stations the next day. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5489-96  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:46 PM

On October 22, fifty hours before Congress was to convene to confirm the election results, a gang of armed men ambushed General Schneider on his way to work. He was shot repeatedly and died in surgery shortly after Salvador Allende was affirmed by Congress as the constitutionally elected president of Chile by a vote of 153 to 35. It took the CIA quite a few days to figure out who had killed General Schneider. At headquarters, Dave Phillips had assumed that the CIA’s machine guns had done the job. To his great relief, it had been Viaux’s men, not Valenzuela’s, who pulled the trigger. The CIA plane once scheduled to smuggle a kidnapped General Schneider out of Santiago carried in his stead the Chilean officer who had received the agency’s guns and money. “He came to Buenos Aires with a pistol in his pocket saying, ‘I’m in big trouble, you got to help me,’” Tom Polgar remembered. The agency had started out buying votes in Chile, and it wound up smuggling automatic weapons to would-be assassins. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5503-5  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:47 PM

Nixon decreed that Helms could keep his job only if he cleaned house. The director immediately promised to dismiss four of his six deputies, retaining only Tom Karamessines for covert action and Carl Duckett for science and technology. In a memo to Kissinger, he warned obliquely that a continuing purge would threaten the morale and dedication of his men. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5512-16  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:48 PM

It proved simple for the Nixon White House to savage the CIA, but far harder to salvage it. That month, at the president’s direction, Kissinger and Shultz deputized an ambitious ax-wielder at the budget office named James R. Schlesinger to lead a three-month review of the roles and responsibilities held by Richard Helms. Prematurely gray at forty-one, Schlesinger was a Harvard classmate of Kissinger’s, every bit his equal in intellect, though lacking the essential quality of deceit. He had made his reputation at the Nixon White House by crashing into the underbrush of the government and chopping out dead wood. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5517-22  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:48 PM

Seven thousand CIA analysts swamped with data could not sort out the patterns of the present. Six thousand clandestine-service officers could not penetrate the high councils of the communist world. The director of central intelligence had no power to do anything except run covert action and produce intelligence reports that Nixon and Kissinger rarely read. The agency could not support Nixon’s global ambitions—opening the door to China, standing up to the Soviets, ending the Vietnam War on American terms. “There is no evidence that the intelligence community, given its present structure, will come to grips with this class of problems,” Schlesinger concluded. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5525-28  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:49 PM

Haig, who had set the idea in motion, wrote a memo that it would be “the most controversial gutfight” undertaken in American government in memory. The problem was that Congress had created the CIA and it would have to play a part in its rebirth. This Nixon could not abide. It had to be done in secret. He ordered Kissinger to spend a month doing nothing else but making sure it happened. But Kissinger had no stomach for it. “I prefer to sit on it,” he scribbled on Haig’s memo. “I have no intention to bleed over it.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5532-34  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:49 PM

With that, the idea died, except in the mind of Richard Nixon. “Intelligence is a sacred cow,” he raged. “We’ve done nothing since we’ve been here about it. The CIA isn’t worth a damn.” He made a mental note to get rid of Richard Helms. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5537-39  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:50 PM

“Kissinger, in the role of the devil’s advocate, pointed out that the proposed CIA program was aimed at supporting moderates. Since Allende is holding himself out as a moderate, he asked, why not support extremists?” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5544-46  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:51 PM

And President Allende made a fatal mistake. In reaction to the pressure placed upon him by the CIA, he built a shadow army called the Grupo de Amigos del Presidente, or the Friends of the President. Fidel Castro backed this force. The Chilean military could not conscience it. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5548-53  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:52 PM

The cable said the United States would within minutes or hours receive a request for aid from “a key officer of the Chilean military group planning to overthrow President Allende.” The coup came on September 11, 1973. It was swift and terrible. Facing capture at the presidential palace, Allende killed himself with an automatic rifle, a gift from Fidel Castro. The military dictatorship of General Augusto Pinochet took power that afternoon, and the CIA quickly forged a liaison with the general’s junta. Pinochet reigned with cruelty, murdering more than 3,200 people, jailing and torturing tens of thousands in the repression called the Caravan of Death. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5554-61  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 01:53 PM

statement to Congress after the cold war ended, “that some CIA contacts were actively engaged in committing and covering up serious human rights abuses.” Chief among them was Colonel Manuel Contreras, the head of the Chilean intelligence service under Pinochet. He became a paid CIA agent and met with senior CIA officials in Virginia two years after the coup, at a time when the agency reported that he was personally responsible for thousands of cases of murder and torture in Chile. Contreras distinguished himself with a singular act of terror: the 1976 assassination of Orlando Letelier, who had been Allende’s ambassador to the United States, and an American aide, Ronni Moffitt. They were killed by a car bomb fourteen blocks from the White House. Contreras then blackmailed the United States by threatening to tell the world about his relationship with the CIA, and blocked his extradition and trial for the murder. There was no question at the agency that Pinochet knew and approved of that terrorist killing on American soil. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5561-66  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:03 PM

The Pinochet regime held power for seventeen years. After it fell, Contreras was convicted by a Chilean court of the murder of Orlando Letelier and served a seven-year sentence. Pinochet died in December 2006 at age ninety-one, under indictment for murder and with $28 million in secret bank accounts abroad. At this writing, Henry Kissinger is being pursued in the courts of Chile, Argentina, Spain, and France by survivors of the Caravan of Death. When he was secretary of state, the White House counsel gave him fair warning that “one who sets in motion a coup attempt can be assessed with the responsibility for the natural and probable consequences of that action.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5566-70  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:03 PM

The CIA was incapable of “placing stop and go buttons on the machinery” of covert action, said Dave Phillips, the Chilean task force chief. “I thought that if there were a military coup, there might be two weeks of street fighting in Santiago, and perhaps months of fighting and thousands of deaths in the countryside,” he testified in secret to a Senate committee five years after the initial failure of Track Two. “God knows I knew I was involved in something where one man might get killed.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5570-73  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:03 PM

His interrogator asked: What is the distinction that you draw between one death in an assassination and thousands in a coup? “Sir,” he replied, “what is the distinction I draw from the time I was a bombardier in World War Two and pushed a target button, and hundreds and perhaps thousands of people died?” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5574-78  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:04 PM

Under President Nixon, secret government surveillance reached a peak in the spring of 1971. The CIA, the NSA, and the FBI were spying on American citizens. Defense Secretary Melvin Laird and the Joint Chiefs of Staff were using electronic eavesdropping and espionage to keep tabs on Kissinger. Nixon, improving on the work of Kennedy and Johnson, had bugged the White House and Camp David with state-of-the-art voice-activated microphones. Nixon and Kissinger wiretapped their own close aides and Washington reporters, trying to stop leaks to the press. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5584-87  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:05 PM

Everette Howard Hunt, Jr., was “a unique character,” said Ambassador Sam Hart, who met him when Hunt was chief of station in Uruguay in the late 1950s—“totally self-absorbed, totally amoral, and a danger to himself and anybody around him. As far as I could tell, Howard went from one disaster to another, rising higher and higher, everything floating just right behind him.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5589-94  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:05 PM

Hunt flew down to Miami to see his old Cuban American companion Bernard Barker, who was selling real estate, and they talked beside a monument to the dead of the Bay of Pigs. “He described the mission as national security,” Barker said. “I asked Howard who he represented, and the answer he gave me was really something for the books. He said he was in a group at the White House level, under direct order of the President of the United States.” Together they recruited four more Miami Cubans, including Eugenio Martinez, who had run some three hundred seagoing missions into Cuba for the CIA and remained on a $100-a-month retainer from headquarters. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5603-9  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:07 PM

General Walters had been conducting secret missions for presidents for the better part of twenty years. But Helms had never met him before he arrived as the new deputy director of central intelligence on May 2, 1972. “I had just come from running an operation which the CIA knew nothing about,” General Walters recounted. “Helms, who had wanted someone else, said, ‘I’ve heard about you; what do you know about intelligence?’ I said, ‘Well, I’ve been negotiating with the Chinese and the Vietnamese for three years, and I smuggled Henry Kissinger into Paris fifteen times without you or anybody else in the Agency knowing anything about it.’” Helms was duly impressed. But he soon had cause to wonder about his new deputy’s loyalties. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5610-26  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:08 PM

Late on Saturday night, June 17, 1972, Howard Osborn, the chief of the CIA’s Office of Security, called Helms at home. The director knew it could not be good news. This is how he remembered the conversation: “Dick, are you still up?” “Yes, Howard.” “I’ve just learned that the District police have picked up five men in a break-in at the Democratic Party National Headquarters at the Watergate…. Four Cubans and Jim McCord.” “McCord? Retired out of your shop?” “Two years ago.” “What about the Cubans—Miami or Havana?” “Miami…in this country for some time now.” “Do we know them?” “As of now, I can’t say.” “Get hold of the operations people, first thing…. Have them get onto Miami. Check every record here and in Miami…. Is that all of it?” “No, not half,” Osborn said heavily. “Howard Hunt also seems to be involved.” Hearing Hunt’s name, Helms drew a deep breath. “What the hell were they doing?” he asked. He had a fair idea: McCord was an expert in electronic eavesdropping, Hunt was working for Nixon, and the charge was wiretapping, a federal crime. Sitting on the edge of his bed, Helms tracked down the acting director of the FBI, L. Patrick Gray, at a hotel in Los Angeles. J. Edgar Hoover had died six weeks before, after forty-eight years in power. Helms told Gray very carefully that the Watergate burglars had been hired by the White House and the CIA had nothing to do with it. Got that? Okay, good night then. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5628-31  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:09 PM

Bill Colby, now the CIA’s executive director, the number-three man, remembered Helms saying: “We are going to catch a lot of hell, because these are formers”—that is, former CIA men—and “we knew they were working in the White House.” The next morning, The Washington Post placed the responsibility for Watergate at the door of the Oval Office—although, to this day, no one really knows if Richard Nixon authorized the break-in. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5631-38  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:10 PM

On Friday, June 23, Nixon told his brutally efficient chief of staff, H. R. Haldeman, to call Helms and Walters into the White House and order them to wave off the FBI in the name of national security. They agreed to play ball at first—a very dangerous business. Walters called Gray and told him to stand down. But a line was crossed on Monday, June 26, when Nixon’s counsel, John Dean, ordered Walters to come up with a large sum of untraceable hush money for the six jailed CIA veterans. On Tuesday, Dean repeated the demand. He later told the president that the price of silence would be $1 million over two years. Only Helms—or Walters, when Helms was outside the United States—could authorize a secret payment from the CIA’s black budget. They were the only officials in the American government who could legally deliver a suitcase with a million dollars in secret cash to the White House, and Nixon knew it. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5643-47  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:11 PM

Gray told Walters he would need an order in writing from the CIA calling off the investigation on national-security grounds. Both men now understood the risks of a paper trail. They spoke on July 6, and shortly thereafter Gray called the president at his retreat in San Clemente. “People on your staff are trying to mortally wound you” by manipulating the CIA, he told Nixon. An awful silence followed—and then the president told Gray to go ahead with the investigation. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5647-52  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:12 PM

Jim McCord, awaiting trial and facing five years in prison, sent a message through his lawyer to the CIA. He said the president’s men wanted him to testify that the Watergate break-in was an agency operation. Let the CIA take the rap, a White House aide told him, and a presidential pardon would follow. McCord responded in a letter: “If Helms goes and the Watergate operation is laid at CIA’s feet, where it does not belong, every tree in the forest will fall. It will be a scorched desert. The whole matter is at the precipice right now. Pass the message that if they want it to blow, they are on exactly the right course.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5657-60  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:12 PM

On November 13, he told Kissinger that he intended “to ruin the Foreign Service. I mean ruin it—the old Foreign Service—and to build a new one. I’m going to do it.” He settled on an inside man to do the job: the OSS veteran and champion Republican fund-raiser William J. Casey. In 1968, Casey had importuned President-elect Nixon to make him director of central intelligence, but Nixon handed him the chair at the Securities and Exchange Commission instead, a cunning decision that cheered corporate boardrooms across America. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5662-67  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:13 PM

On November 20, Nixon fired Richard Helms in a short, awkward meeting at Camp David. He offered him the post of ambassador to the Soviet Union. There was an uncomfortable pause as Helms considered the ramifications. “Look, Mr. President, I don’t think that would be a very good idea, to send me to Moscow,” Helms said. “Well, maybe not,” Nixon replied. Helms proposed Iran instead, and Nixon urged him to take it. They also reached an understanding that Helms would stay on until March 1973, his sixtieth birthday, the formal retirement age at the CIA. Nixon broke that pledge, a pointless act of cruelty. “The man was a shit,” Helms said, faintly shaking with rage as he told the story. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5682-86  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:16 PM

If Congress ever “got the impression that the President has turned all intelligence activities over to Kissinger all hell will break loose. If on the other hand I name the new Director of CIA Schlesinger as my top assistant for intelligence activities, we can get it by the Congress. Henry simply doesn’t have the time…. I have been bugging him and Haig for over three years to get intelligence reorganized with no success whatever.” It was a strong echo of Eisenhower’s final burst of anger at the end of his presidency, his fuming at his “eight-year defeat” in his battle to whip American intelligence into shape. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5686-89  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:16 PM

In his last days in office, Helms feared that Nixon and his loyalists would ransack the CIA’s files. He did everything in his power to destroy two sets of secret documents that could have ruined the agency. One was the paper trail of the mind-control experiments with LSD and many other drugs that he and Allen Dulles had personally approved two decades before. Very few of those records survived. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5689-92  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:17 PM

The second was his own set of secret tapes. Helms had recorded hundreds of conversations in his executive office on the seventh floor during the six years and seven months that he had served as the director of central intelligence. By the date of his official departure on February 2, 1973, every one had been destroyed. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5722-25  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:21 PM

winding up with the surmise that the CIA itself had been penetrated at or near the highest levels by Moscow in the 1960s. In short, the enemy had breached the CIA’s defense and burrowed deep within. Schlesinger bought the Briefing, entranced by Angleton’s guided tour of hell. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5743-50  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:22 PM

I have ordered all senior operating officials of this Agency to report to me immediately on any activities now going on, or that have gone on in the past, which might be construed to be outside the legislative charter of this Agency. I hereby direct every person presently employed by CIA to report to me on any such activities of which he has knowledge. I invite all ex-employees to do the same. Anyone who has such information should call…and say that he wishes to tell me about “activities outside CIA’s charter.” The CIA’s exceedingly vague charter was clear on one point: the agency could not be the American secret police. Yet over the course of the cold war the CIA had been spying on citizens, tapping their telephones, opening first-class mail, and conspiring to commit murder on orders from the White House. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5750-51  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:23 PM

Schlesinger’s order was dated May 9, 1973, and effective immediately. That same day, Watergate began to destroy Richard Nixon. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5773-80  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:25 PM

On March 7, 1973, President Nixon met in the Oval Office with Tom Pappas, a Greek American business magnate, political fixer, and friend of the CIA. Pappas had delivered $549,000 in cash to the 1968 Nixon campaign as a gift from the leaders of the Greek military junta. The money had been laundered through the KYP, the Greek intelligence service. It was one of the darker secrets of the Nixon White House. Pappas now had hundreds of thousands of dollars more to offer the president—money to buy the silence of the CIA veterans jailed in the Watergate break-in. Nixon thanked him profusely: “I am aware of what you’re doing to help out,” he said. Most of it came from members and supporters of “the colonels”—the Greek junta that seized power in April 1967, led by George Papadopoulos, a recruited CIA agent since the days of Allen Dulles, and the KYP’s liaison to the agency. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5780-83  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:25 PM

“These colonels had been plotting for years and years,” said Robert Keeley, later the American ambassador to Greece. “They were fascists. They fitted the classic definition of fascism, as represented by Mussolini in the 1920s: a corporate state, uniting industry and unions, no parliament, trains running on time, heavy discipline and censorship…almost a classic fascist ideal.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5799-5802  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:27 PM

By 1973, the United States was the only nation in the developed world on friendly terms with the junta, which jailed and tortured its political foes. “The CIA station chief was in bed with the guys who were beating up the Greeks,” said Charles Stuart Kennedy, the American consul general in Athens. “I would raise issues of what would amount to human rights, and this would be discounted by the CIA.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5805-7  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:27 PM

The agency was Ioannidis’s sole contact with the government of the United States; the ambassador and the American diplomatic establishment were out of the loop. Jim Potts, the CIA station chief, was the American government, insofar as the junta was concerned. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5840-41  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:29 PM

On August 8, 1974, Richard Nixon resigned. The final blow was his admission that he had ordered the CIA to obstruct justice in the name of national security. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5857-59  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:30 PM

Ambassador Kubisch said that he had seen in Athens, for the first time in his life, “the terrible price the U.S. Government must pay when it associates itself so intimately…with a repressive regime.” Part of the cost was the consequence of letting the CIA shape the foreign policy of the United States. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5923-26  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:33 PM

The power of secrecy had been undone by the lies of presidents, told in the name of national security of the United States. The U-2 was a weather plane. America would not invade Cuba. Our ships were attacked in the Gulf of Tonkin. The Vietnam War was a just cause. The fall of Richard Nixon showed that these noble lies would no longer serve in a democracy. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5990-93  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:38 PM

On January 16, 1975, President Ford hosted a luncheon at the White House for senior editors and the publisher of The New York Times. The president said that it was decidedly not in the national interest to discuss the CIA’s past. He said the reputation of every president since Harry Truman could be ruined if the deepest secrets spilled. Like what? an editor asked. Like assassinations! Ford said. Hard to say which was stranger—what the president had said, or that the editors managed to keep the statement off the record. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6012-16  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:40 PM

“The real question now,” said Colby, “is do we try for a redoubt around Saigon?” Or negotiate a face-saving, possibly life-saving, settlement so as to evacuate the capital without bloodshed? No negotiations, Kissinger said—“not as long as I am in this chair.” Keep the weapons flowing to Saigon and let the North and the South work it out. “We can save nothing,” he said. “Nothing but lives,” Colby replied. But Kissinger was adamant. He would not negotiate a peaceful end to the war. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6052-54  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:42 PM

A famous photograph shows one of the last helicopters leaving Saigon, perched on a rooftop, as a trail of people climb a ladder to safety. That photo, for many years, was mislabeled as a shot of the embassy. But in fact it was a CIA safe house, and those were Polgar’s friends clambering aboard. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6054-60  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:42 PM

Polgar burned all the CIA’s files, cables, and codebooks that evening. Not long after midnight, he composed his farewell: “THIS WILL BE FINAL MESSAGE FROM SAIGON STATION…. IT HAS BEEN A LONG FIGHT AND WE HAVE LOST…. THOSE WHO FAIL TO LEARN FROM HISTORY ARE FORCED TO REPEAT IT. LET US HOPE THAT WE WILL NOT HAVE ANOTHER VIETNAM EXPERIENCE AND THAT WE HAVE LEARNED OUR LESSON. SAIGON SIGNING OFF.” Then he blew up the machine that sent the message. Thirty years later, Polgar remembered the final moments of the American war in Vietnam: “As we stepped up the narrow metal stairs to the helicopter pad on the roof, we knew we were leaving behind thousands of people in the Embassy’s logistics compound. We all knew how we felt, leaders of a defeated cause.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6098-6102  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:45 PM

“And then we left,” said the CIA’s Dick Holm, who had started his thirty-five-year career at the CIA in Laos. Those among the Hmong who survived wound up in refugee camps or in exile. “Their way of life has been destroyed,” Holm wrote. “They can never return to Laos.” The United States, he said, “failed to assume the moral responsibility that we owed to those who worked so closely with us during those tumultuous years.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6111-16  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:47 PM

Would the White House go to the courts to stop Congress? “We are better off with a political confrontation than a legal one,” said Don Rumsfeld. To prepare for that fight, the president shook up his cabinet at the end of October 1975. The move was instantly called the Halloween Massacre. Jim Schlesinger was dismissed and Don Rumsfeld became secretary of defense. Dick Cheney took his place as White House chief of staff. And, in an uncharacteristically Machiavellian move, Ford neutralized a potentially troublesome challenger for the 1976 presidential nomination by firing Bill Colby and making George Herbert Walker Bush the next director of central intelligence. It was on its face a strange choice. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6127-29  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:48 PM

The CIA was Skull and Bones with a billion-dollar budget. “This is the most interesting job I’ve ever had,” he wrote to a friend in March. In less than eleven months at the helm, he bucked up morale at headquarters, defended the CIA against all critics, and deftly used the agency to build a political base for his soaring ambitions. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6133-35  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:49 PM

Rumsfeld was “paranoid” about the CIA and, convinced that the agency was out to “spy on him,” cut off long-standing channels of communication and cooperation between the Pentagon and the CIA, the veteran analyst George Carver said in a CIA oral history interview. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6144-46  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 07:50 PM

If only the president could find a way to shield the CIA from Congress, Bush wrote, then “covert action operations will continue to make the positive contribution to our foreign policy that they have made over the past twenty-eight years.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6151-54  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 10:58 PM

Continuing failures in the field also sapped the CIA’s spirit in 1976. Among the biggest was in Angola. Two months after the fall of Saigon, President Ford approved a big new operation to secure Angola against communism. The country had been Portugal’s biggest prize in Africa, but Lisbon’s leaders had been among the worst of the European colonialists, and they sacked Angola as they withdrew. The country was coming apart as rival forces went to war. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6162-67  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:00 PM

“We weren’t going to be able to walk down to Congress, in the aftermath of Vietnam, and say, ‘Look, let’s send American military trainers and equipment over there to Mobutu,’ so Kissinger and the President made the decision to go to the Agency,” Wisner said. But the CIA-backed troops in Angola faltered, and their enemies, strongly supported by Moscow and Havana, took control of the capital. Kissinger ordered up another $28 million in secret support. There was no money left in the CIA’s contingency budget. Early on in Bush’s short year at the CIA, Congress publicly banned covert support for the Angolan guerrillas and killed the operation while it was in progress. Nothing of the kind had ever happened before. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6172-73  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:01 PM

Bush and his national intelligence deputy, Dick Lehman—who had grown so frustrated watching Allen Dulles hefting reports instead of reading them—found Carter extremely interested. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6179-82  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:02 PM

The CIA’s men talked all afternoon and into the evening. Carter, who had been a nuclear engineer in the navy, grasped the arcane details of the American strategic arsenal. He was particularly interested in the evidence spy satellites obtained about Soviet weapons, and he understood that the intelligence they gleaned would play a vital role in arms control. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6187-88  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:03 PM

A new generation of satellites was coming on line that summer. Code-named Keyhole, they provided real-time television images instead of slow-to-develop photos. The CIA’s science and technology division had been working on Keyhole for years, and it was a great breakthrough. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6195-98  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:05 PM

When Carter and Ford went head-to-head in the first televised presidential debates since Kennedy and Nixon, the governor cleaned the president’s clock on foreign policy. He also took a hard swipe at the agency, saying: “Our system of government—in spite of Vietnam, Cambodia, CIA, Watergate—is still the best system of government on Earth.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6204-6  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:06 PM

By the end of 1976, Bush was in bad odor with some of his former fans at the agency. He had made a baldly political decision to let a team of neoconservative ideologues—“howling right-wingers,” Dick Lehman called them—rewrite the CIA’s estimates of Soviet military forces. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6212-21  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:08 PM

In May 1976, Bush approved “Team B” with a cheery scribble: “Let her fly!! O.K. G.B.” The debate was highly technical, but it boiled down to a single question: what is Moscow up to? Team B portrayed a Soviet Union in the midst of a tremendous military buildup—when in fact it was cutting military spending. They dramatically overstated the accuracy of Soviet intercontinental ballistic missiles. They doubled the number of Backfire bombers the Soviet Union was building. They repeatedly warned of dangers that never materialized, threats that did not exist, technologies that were never created—and, most terrifying of all, the specter of a secret Soviet strategy to fight and win a nuclear war. Then, in December 1976, they selectively shared their findings with sympathetic reporters and opinion columnists. “The B Team was out of control,” Lehman said, “and they were leaking all over the place.” The uproar Team B created went on for years, fueled a huge increase in Pentagon weapons spending, and led directly to the rise of Ronald Reagan to the top of the list of front-runners for the 1980 Republican nomination. After the cold war was over, the agency put Team B’s findings to the test. Every one of them was wrong. It was the bomber gap and the missile gap all over again. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6223-28  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:08 PM

Intelligence analysis had become corrupted—another tool wielded for political advantage—and it would never recover its integrity. The CIA’s estimates had been blatantly politicized since 1969, when President Nixon forced the agency to change its views on the Soviets’ abilities to launch a nuclear first strike. “I look upon that as almost a turning point from which everything went down,” Abbot Smith, who ran the agency’s Office of National Estimates under Nixon, said in a CIA oral history interview. “The Nixon administration was really the first one in which intelligence was just another form of politics. And that was bound to be disastrous, and I think it was disastrous.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6246-49  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:14 PM

“I find no degradation in the quality of intelligence analysis,” Kissinger said at their last meeting before the inauguration of Jimmy Carter. “The opposite is true, however, in the covert action area. We are unable to do it anymore.” “Henry, you are right,” said George Herbert Walker Bush, one of the greatest boosters the CIA had ever had. “We are both ineffective and scared.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6305-9  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:21 PM

The political warfare that Jimmy Carter waged opened a new front in the cold war, said the CIA’s Bob Gates, then serving as a Soviet analyst on Brzezinski’s National Security Council staff: “Through his human rights policies, he became the first president since Truman to challenge directly the legitimacy of the Soviet government in the eyes of its own people. And the Soviets immediately recognized this for the fundamental challenge it was: they believed he sought to overthrow their system.” Carter’s aims were more modest: he wanted to 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6305-16  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:22 PM

Carter’s aims were more modest: he wanted to alter the Soviet system, not abolish it. But the clandestine service of the CIA did not want to take on the task. The White House faced resistance to the stepped-up covert-action orders from the chiefs of the Soviet/East Europe division. They had a reason: they had a prized agent to protect in Warsaw, and they did not want the White House’s ideals about human rights to threaten him. A Polish colonel named Ryszard Kuklinski was giving the United States a long hard look at the Soviet military. He was the highest-ranking source that the agency had behind the iron curtain. “Colonel Kuklinski was himself never in a strict sense a CIA agent,” Brzezinski said. “He volunteered. He operated on his own.” He had secretly offered his services to the United States during a visit to Hamburg. Keeping in touch with him was difficult; six months at a stretch went by in silence. But when Kuklinski traveled through Scandinavia and Western Europe, he always left word. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6319-24  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:22 PM

Freed from the paranoia of the Angleton era, the Soviet division was beginning to recruit real spies behind the iron curtain. “We had moved away from all the grand and glorious traditions of the OSS and become an espionage service, dedicated to gathering foreign intelligence,” said the CIA’s Haviland Smith. “By God, we could go over to East Berlin and not get caught. We could recruit Eastern Europeans. We were going after and recruiting Soviets. The only thing missing is—we don’t have anything on Soviet intentions. And I don’t know how you get that. And that’s the charter of the clandestine service. If we had been able to recruit a member of the Politburo, we would have had everything.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6324-29  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:23 PM

The Politburo of the late 1970s was a corrupt and decrepit gerontocracy. Its empire was dangerously overextended, dying from within. The politically ambitious Soviet intelligence chief, Yuri Andropov, had created a false image of the Soviet Union as a superpower for his doddering superiors in the Kremlin. But the Soviets’ Potemkin village fooled the CIA as well. “We were appreciating as early as ’78 that the Soviet economy was in serious trouble,” Admiral Turner said. “We didn’t make the leap that we should have made, I should have made, that the economic trouble would lead to political trouble. We thought they would tighten their belt under a Stalin-like regime and continue marching on.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6335-36  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:23 PM

President Carter also tried to use the CIA to undermine apartheid in South Africa. His stance changed the course of thirty years of cold-war foreign policy. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6336-40  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:24 PM

On February 8, 1977, in the White House Situation Room, the president’s national-security team agreed that it was time for the United States to try to change the racist South African regime. “The possibilities are there to change this from a black-white conflict into a red-white conflict,” Brzezinski said. “If this is the beginning of a long and bitter historical process, it is in our interest to accelerate this process.” It was not about race but about getting on the right side of history. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6346-50  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:25 PM

The Soviets supported the strongest enemy of apartheid, the African National Congress. The ANC’s leader, Nelson Mandela, had been arrested and imprisoned in 1962, thanks in part to the CIA. The agency had worked in the closest harmony with the South African BOSS, the Bureau of State Security. The CIA’s officers had stood “side-by-side with the security police in South Africa,” said Gerry Gossens, a station chief in four African nations under Presidents Nixon, Ford, and Carter. “The word was that they had fingered Mandela himself.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6401-2  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:27 PM

That same week, the world started falling in on the CIA. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Bookmark Loc. 6411  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:28 PM


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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6403-16  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:28 PM

On February 11, 1979, the army of the shah collapsed and a fanatic ayatollah took control in Tehran. Three days later, a few hundred miles to the west, came a killing that would come to bear the same heavy weight for the United States. The American ambassador in Afghanistan, Adolph “Spike” Dubs, was snatched off the streets of Kabul, kidnapped by Afghan rebels fighting the pro-Soviet puppet regime, and killed when Afghan police—accompanied by Soviet advisers—attacked the hotel where he was held. It was a clear sign that Afghanistan was spinning out of control. The Islamic rebels, supported by Pakistan, were gearing up for a revolution against their godless government. The geriatric leaders of the Soviet Union looked south in fear. More than forty million Muslims lived in the Soviet republics of central Asia. The Soviets saw the flames of Islamic fundamentalism burning toward their borders. At an extended Politburo meeting that began on March 17, the Soviet intelligence chief, Yuri Andropov, declared that “we cannot lose Afghanistan.” Over the next nine months, the CIA failed to warn the president of the United States of an invasion that changed the face of the world. The agency had a fair grasp of Soviet capabilities. It understood nothing of Soviet intentions. “The Soviets would be most reluctant to introduce large numbers of ground forces into Afghanistan,” the CIA’s National Intelligence Daily, its top secret report to the White House, the Pentagon, and the State Department, confidently stated on March 23, 1979. That week, thirty thousand Soviet combat troops began to deploy near the Afghan border in trucks, tanks, and armored personnel carriers. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6438-41  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:29 PM

Three days later, Vice Admiral Bobby Ray Inman, the director of the National Security Agency, the American electronic-eavesdropping empire, got a flash message from the field: the invasion of Afghanistan was imminent. In fact, it was under way. More than a hundred thousand Soviet troops were seizing the country. Carter immediately signed a covert-action order for the CIA to begin arming the Afghan resistance, and the agency began to build a worldwide arms pipeline to Afghanistan. But the Soviet occupation was an accomplished fact. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6442-44  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:46 PM

The CIA not only missed the invasion, it refused to admit that it had missed it. Why would anyone in his right mind invade Afghanistan, graveyard of conquerors for two thousand years? A lack of intelligence was not the cause of the failure. A lack of imagination was. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6448-51  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:46 PM

Ever since the CIA secured his throne in 1953, the shah of Iran had been the centerpiece of American foreign policy in the Middle East. “I just wish there were a few more leaders around the world with his foresight,” President Nixon reflected in April 1971. “And his ability to run, basically, let’s face it, a virtual dictatorship in a benign way.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6451-54  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:47 PM

Nixon may not have intended to send a message by sending Richard Helms out as the American ambassador to Iran in 1973. But he did. “We were amazed that the White House would send a man who, after all, had such associations with the CIA, which was deemed by every Iranian responsible for the fall of Mossadeq,” said Henry Precht, the American embassy’s chief political officer. “It seemed to us to abandon any pretense of a sort of a neutral America and to confirm that the shah was our puppet.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6476-79  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:50 PM

A secular prime minister still held power alongside a Revolutionary Council, and the CIA tried to work with him, influence him, and mobilize him against Saddam Hussein. “Some very, very sensitive classified conversations occurred at the level of Prime Minister,” said Bruce Laingen, the chargé d’affaires at the American embassy. “We went to the degree of actually sitting down with them and giving them highly classified intelligence on Iraq.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6474-76  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:50 PM

A few days later, on February 1, 1979, the popular revolution that pushed the shah from the Peacock Throne opened the way for Khomeini’s return to Tehran. Thousands of Americans, including most of the embassy’s staff, were evacuated as the chaos in the streets grew. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6489-92  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:51 PM

After passing the officer money and false documents to help him flee Tehran, Hart ran into a cordon of Khomeini’s Revolutionary Guards. They beat him brutally, shouting “CIA! CIA!” Flat on his back, Hart drew his pistol and killed them both with two shots. Many years later, he remembered the glittering zeal he saw in their eyes. It was the face of holy war. “We haven’t a clue as a nation,” he reflected, “as to what the hell this is.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6507-11  | Added on Tuesday, March 25, 2014, 11:52 PM

Under intense political pressure from friends of the shah—notably, Henry Kissinger—President Carter, against his better judgment, had decided that day to admit the exiled monarch to the United States for medical treatment. The president had agonized about this decision, fearing that Americans would be taken hostage in reprisal. “I shouted, ‘Blank the Shah! He’s just as well off playing tennis in Acapulco as he is in California,’” Carter recalled. “‘What are we going to do if they take twenty of our Marines and kill one of them every morning at sunrise? Are we going to go to war with Iran?’” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6587-89  | Added on Wednesday, March 26, 2014, 12:03 AM

But Casey believed that he was responsible for Reagan’s election and that they had a historic role to play together. Like Reagan, Casey had big visions. Like Nixon, he believed that if it’s secret, it’s legal. Like Bush, he thought the CIA embodied the best American values. And, like the Soviets, he reserved the right to lie and cheat. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6596-6603  | Added on Wednesday, March 26, 2014, 12:04 AM

On March 30, 1981, a lunatic shot the president on a sidewalk in Washington. Reagan came very close to dying that day, a fact the American people never knew. When Al Haig—hoarse, sweating, trembling—grabbed the press-room podium at the White House with white-knuckled hands and proclaimed himself in charge, he did not inspire confidence. The president’s recovery was slow and painful. So was Haig’s meltdown. Throughout 1981, “there was an underlying problem,” said Vice Admiral John Poindexter, then a National Security Council staffer. “Who was going to be in charge of foreign policy?” That question was never answered, for Reagan’s national-security team was in a never-ending state of war with itself, riven by fierce personal and political rivalries. The State Department and the Pentagon fought like opposing armies. Six different men served as national security adviser over the course of eight tumultuous years. Reagan never tried to stop the backstabbing. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6603-7  | Added on Wednesday, March 26, 2014, 12:05 AM

Casey gained the upper hand. When George P. Shultz took over from Haig as secretary of state, he was astonished to find Casey freelancing plans such as an invasion of Suriname, on the northeastern shoulder of South America, with 175 Korean commandos backed by the CIA. “It was a hare-brained idea,” said Shultz, who killed it. “Crazy. I was shaken to find such a wild plan put forward.” He quickly came to understand that “the CIA and Bill Casey were as independent as a hog on ice and could be as confident as they were wrong.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6641-43  | Added on Wednesday, March 26, 2014, 12:09 AM

Like a newspaper bent by its publisher’s prejudices, the analytical powers of the CIA became one man’s opinion. “The CIA’s intelligence was in many cases simply Bill Casey’s ideology,” Secretary of State Shultz said. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6649-54  | Added on Wednesday, March 26, 2014, 12:10 AM

In 1980, President Carter had approved three small covert-action programs in Central America. They took aim at the Sandinistas, the leftists who had taken power in Nicaragua, wresting it from what remained of the brutal forty-three-year-old right-wing dictatorship of the Somoza family. The Sandinistas’ mixture of nationalism, liberation theology, and Marxism was tilting ever closer to Cuba’s. Carter’s covert actions committed the CIA to support pro-American political parties, church groups, farmer’s co-ops, and unions against the spread of the Sandinistas’ socialism. Casey turned the small-bore operations into a huge scattershot paramilitary program. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6658-63  | Added on Wednesday, March 26, 2014, 12:11 AM

Casey convinced the president that the CIA’s little army could take Nicaragua by storm. If they failed, he warned Reagan, an army of Latino leftists could roll northward from Central America to Texas. The CIA’s analysts tried to contradict him. The contras are not going to win, they said; they do not have popular support. Casey ensured that the naysayers’ reporting never reached the White House. To counteract them, he built a Central American Task Force with its own “war room,” where covert-action officers cooked the books, inflated the threats, exaggerated the prospects for success, and pumped up reports from the field. Gates says he “raised hell with Casey” about the war room for years, to no avail. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6677-79  | Added on Wednesday, March 26, 2014, 12:13 AM

President Reagan stuck with the cover story, maintaining the fiction that the United States was not seeking to topple the Nicaraguan regime, giving his assurances to a joint session of Congress. That was the first time the well-loved president lied to Congress to protect the CIA’s covert operations, but not the last. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6693-98  | Added on Wednesday, March 26, 2014, 12:14 AM

“Casey was guilty of contempt of Congress from the day he was sworn in,” said Bob Gates. Called to testify, he would mumble and obfuscate and occasionally lie through his teeth. “I hope that will hold the bastards!” he said on emerging from one hearing. The deceit spread downward from the director’s office. Many of Casey’s senior officers learned the fine art of testifying in ways that were “specifically evasive,” in the words of his Central America Task Force chief, Allen Fiers. Others resisted. Admiral Inman resigned as Casey’s deputy director after fifteen months because “I caught him lying to me in a number of cases.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6704-13  | Added on Wednesday, March 26, 2014, 12:16 AM

A January 1981 global finding ordered the CIA to do something about the Libyan dictator Muhammar Qaddafi, who was serving as a one-stop weapons depot for radical movements all over Europe and Africa. Seeking a base for operations against Libya, the CIA set out to control the government of its next-door neighbor, Chad, one of Africa’s poorest and most isolated nations. The agent for this mission was Hissan Habré, Chad’s defense minister, who had broken with his government and holed up with about two thousand fighters in western Sudan. “American aid started to flow, the result of a Casey decision,” said Ambassador Don Norland, the senior American diplomat accredited to Chad at the start of the Reagan era. “The CIA was deeply involved in the whole operation. Habré was getting assistance directly and indirectly.” The official foreign policy of the United States was to promote a peaceful resolution of the factional fighting in Chad. Habré had committed countless atrocities against his own people; he could only rule by brute force. The CIA, knowing little about Habré and his history, helped him take over Chad in 1982. It supported him because he was Qaddafi’s enemy. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6713-19  | Added on Wednesday, March 26, 2014, 12:16 AM

CIA supply planes flew the weapons into North Africa in shipments coordinated by the National Security Council. This was the first major covert operation in which a young lieutenant colonel on the NSC staff named Oliver North caught Bill Casey’s eye. David Blakemore, a military aide in the Chad operation, took an urgent call from North on a Friday night in late 1981. “He asked what the delay was in getting the equipment out to Chad. He wanted to see it move immediately.” “I said, ‘Well, Colonel North, that is fine. We have notified the Congress and we have to wait so many days and then we will get it moving. We understand the urgency.’ “North’s reply was: ‘Fuck the Congress. Send the stuff now.’ Which we did.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6720-28  | Added on Wednesday, March 26, 2014, 12:18 AM

Thousands died as Habré and his forces fought for control of Chad. As the fighting intensified, the agency armed him with Stinger missiles, the world’s best shoulder-carried anti-aircraft weapon. Ambassador Norland said it cost the United States “perhaps a half-billion dollars to put him in power and keep him there for eight years.” American support for Chad—Casey’s policy—was “a misguided decision,” he said. But few Americans had ever heard of the country, much less cared about its fate. Fewer still knew that throughout the 1980s, the CIA’s ally Habré received direct support from Saddam Hussein. On the eve of the 1991 Gulf War against Iraq, the CIA realized that a dozen or so of the Stingers that it had sent to Chad were missing and unaccounted for—and possibly in Saddam’s hands. When Secretary of State James A. Baker III heard that, he was thunderstruck. Baker had been the White House chief of staff when the covert action began, but he had lost track of the operation. He wondered aloud: “What the hell did we give Stinger missiles to Chad for?” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6735-45  | Added on Wednesday, March 26, 2014, 12:19 AM

From the start, the Saudis matched the CIA’s support for the rebels, dollar for dollar. The Chinese kicked in millions of dollars’ worth of weapons, as did the Egyptians and the British. The CIA coordinated the shipments. Hart handed them over to Pakistani intelligence. The Pakistanis skimmed off a large share before delivering them to the exiled political leaders of the Afghan resistance in Peshawar, east of the Khyber Pass, and the rebel leaders cached their own share before the weapons ever got to Afghanistan. “We didn’t try to tell the Afghan rebels how to fight the war,” John McMahon said. “But when we saw some of the Soviet successes against the mujahideen, I became convinced that all the arms that we had provided were not ending up in Afghan shooters’ hands.” So he went to Pakistan and convened a meeting of the seven leaders of the Afghan rebel groups, who ranged from Parisian exiles wearing soft loafers to rough-hewn mountain men. “I told them I was concerned that they were siphoning off the arms and either caching them for a later day or, I said, ‘God forbid, you’re selling them.’ And they laughed. And they said, ‘You’re absolutely right! We’re caching some arms. Because someday the United States will not be here, and we’ll be left on our own to carry on our struggle.’” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6745-49  | Added on Wednesday, March 26, 2014, 12:19 AM

The Pakistani intelligence chiefs who doled out the CIA’s guns and money favored the Afghan factions who proved themselves most capable in battle. Those factions also happened to be the most committed Islamists. No one dreamed that the holy warriors could ever turn their jihad against the United States. “In covert action,” McMahon said, “you always have to think of the endgame before you start it. And we don’t always do that.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6774-77  | Added on Wednesday, March 26, 2014, 12:21 AM

They sought the software on the open market in the United States. Washington rejected the request but subtly pointed to a certain Canadian company that might have what Moscow wanted. The Soviets sent a Line X officer to steal the software. The CIA and the Canadians conspired to let them have it. For a few months, the software ran swimmingly. Then it slowly sent the pressure in the pipeline soaring. The explosion in the wilds of Siberia cost Moscow millions it could ill afford to spare. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6800-6805  | Added on Wednesday, March 26, 2014, 11:34 AM

Starting at the end of 1973, Salameh and Ames negotiated an understanding that the PLO would not attack Americans. For four years, they shared intelligence on their mutual enemies in the Arab world. During that time, the CIA’s reporting on terrorism in the Middle East was better than it ever had been, or ever would be again. It showed an understanding that terrorism transcended state sponsorship, that it was rooted in the rage of the dispossessed. An April 1976 CIA study concluded that “the wave of the future” was “the development of a complex support base for transnational terrorist activity that is largely independent of—and quite resistant to control by—the state-centered international system.” 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6805-7  | Added on Wednesday, March 26, 2014, 11:34 AM

This line of thought disappeared from the CIA’s reporting after 1978, when Israeli intelligence assassinated Salameh in revenge for Munich. It did not reappear for a generation. When President Reagan took office, the CIA had next to no good sources on terrorism in the Middle East. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6820-26  | Added on Wednesday, March 26, 2014, 11:35 AM

On September 1, President Reagan announced a grand strategy to transform the Middle East. It had been put together in secret by a small team that included Bob Ames. Its success depended on a harmonic convergence in which Israel, Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, and the PLO cooperated at the command of the United States. It lasted all of two weeks. On September 14, President Gemayel was assassinated when a bomb destroyed his headquarters. In revenge, the CIA’s Maronite allies, abetted by Israel’s troops, slaughtered some seven hundred Palestinian refugees stranded in the slums of Beirut. Women and children were buried under rough stones. In the wake of the killings and the outrage they engendered, President Reagan sent a contingent of U.S. Marines to serve as peacekeepers. There was no peace to keep. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6833-34  | Added on Wednesday, March 26, 2014, 11:36 AM

Mughniyah’s name has been forgotten now, but he was the Osama bin Laden of the 1980s, the scowling face of terror. As of this writing, he remains at large. 
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Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6845-48  | Added on Wednesday, March 26, 2014, 11:37 AM

Sixty-three people were dead, among them seventeen Americans, including the Beirut station chief, Ken Haas, a veteran of the Tehran station; his deputy, Jim Lewis; and a CIA secretary, Phyllis Filatchy, who had toughed it out through years in the provinces of South Vietnam. In all, seven CIA officers and support staff were killed, the deadliest day in the <You have reached the clipping limit for this item>
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
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Portraying Nixon demands a Rashomon-like approach if one is to understand those varied images he projected, and the society and constituencies that stimulated and responded to him. The varieties and vagaries of biographies have left us with a portrait of a deeply troubled man, insecure and sometimes tottering on the brink of mental instability; and yet we can also discover a cool, rational man, totally in command of his emotions and reconciled to his destiny. We have been given a cold, impersonal, awkward man; and yet we also have portrayals of a compassionate personality, inwardly and outwardly expressing the Quaker values instilled in him as a child. For some, Nixon vacillated between being sanctimonious and supercilious; others saw stoicism and strength in his character. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 34 | Loc. 797-99  | Added on Sunday, March 30, 2014, 12:52 AM

Lippmann described Nixon’s 1952 “Checkers” speech (which defended his use of certain campaign contributions) as “the most demeaning experience my country has ever had to bear.” He found it “disturbing,” and “with all the magnification of modern electronics, simply mob law.” 
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Arthur Schlesinger asked Lippmann if Nixon had been the worst president in history. “No, not the worst,” Lippmann replied, “but perhaps the most embarrassing… . Presidents are not lovable. They’ve had to do too much to get where they are.” 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
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All that layering, all that complexity, all that elusiveness, beggars attention. Ronald Steel once remarked that Nixon was like the Ancient Mariner, forever tugging at our sleeve, anxious to tell his story. But if we are to understand and explain Richard Nixon and what he did, we, too, are compelled to tell it again and again. “I was born in a house my father built.” So begin the memoirs of Richard Nixon. This pointed opening illustrates his humble beginnings and his strong sense of familial community, and offers a twentieth-century analogue to being born in a log cabin. Any view of Nixon, friendly or unfriendly, comes down to a Horatio Alger-style political story. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
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Newman, Nixon recalled, had no tolerance for Grantland Rice’s sentimental credo that how one played the game mattered more than whether the game was won or lost. “Show me a good loser, and I’ll show you a loser,” Nixon remembered Newman as saying. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 39 | Loc. 921-24  | Added on Sunday, March 30, 2014, 01:03 AM

Critics have denounced Nixon’s campaign for its smears and innuendoes. For example, his attacks on Voorhis’s labor connections emphasized the PAC’s “Communist principles and its huge slush fund.” Nixon’s leaflets described him as “the clean, forthright young American who fought in defense of his country in the stinking mud and jungle of the Solomons,” while Voorhis remained “safely behind the front in Washington.” 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 39 | Loc. 926-27  | Added on Sunday, March 30, 2014, 01:03 AM

The evil genius behind Nixon’s campaign supposedly was Murray Chotiner, a Southern California political public-relations man 
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Nixon’s debate training and speaking skills, combined with his youth and war record, provided a perfect match for the Chotiner formula. Technique dominated, and substance was immaterial—all “a calculated part of the synthetic image that [Nixon] with the help of his financial backers contrived.” 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
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Nixon’s victory over Voorhis gave him some measure of national visibility, but nothing was as extraordinary as his meteoric emergence as a national public figure during his freshman term in Congress. Timing and events operated in his favor. Nixon coveted a seat on the House Labor Committee, and he was duly rewarded by the victorious Republicans. But they also selected him for the Committee on Un-American Activities, for reasons that are somewhat uncertain; membership on the committee had not been considered a plum assignment. Nixon claimed that Speaker Joe Martin asked him to serve as a personal favor and to help reverse the dubious reputation the committee had acquired through the years. “[I]t was an offer I could not very well refuse,” he later recalled almost apologetically, adding that he accepted only reluctantly. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 40 | Loc. 949-53  | Added on Sunday, March 30, 2014, 01:06 AM

According to Nixon, a poll revealed that three-fourths of his constituents opposed any aid package, and he received warnings not to be seduced by eastern Republicans and the siren calls of Europeans. Nevertheless, he eventually supported the Marshall Plan, invoking Edmund Burke’s classic injunction that representatives must vote their conscience, not the whims of their constituents.’ 17 But it was Nixon’s service on the Un-American Activities Committee that catapulted him to national prominence. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 41 | Loc. 970-76  | Added on Sunday, March 30, 2014, 01:08 AM

most sensational moment came when he testified that a ring of Soviet sympathizers had infiltrated the government. The most prominent member of the group, he claimed, was Alger Hiss. Hiss was then working for the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, but as a ranking State Department official he had accompanied Roosevelt to Yalta in 1945 and choreographed the San Francisco Conference that inaugurated the United Nations that same year. By 1948, Yalta was a synonym for “sell-out,” even treason for some critics. Hiss was made to order for the moment. He was many things, but above all, he served to focus many hatreds: Harvard Law School graduate, New Deal bureaucrat, eastern-oriented internationalist. In his subsequent public appearances, he struck many as haughty and arrogant, and thus only confirmed their visceral reactions. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
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First, Voorhis. Then Hiss. And all in such short order. In two congressional terms, Richard Nixon had spectacularly captured headlines and national attention. And there was more to come. 
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Nixon’s campaign literature depicted Douglas as “the Pink Lady,” and his staff circulated pink sheets comparing her voting record to Marcantonio’s. Nixon had support from the notorious anti-Semite Gerald L. K. Smith and from the China Lobby supporters of the deposed Chiang Kai-shek. In November, the young Republican Congressman scored a smashing victory, besting Douglas by more than 600,000 votes. And with that, the nation first heard of “Tricky Dick.” 
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Even pro-Nixon accounts of the campaign concede that the campaign was “the most hateful” California had experienced in years. 
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Nixon’s accomplishments as Senator stand in almost inverse proportion to the immense expenditure of energy in the 1950 campaign. His tenure was notable only for the further visibility it gave him, a visibility that led to his nomination for the vice presidency in 1952. The notoriety of his campaign victory, along with his growing reputation, made him much in demand as a speaker at party gatherings. 
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Senator Nixon resolutely supported the delegate claims of Taft’s rival, General Dwight Eisenhower, at the 1952 Republican Convention, a procedural move that eventually cost Taft the nomination. 
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Nixon’s selection as Eisenhower’s running mate is cloaked in ambiguity and obscurity. Clearly, Eisenhower’s advisers, led by Thomas E. Dewey, saw Nixon as a vigorous young man, ideally fit to carry the burden of a partisan campaign while leaving the General above the main battle lines, thereby preserving his statesman-like image. Nothing came to Richard Nixon without controversy, however. Pledged to support the candidacy of Earl Warren as California’s favorite son, Nixon seemed all too eager throughout the convention to abandon Warren and provide the necessary support to give Eisenhower his margin of victory. Warren and his friends thereafter bore a grudge against their fellow Californian. 
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More tellingly and more cuttingly, Stevenson derided Nixon as a comic figure, describing him as the “kind of politician who would cut down a redwood tree, then mount the stump for a speech on conservation.” 
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However commonplace such funds, Nixon’s gave the Republicans special problems. Pledged to clean up that mess in Washington, the Republicans now found themselves in a dilemma. Eisenhower talked about the necessity for being as “clean as a hound’s tooth,” and the party’s high command gave serious consideration to dropping Nixon from the ticket. Eventually, Eisenhower’s campaign strategists decided to give the vice-presidential candidate an opportunity to explain his situation to the public. 
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Nixon was “upset, terribly nervous and high-strung” from the situation, and according to Milton Eisenhower, he drank six martinis before dinner. Nixon solicited opinions on his speech, and then, Eisenhower noted, he used “vulgar swear words and everything else in this mixed company.” Altogether, the President’s brother thought Nixon “a strange character.” 31 The Vice President, however, never doubted his success. The media widely reported the Kitchen Debate, portraying Nixon as the man who “had stood up to Khrushchev.” Nixon had in one sense elevated his California style to the international arena, and the supposedly hostile media had credited him with a triumph. Some, however, saw the trip as confirming that Nixon could never successfully negotiate with the Soviets. The net result—as was often the case for Nixon—was a grab bag of pluses and minuses. 
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Nixon was devastated. “Of the five presidential campaigns in which I was a direct participant,” Nixon recalled, “none affected me more personally…. It was a campaign of unusual intensity.” And it was bitter: “[T]he way the Kennedys played politics and the way the media let them get away with it left me angry and frustrated.” 32 Through the following years, the memories of “the Kennedys” and “the media” festered in Nixon like an angry boil. The memory was Nixon’s nemesis. It periodically engulfed him, diverted him, and led him to rash, ill-considered action—eventually with tragic results. 
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The secretary summed up the views of Eisenhower’s closest associates (views that might well have been Ike’s as well): the President, she wrote, “is a man of integrity and sincere in his every action… . [E]verybody trusts and loves him. But the Vice-President sometimes seems like a man who is acting like a nice man rather than being one.” 
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The 1960 debates offered a preview to an unsuspecting America of the years to come, when style, format, and media, rather than issues and substance, would prevail in political campaigns. Communications theorist Marshall McLuhan learned vastly more from the Kennedy-Nixon exchanges than did the electorate. 
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In the finale, on October 21, Nixon managed to reach out in the other direction and cast Kennedy as the adventurist Cold Warrior. He chided the Senator for his proposal to assist anti-Castro elements, noting that the charters of both the United Nations and the Organization of American States prohibited such intervention in Cuban internal affairs. If we followed Kennedy’s policy, he warned, “we would lose all of our friends in Latin America, we would probably be condemned in the United Nations, and we would not accomplish our objective.” 39 At that moment, of course, Nixon was privy to the Eisenhower Administration’s efforts to organize military intervention in Cuba. In any event, his remarks were profoundly prophetic. 
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America, said Nixon, needed a man to respect. He was “very proud that President Eisenhower restored dignity and decency and, frankly, good language to the conduct of the presidency of the United States.” And if elected, Nixon promised, he would maintain the dignity of the office. Parents would be able to tell their children: “Well, there is a man who maintains the kind of standards personally that I would want my child to follow.” 40 Fourteen years later, when Nixon’s tapes revealed his own salty vocabulary, the hypocrisy of his comments about Truman and Eisenhower finally triumphed over their banality. 
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Supporters and friendly biographers generally have praised him for not challenging the outcome, thus sparing the nation a great deal of anguish and difficulty. But Nixon’s outward magnanimity and graciousness masked his faith in the relativeness of political morality. Privately, he seethed over Kennedy’s tactics and behavior. A dozen years later, President Nixon repeatedly invoked the behavior of others to defend his own actions. 
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The letdown must have been excruciating. A few weeks before he left office, the Vice President fulfilled his constitutional duty by formally counting the electoral votes in the Senate and declared Kennedy the victor. Nixon was gracious in performing this function as the first Vice President since 1861 to confirm his opponent’s victory. That seemed to be his last hurrah. “I found that virtually everything I did seemed unexciting and unimportant by comparison with national office,” Nixon later wrote. 
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After fourteen years in public life, Nixon and Nixon-watchers alike seemed uncertain, even confused, over his future course. Certainly, he remained a public figure. Almost from the moment of his defeat, speculation centered on whether Nixon would challenge California Governor Edmund G. (“Pat”) Brown in 1962. The reasoning was simple: Nixon had to have a political base if he were to maintain any leadership role in the party and the nation. 43 But the reasoning was flawed: Brown was fairly popular, with a long record of state electoral success, and he had done a creditable job as governor. Most important, Richard Nixon knew precious little about the special problems confronting state governments, particularly in the burgeoning principality of California. 
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The California gubernatorial campaign in 1962 had a surrealistic quality. Nixon’s familiar campaign methods seemed irrelevant, if nothing else. 
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The event may have been contrived; in the end, it proved Nixon to be alive and well. As soon as it was over, he told his young campaign aide, H. R. Haldeman: “I finally told those bastards off, and every goddamned thing I said was true.” Haldeman has recalled Nixon as “delighted.” 44 At last he had used the media; his performance was the news, not his defeat. California television stations replayed filmed coverage of the press conference several times throughout the day and evening. Audiences watched and watched again with almost morbid fascination. Nationally, ABC News offered an instant analysis entitled “The Political Obituary of Richard Nixon.” But ABC used Alger Hiss as a commentator—and that itself quickly became the news, even creating a backlash of sympathy for Nixon. With or without Hiss, ABC, along with those other media pundits who cogitated about the political death of Richard Nixon, would have been better advised to read the story of Lazarus. 
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But a fifty-year-old man, in the prime of life, who had come so close to the pinnacle of his ambition, simply could not abandon the very life that sustained him. Nixon may not have liked the last shuffle or two, but he liked the game. 
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Politics never strayed far from Nixon’s thoughts. He realized that he had little claim on the Republican presidential nomination in 1964. The California debacle was still fresh in memory, underlining an emerging theme: Nixon was a loser. 
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After Goldwater’s rout in the 1964 election, someone had to pick up the Republican pieces. Nixon was there. 
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for nearly three years; but now, new voices of counterprotest emanated from what, unscientifically but not without reason, would be dubbed the “Silent Majority.” The important, sustained revolution came from within the ranks of what had been the dominant political coalition. The “risen” middle class, the blue-and white-collar workers, and ethnics who had nourished the growth of the Democratic majority, now found themselves unhappy with the young protesters who were the new cohabitants of its political home. The protesters’ challenges to cherished views of the American way of life, the criticisms of what was wrong with America, left the “old-fashioned Democrats” confused, shaken, and above all frightened, especially as events took a violent turn. 
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militant H. Rap Brown called violence “as American as cherry pie,” only compounding the liberal dilemma and further legitimating Nixon’s law-and-order demands. 
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As the 1968 primary season wound down, and as he had imposed his own moratorium on discussions of the war, Nixon turned to the “law-and-order” theme. He scoffed at Johnson’s Great Society programs. Money, he insisted, had not solved the problem of crime. We needed more police and more money for them, less “soft” Supreme Court decisions, an Attorney General who would enforce the law, more wiretapping—in short, more support for the “peace forces” and less sympathy for the “criminal forces.” Nixon never strayed far from that theme. 7 Meanwhile, black militant H. Rap Brown called violence “as American as cherry pie,” only compounding the liberal dilemma and further legitimating Nixon’s law-and-order demands. 
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After King’s assassination, Nixon advisers hotly debated whether he should attend the funeral services. His law partner Leonard Garment reportedly remarked: “Things have come to some pass when a Republican candidate for President has to take counsel with his advisers about whether he should attend the funeral of a Nobel Prize winner.” Nixon eventually went, but he did not march behind the mule-drawn wagon bearing King’s body—that presumably was no place for a centrist candidate. Still, Nixon would periodically thereafter rebuke those who had suggested he attend the funeral, complaining that it had been “a serious mistake” and almost cost him the South. 
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Party leaders steadily gravitated toward Nixon. Republican Senate leader Dirksen regarded Nixon as a party loyalist—“kosher” was his improbable description. 
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Eisenhower praised Nixon in the predictable fashion, but he added a personal note on a copy of his prepared text that he sent his Vice President: “Dear Dick—This was something I truly enjoyed doing—DE.” 9 
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And then there was Vice President Hubert Humphrey, eagerly trying somehow to repudiate his President and yet succeed him. His formula was the “politics of joy,” a slogan that rang hollow amid the growing casualties in Vietnam, the state of siege and open rebellion in major American cities and universities, and the gloominess and defeatism pervading an Administration he was obligated to defend. Joy somehow seemed perverse. 
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When the Republicans gathered in Miami for their convention in August, Nixon’s well-oiled machine projected an impression that the convention was merely a coronation ritual. After all, Nixon was the “people’s choice,” as the primaries had shown; since Romney’s withdrawal, no candidate had seriously challenged him. But the Miami convention closely resembled the pro-Goldwater gathering in San Francisco four years earlier, and the thunder on the right was ominous. For many delegates, Nixon was a choice, yet not one that enraptured either their hearts or their minds. Conservatives desired a rollback of the liberal welfare state and realized all too well that Nixon had often opportunistically supported it. 
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By 1968, Barry Goldwater lacked credibility as a national electoral candidate, but the Republican Right now had Ronald Reagan, then in his first term as California governor and a rising star on the political scene. After years on the lecture circuit, attacking big government and promoting free enterprise, Reagan had gained national prominence with a last-minute television speech on behalf of Goldwater in 1964. Two years later, he parlayed his newfound fame into a rout of Governor Pat Brown. Reagan had promised a reduction in spending, lower taxes, and an end to campus disruptions. 
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The Reagan people had an informal alliance with the Rockefeller forces, one characterized by cynicism and convenience. The New York governor believed that to stop Nixon and gain the support of a deadlocked convention for himself necessitated giving Reagan running room. Such thinking was futile, naive, and downright dangerous—unless the allegedly “liberal” Rockefeller actually preferred Reagan to Nixon. Many Nixon delegates reportedly were prepared to bolt to Reagan after an obligatory first-ballot declaration for the former Vice President. The Texas delegation had voted 41–15 for Nixon, but supposedly the figures would have been reversed in Reagan’s favor on a second ballot. The real danger to Nixon came from Southern delegations, ones deeply committed to the conservative agenda. Reagan clearly had gained some momentum in Miami, particularly after the Nixon camp had let it be known they would seriously consider various liberal Republicans for the vice presidency. 
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“Southern Strategy,” whereby, first, Southern convention delegates would be corraled, and ultimately, Southern electoral votes sealed for the candidate in November. Such a strategy entailed close alliances with prominent Southern political leaders. South Carolina Senator J. Strom Thurmond, a former Democrat who led the “Dixiecrat” revolt against Harry Truman in 1948, was the key figure. Nixon assured Thurmond of his opposition to school busing to achieve racial balance and promised to restore “local control” over education—a code phrase for reversing or at least limiting the process of desegregation that had been underway since the Supreme Court had declared “separate but equal” facilities unconstitutional in Brown v. Board of Education in 1954. Thurmond was Nixon’s most important operative at the Miami convention. He moved among the Southern delegations, affirming his satisfaction with Nixon’s stand on the busing and school issues. Equally important, he repeated what Nixon had told him in Atlanta on June 1: Nixon pledged “to appoint Supreme Court Justices who will respect the Constitution rather than rewrite it.” 
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Thurmond, however, maintained his trust in Nixon and his commitment to him. John C. Calhoun, the great antebellum Southern political theorist and Thurmond’s ancestral political godfather, would have rejoiced when the South in effect realized Calhoun’s cherished notion of a concurrent veto. 
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The Nixon lines held at the Republican Convention, and he gained his first-ballot victory, with 692 votes. But the combined total of his opposition was 641. It was not his last close call of the electoral season. 
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The result was an impossible situation for Humphrey. As he entered the race, he predicted that “Johnson’s not going to make it easy.” 13 Given his position within the Administration, and given Johnson’s residue of power, Humphrey simply could not build bridges to the party’s detached wings. 
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The anger and activism in the streets had turned to contempt. One demonstrator held aloft a sign reading: “There Are Two Sides to Every Question—Humphrey Endorses Both of Them.” A few weeks later, George Wallace formally launched his American Independent Party. Talk persisted of a fourth-party candidacy for McCarthy. Humphrey was surrounded. The polls showed him trailing Nixon by more than fifteen points and ahead of Wallace by only five. Among the press and public there was enough contempt to allocate equally among the candidates. 
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Comedian Dick Gregory thought that Humphrey looked like the man who would buy a used car from Nixon, and Wallace looked like one who would steal it.’ 14 
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The Republican candidate broke new ground with a “made-for-media” campaign, largely avoiding longwinded orations, relying instead on clever thirty- or sixty-second commercials and using carefully screened public audiences for “grassroots” question-and-answer sessions. The Democratic candidate meanwhile ran perhaps the last traditional campaign in American presidential elections, featuring large rallies of the party faithful whom he addressed with hortatory stemwinders, desperately hoping to create a bandwagon psychology. 
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(Some reporters confided to one another that they preferred Nixon: his victory would mean Key Biscayne presidential vacations rather than Minnesota ones.’ 
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The arrangement with Thurmond and other southerners sealed the course. The candidate’s surface talk of unity thinly disguised a blatant appeal to darker forces. Tape-recorded conversations with convention delegates revealed Nixon’s instinct for the expedient positions on the war, the role of the courts, open housing, gun control, and desegregation. In brief, Nixon chose to exploit the divisions in American society, carefully calculating what he thought was the winning position. 
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One aide later observed that the staff had tired of balloons and rallies and yearned for “issue-oriented drop-bys,” but he admitted that they produced few “because we were short on ideas.” Nixon and his handlers sought only to enhance his image as the man who would reassert traditional American values, while seeking to paint his opponent as one who had tarnished those values. 
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The “selling” of Nixon in 1968 is central to understanding the campaign. 
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Nixon was too anxious to sell himself, perhaps too pushy. His staring, dark eyes, McLuhan thought, gave him the image of a “railway lawyer who signs leases that 
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Nixon was too anxious to sell himself, perhaps too pushy. His staring, dark eyes, McLuhan thought, gave him the image of a “railway lawyer who signs leases that are not in the interests of the folks in the little town.” 
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Phillips said: “Throughout his public career, Mr. Nixon has always tried to please his audience, seeking their confidence and admiration by becoming the man he thinks they want him to be. The changing perceptions of Nixon—the New Nixon, the Old Nixon, the statesman, the strategist—do not reflect a change in the man but in the audience to which he is at any moment appealing.” 
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The war that had consumed much of American life and energy for three years festered like an open wound. Nixon’s great achievement through that fateful year of 1968 was that he skillfully skirted the issue and moved to his more comfortable law-and-order terrain. With Wallace in the race, Nixon easily seized the “moderate” ground. 
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Finally, he commissioned a speech on the subject but privately told the writer that “there’s no way to win the war. But we can’t say that of course. In fact, we have to seem to say the opposite.” 
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The Nixon camp scheduled the speech for radio delivery the evening of March 31, when Johnson announced his intention not to run again. The prepared text proposed subduing Hanoi by offering Moscow some vaguely conceived “mutually advantageous cooperation.” But when Nixon learned of Johnson’s plan to address the nation the same night, he canceled his own speech. The President’s efforts at negotiation gave candidate Nixon the perfect excuse for declining to offer his own views. He would not undermine “the American position,” and therefore would say nothing. 21 A few days later, he polled nearly 80 percent of the Wisconsin Republican primary vote. 
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Nixon strategists assembled an array of devastating statistics demonstrating skyrocketing crime and violence in America since 1960: murder up 34 percent, assault 67 percent, narcotics violations 165 percent, and home burglaries 187 percent. Nixon chided Attorney General Ramsey Clark, quoting him as having said that the crime level had risen “a little bit, but there is no wave of crime in this country.” Nixon sensed that the nation thought otherwise. The lesson was clear: the nation could no longer afford such leadership as it had with Johnson and Humphrey. The first order of business for President Nixon, he promised, would be a new Attorney General, “to restore order and respect for law in this country.” Nixon conceded that law enforcement was primarily a local responsibility, but he pledged that his Administration would create the necessary “public climate” in order “to win the war” against crime. 
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Nixon recognized in crime and morality a basic concern of the unorganized, inarticulate segments of society. More crucially, he acknowledged their existence. Accepting his party’s nomination on August 8, Nixon pointedly decried the new wave of political protest. He insisted that a president must listen not only to the “clamorous voices,” but also to the “quiet voices.” He promised to go beyond the “wail and bellow of what too often passes today for public discourse” and find the “real” sentiments and purposes of the people. Here was the unheeded “great, quite forgotten majority—the nonshouters and the nondemonstrators, the millions who ask principally to go their own way in decency and dignity, and to have their own rights accorded the same respect they accord the rights of others.” 
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Still he dodged Nixon’s contention that poverty and crime had no relationship. 
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Media people knew that there was no plan, but they were in their “let’s be fair to Nixon” mode. In other words, a reverse-intimidation situation existed. Seventeen years later, Richard Nixon finally admitted that he had no plan, that his program for peace was only campaign talk. 
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The last-minute Vietnam developments, accompanied by cooling passions among the warring Democrats, dramatically chipped away at Nixon’s earlier lead. Nixon had enjoyed a fifteen-point Gallup poll advantage over Humphrey in mid-September. By Election Day, they were almost dead even. Nixon had gained nothing in nearly two months. He commanded a 43 percent rating in the September poll, and that is the percentage he received on November 6. All the imagery, all the contrivances of his campaign organization, changed nothing. 
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The counterrevolution of 1968 had partially succeeded. But it was not the one set in motion by the Left earlier in the decade. America was lurching rightward. The revolt inspired by the Left against the war turned into a challenge against established authority in general. Those dismayed by the turn of events, shocked as they were by the pervasive turmoil and near anarchy, drifted to Nixon, convinced that he offered a respite. 
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- Highlight on Page 73 | Loc. 1674-75  | Added on Monday, March 31, 2014, 01:22 PM

There is no explanation for the reversal other than the volatile political-social climate. 
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- Highlight on Page 73 | Loc. 1677-78  | Added on Monday, March 31, 2014, 01:22 PM

That right-wing breakthrough in 1968 prefigured the next four presidential elections. 
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- Highlight on Page 74 | Loc. 1704-9  | Added on Monday, March 31, 2014, 01:25 PM

Nixon’s narrow triumph and his decline in the polls prior to Election Day reflected his innate capacity for survival. He had survived eight grueling years as Eisenhower’s Vice President; he had survived the heartbreaking loss of the presidency in 1960; he had survived the humiliating defeat in the 1962 California gubernatorial campaign; he had survived the 1968 primary season and the convention—largely by default, but also by his resolve and stamina; and through a combination of perseverance, luck, and the self-inflicted wounds of his opponents, he had survived the electorate’s close decision on November 5. Survival is success of its own sort; but now Nixon needed success to survive. BOOK 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 77 | Loc. 1725-27  | Added on Monday, March 31, 2014, 01:27 PM

Nixon alternately despised and feared Washington’s “iron triangle”—legislators, bureaucracy, and lobbyists—but he altered the geometric design with a fourth side: the media. 
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- Highlight on Page 78 | Loc. 1741-42  | Added on Monday, March 31, 2014, 01:28 PM

as Alexander Bickel observed: “Men who are loudly charged with repression before they have done anything to substantiate the charge are apt to proceed to substantiate it.” 
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- Highlight on Page 79 | Loc. 1752-53  | Added on Monday, March 31, 2014, 01:29 PM

The net result of the demonstrations, according to Ruckelshaus, was that they provoked extreme reactions on the other side as well. However justified the civil disobedience, the counter-reaction, he thought, “inevitably” would go beyond what good judgment considered appropriate. 
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- Highlight on Page 79 | Loc. 1758-62  | Added on Monday, March 31, 2014, 01:30 PM

Wars historically impose enormous strains on the Constitution, and the Vietnam war proved no exception. The Administration’s responses to antiwar activists (wiretapping), demonstrators (mass arrests), and leaks from Administration operations (more wiretapping and illegal break-ins of private offices to obtain ostensible evidence) reflected a government threatened from without and besieged from within. Nixon’s oft-declared insistence that he would not be the first American President to lose a war to a large degree inspired his Administration’s behavior and justified it to him and his loyal supporters. 
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- Highlight on Page 79 | Loc. 1770-72  | Added on Monday, March 31, 2014, 01:32 PM

When the President pushed an affirmative-action program, Senate Republican leader Dirksen warned that Nixon would split the party if he insisted on the law. “[I]t is my bounden duty to tell you,” Nixon remembered Dirksen as saying, “that this thing is about as popular as a crab in a whorehouse.” 
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- Highlight on Page 81 | Loc. 1796-99  | Added on Monday, March 31, 2014, 01:35 PM

John Mitchell, Nixon’s 1968 campaign manager and the first of his five Attorneys General, testified in 1973 about the “White House horrors,” a term he applied generically to a range of political “dirty tricks” he considered far more disturbing than the Watergate break-in. Mitchell’s comment was pointed at roguish presidential aides who he believed had misled and badly advised the President. 
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- Highlight on Page 81 | Loc. 1799-1801  | Added on Monday, March 31, 2014, 01:35 PM

Other contemporaries referred to the staff more charitably, characterizing them as the “Beaver Patrol,” dutifully parceling out “Mickey Mouse” missions. The sarcastic veneer of that judgment barely concealed the reality that Richard Nixon commanded the patrol and dictated its missions. 
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- Highlight on Page 81 | Loc. 1802-8  | Added on Monday, March 31, 2014, 01:36 PM

Since the Eisenhower years, it had come increasingly to resemble a monarchical court. Former Johnson aide George Reedy accurately portrayed that development and uncannily anticipated its continuance. White House life, Reedy wrote, basically served the material needs of the President, from providing the most luxurious means of travel to having a masseur constantly present. But, more important, he was treated with kingly reverence. “No one speaks to him unless spoken to first. No one ever invites him to ‘go soak your head’ when his demands become petulant and unreasonable.” Reedy’s master was well known for his almost compulsive drive for micro-managerial control which paralyzed initiatives and innovations from others. In Johnson’s White House, presidential aides seemingly existed to carry out the leader’s whims and decrees and, in time-honored fashion, they were to have a “passion for anonymity.” 
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April - May 2014


The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 84 | Loc. 1873-74  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:32 AM

A decade earlier, Nixon had acknowledged the difficulty, even the impossibility, of certain administrative functions. For those, he said, “you need a son-of-a-bitch in it.” 
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- Highlight on Page 84 | Loc. 1891-93  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:36 AM

Alexander Butterfield, a Haldeman aide who monitored the paper and staff flow to the President and set his schedule each day, saw the President as much, if not more, than Haldeman did. 
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- Highlight on Page 86 | Loc. 1917-23  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:40 AM

The Haldeman directives, whether written memos or shouted instructions to awed subordinates, are legendary for their authoritativeness. Even when the staff characterized them as “Mickey Mouse” orders—such as harassing a senator who had said something critical about the President the day before—they knew, as Dent remembered, that the instructions really came from the President. The authority was Nixon’s, that “one well, one spring,” as Dent said. Butterfield vividly recalled how Haldeman regularly emerged from the Oval Office with his yellow legal pad, reading directives to others or going to his “dictating machine [to] spit out instructions to the staff members.” Presidential commands, both important and trivial, were often formulated as the President sat alone at night in his Executive Office Building hideaway or in the Lincoln Room in the White House residential quarters. 
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- Highlight on Page 86 | Loc. 1928-33  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:41 AM

Haldeman was only “an implementer,” who did “nothing without the knowledge of the President”; “he was not a decision maker,” Butterfield later told House and Senate investigators. “Haldeman’s preoccupation [was] … to see that things went in accordance with the President’s likes and dislikes.” To that, Haldeman was “dedicated … in a very selfless way.” Inadvertently, Butterfield confirmed the danger that Reedy had sighted four years earlier. The President’s staff, Butterfield thought, sometimes mirrored his personality too readily, and even accentuated his weaknesses rather than compensating for them. 
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- Highlight on Page 87 | Loc. 1939-41  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:42 AM

Harry Dent, on the other hand, remembered that he and others would simply ignore some of the more outrageous or silly orders. Stephen Bull, who also worked in the Oval Office and later assumed many of Butterfield’s duties, thought that Haldeman occasionally ignored Nixon’s instructions or allowed others to ignore them. 
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- Highlight on Page 87 | Loc. 1951-52  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:43 AM

“Most of us operated in watertight compartments, unaware of what Nixon was ordering our colleagues to do,” Ehrlichman wrote. 
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- Highlight on Page 87 | Loc. 1955-56  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:44 AM

Compartmentalization ensured fragmentation of power, precisely what Nixon desired. (Of course, the technique was not new; Franklin D. Roosevelt was a past master at such administrative dealings.) 
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- Highlight on Page 87 | Loc. 1959-60  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:44 AM

“Things didn’t happen around that White House willy-nilly,” Dent insisted. “The man on top was on top.” 
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- Highlight on Page 88 | Loc. 1971-73  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:46 AM

Kissinger claimed that he could recognize an “impulsive instruction,” and thought it wise to have the “reflective Nixon” go over it before taking any action. 20 The observation is instructive for its insight into personality; more important, it demonstrates a president in command—with whatever personality was momentarily dominant in his psyche. 
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- Highlight on Page 88 | Loc. 1986-92  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:47 AM

“I’ve always thought this country could run itself domestically without a President,” Nixon said in 1967. “All you need is a competent Cabinet to run the country at home. You need a President for foreign policy; no Secretary of State is really important; the President makes foreign policy.” This oft-repeated remark implied that Nixon really had little interest in domestic affairs and was prepared to allow a “competent Cabinet” to run its own course. Nothing was further from the truth. In his eyes, the Cabinet was only an extension of Richard Nixon and the Oval Office; he well realized how domestic affairs intersected with political and public-relations considerations which in turn vitally affected his public standing. As a result, Nixon intimately involved himself in overseeing Cabinet activities, once again using his trusted staff to determine and protect his interests. His interests, as usual, were political and personal rather than those of substantive policies. 
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- Highlight on Page 90 | Loc. 2015-18  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:49 AM

Henry Kissinger, who worked within both the White House and the Cabinet, saw the President’s relations with his Cabinet as psychologically complex. He thought “students of psychology” could explain why every President since Kennedy trusted his immediate aides more than his Cabinet. 24 The answer, of course, lies in presidential perceptions of political and personal needs, the need to enhance his image and power, as well as to protect his public standing. 
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- Highlight on Page 92 | Loc. 2059-63  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:58 AM

By mid-1971, with little more than a year remaining before the next presidential election, the public-relations groups seemed concerned that the nation did not view the President as “being personally involved in domestic issues.” One staffer thought it important that the President, not Attorney General Mitchell, speak out on drugs; that President Nixon, not the Environmental Protection Agency’s William Ruckelshaus, talk about pollution; and again, that President Nixon, not Secretary of the Treasury George Shultz, discuss the economy. Ehrlichman and Haldeman agreed that the President must be more involved—or, at least, more visible—in domestic matters. 
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- Highlight on Page 92 | Loc. 2071-72  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:59 AM

Now, ten months into his presidency, Nixon wanted someone to develop his philosophy. Safire’s observation was revealing, however inadvertent: “Strange, fitting a philosophy to the set of deeds, but sometimes that is what has to be done.” 
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- Highlight on Page 93 | Loc. 2098-2100  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 02:02 AM

Connally stirred his audience most when he urged that someone do something about the President’s awkward thrusting up of his arms and giving the V-for-Victory signal with his fingers. The other presidential aides thought Connally was the only one who could tell Nixon to stop the gesture. 
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- Highlight on Page 94 | Loc. 2125-30  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 02:06 AM

John F. Kennedy’s aide and biographer, Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., recalled many instances of his and Kennedy’s frustration in getting the bureaucracy to respond to policy directives. Schlesinger claimed that he spent three years unsuccessfully trying to persuade the State Department to stop using outmoded references to the “Sino-Soviet Bloc.” More generally, he observed that “the President used to divert himself with the dream of establishing a secret office of thirty people or so to run foreign policy while maintaining the State Department as a facade in which people might contentedly carry papers from bureau to bureau.” (Ironically, that was precisely the system that Nixon and Kissinger installed.) 
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As a practical matter, however, bureaucrats under Nixon did what they always did, even when not ideologically hostile to the Chief Executive: they fought for position and a share of power and often settled on the basis of mutually satisfactory group bargains. 38 That was not the game favored by the President and his men. And as the White House staff grew, that bureaucratic structure, with its own subunits, confronted the myriad of established bureaucracies scattered throughout the government, giving a new dimension to jurisdictional warfare. 
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- Highlight on Page 99 | Loc. 2225-31  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 02:17 AM

Much of the difficulty probably was due to Hoover’s declining energies; he preferred to consolidate his empire and not open it to further assaults. Hoover no longer could be counted on to meet CIA or White House demands for actions that, if carried out and subsequently revealed, might have irreparably harmed his beloved Bureau. Consequently, he refused requests for mail openings, break-ins, wiretaps, and campus infiltrations. Hoover’s finely attuned political antennae remained intact; indeed, they operated far better than those of the White House. Given the heightened judicial and public consciousness of the importance of maintaining rigorous constitutional standards, Hoover recognized that the operations favored by the White House threatened problems for the President—and not least of all, for “his” Bureau and for himself. 
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Hoover was more direct: he warned Mitchell that he would insist on the President’s signature for any activity that might be illegal. Mitchell saw the danger and informed the President. Two weeks after his initial approval, Nixon ordered the plan scuttled. And in the meantime, Hoover remained free to conduct the “dirty war” against subversion, in a fashion not too different from that proposed by Huston, but on J. Edgar Hoover’s terms. Hoover’s victory only heightened the White House antagonism toward him. 
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Nixon returned from the funeral, announced that the new FBI building would be named in Hoover’s honor, and ordered the Acting Director, L. Patrick Gray, to bring Hoover’s files to the White House. It developed that they were gone; supposedly, Hoover’s secretary got there first. 
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- Highlight on Page 98 | Loc. 2217-20  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 10:48 AM

LBJ told Nixon that he must depend on “Edgar” to “maintain security.” Put your “complete trust” in him, Johnson advised. Nixon needed little prompting, for he had forged a close bond with Hoover since his service on the House Un-American Activities Committee in the 1940s. Hoover had kept up the contact, providing Nixon with information throughout the latter’s “wilderness years.” 
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- Highlight on Page 97 | Loc. 2192-96  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 10:48 AM

Huston pushed hard for an interagency working group, “chaired by the White House,” to coordinate intelligence in the internal-security area. Huston told Egil Krogh, another young lawyer concerned with law-and-order issues, that the “President’s interest” in discrediting Students for a Democratic Society, the Black Panthers, and other activist groups simply was not being served by the Department of Justice—which meant the FBI. 
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- Highlight on Page 98 | Loc. 2203-7  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 10:50 AM

On June 5, 1970, Nixon met with the directors of various intelligence agencies: the FBI, the CIA, the Defense Intelligence Agency, and the National Security Agency. He criticized their overlapping activities and jurisdictions, and he demanded that they reorganize to provide him with one informed body of opinion on domestic political intelligence. He named Hoover as Chairman of the group—first among equals, so to speak—and installed Tom Huston as “staff director.” 
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- Highlight on Page 102 | Loc. 2294-96  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 10:50 AM

As 1970 drew to a close, Richard Nixon, as was his custom, prepared a list of goals for the future and made random notes that left tracings of his moods. His writing offered an idealized version of himself and his Administration, a view he ardently sought to impose on the nation, his entourage, and history. 
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- Highlight on Page 103 | Loc. 2324-28  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 10:53 AM

Less than three months into the first term, John Ehrlichman had hired John Caulfield, a former New York City policeman, to establish a White House “investigations unit.” Caulfield had been a Nixon bodyguard in 1968, and Haldeman assigned him to Ehrlichman after the election. Caulfield’s ostensible job was to serve as liaison with the Secret Service and local police units, but he eagerly plunged into the task of investigating Senator Edward Kennedy and the Chappaquiddick accident of 1969, in which Kennedy drove a car into the water, drowning a female companion. 
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- Highlight on Page 105 | Loc. 2368-71  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:25 PM

Nixon later candidly acknowledged his own involvement in such harassment. He “hit the ceiling,” he recalled, when he learned that the IRS had audited John Wayne and Billy Graham. He told his aides: “Get the word out, down to the IRS, that I want them to conduct field audits of those who are our opponents, if they’re going to do in our friends.” He immediately suggested Democratic National Chairman Larry O’Brien as a target. 
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- Highlight on Page 106 | Loc. 2379-80  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:26 PM

The White House strongly believed that IRS commissioners could not be trusted to carry out its will and assigned John Caulfield to work with Vernon Acree, the IRS Assistant Commissioner for Inspection, to stimulate activity. 
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- Highlight on Page 106 | Loc. 2394-98  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:28 PM

The Service had been too “unresponsive and insensitive” to the White House. Commissioner Walters, Caulfield noted, appeared “oversensitive” in his concern that IRS actions might be labeled political. That had to change, Dean said. Specifically, Dean told Haldeman that Walters “must be made to know that discreet political actions and investigations on behalf of the administration are a firm requirement and responsibility on his part. We should have direct access to Walters for action in the sensitive areas and should not have to clear them with Treasury.” Finally, the inevitable rationale: the Democrats “used [IRS] most effectively. We have been unable.” 
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- Highlight on Page 107 | Loc. 2406-12  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:30 PM

President Nixon and his men also considered direct action, less subtle and including physical force, against “enemies.” During antiwar demonstrations in Washington in May 1971, Haldeman told the President that Charles Colson would use his connections with the Teamsters’ Union and hire some “thugs” to attack the protesters. Haldeman’s enthusiasm was unmistakable: “Murderers. Guys that really, you know, that’s what they really do. Like … the regular strikebusters-type and all that … and then they’re gonna beat the [obscenity] out of some of these people. And, uh, and hope they really hurt ’em.” Nixon enthusiastically chimed in: those “guys” would “go in and knock their [the demonstrators’] heads off.” His contempt was obvious: “These people try something, bust ’em,” he added. 
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- Highlight on Page 107 | Loc. 2415-17  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:30 PM

“Aren’t the Chicago Seven all Jews?” the President asked. (They were not.) The two men had a wide-ranging discussion of political “dirty tricks” that various aides had organized. 
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- Highlight on Page 107 | Loc. 2419-22  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:31 PM

Senator Muskie, then considered to be Nixon’s most likely opponent in 1972. Nixon and Haldeman were particularly pleased and amused by Colson’s attempts to disrupt Muskie’s campaign. Haldeman, with obvious relish, reported that Colson had “got a lot done that he hasn’t been caught at.” Nixon and Haldeman laughed throughout the exchange. But in that compartmentalized White House world, Haldeman was equally glad to report that “we got some stuff that he [Colson] doesn’t know anything about, too.” 
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- Highlight on Page 108 | Loc. 2432-36  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:33 PM

Charles Colson reported the President as saying: “I don’t give a damn how it is done, do whatever has to be done to stop these leaks and prevent further unauthorized disclosures; I don’t want to be told why it can’t be done. This government cannot survive, it cannot function, if anyone can run out and leak whatever documents he wants to…. I want to know who is behind this and I want the most complete investigation that can be conducted…. I don’t want excuses. I want results. 1 want it done, whatever the cost.” 
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- Highlight on Page 108 | Loc. 2436-37  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:33 PM

Haldeman assigned Caulfield to find the source of leaks to columnist Jack Anderson. 
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- Highlight on Page 108 | Loc. 2444-47  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:35 PM

In and out of office, Richard Nixon consistently was preoccupied with his place in history. To him, the control of information and documents was then—and continued to be—essential for ensuring a satisfactory standing at the bar of history. Perhaps nothing illustrated this better than the 1971 episode involving the White House’s response to the publication of the Pentagon Papers. 
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- Highlight on Page 109 | Loc. 2447-53  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:35 PM

On Sunday morning, June 13, 1971, the New York Times carried a frontpage photograph of the President and his daughter Tricia, standing together in the Rose Garden following her wedding ceremony. The other side of the page carried the first installment of the “Pentagon Papers,” a 7,000-page document commissioned by Robert McNamara, Defense Secretary under Kennedy and Johnson. The study traced the origins of the American involvement in Vietnam and offered significant insight into decision-making processes in the foreign-policy and military establishments. Nothing better revealed how secrecy had served the cause of deception than the revelations in these papers. Melvin Laird, Nixon’s Secretary of Defense, told the President that 98 percent of the Pentagon Papers could be declassified. But Nixon responded that “the era of negotiations can’t succeed w/o secrecy.” 
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- Highlight on Page 110 | Loc. 2470-72  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:37 PM

Two weeks after publication of the papers, he acknowledged his complicity in their release. That admission put the issue of the war—its necessity, its wisdom, as well as its morality—squarely at the center of public attention. 
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- Highlight on Page 110 | Loc. 2475-76  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:37 PM

Nixon told Ehrlichman at one point that he would go “an extra mile to defend the security system to reassure China and friendly governments.” 
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- Highlight on Page 110 | Loc. 2476-77  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:37 PM

Both Nixon and Kissinger realized the personal danger if any president lost control over classified documents and allowed them to be used to smear his predecessors. 
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- Highlight on Page 111 | Loc. 2494-96  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:39 PM

Eventually, the Administration brought criminal charges against Ellsberg (against Griswold’s recommendation), but the proceeding ended in a mistrial—ironically, because of the Administration’s own illegal behavior. 
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- Highlight on Page 111 | Loc. 2497-99  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:39 PM

One of the more bizarre by-products of the Pentagon Papers affair was a plan either to raid or to firebomb the Brookings Institution and to pilfer papers there belonging to Leslie Gelb and Morton Halperin, former National Security Council aides. These papers allegedly represented a Pentagon Papers analogue for the Nixon years. 
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- Highlight on Page 111 | Loc. 2511-13  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:41 PM

Thus, the Pentagon Papers incident intensified the adversarial relationship between the Administration and the media, a relationship that was to deteriorate still more sharply. These developments, together with a failure of the courts to provide the desired protection and relief demanded by the Administration, led directly to one of the most fateful decisions of the Nixon presidency: the creation of the Plumbers. 
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- Highlight on Page 112 | Loc. 2528-33  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:42 PM

And thus the President of the United States called into being the Plumbers, a group specifically created to do what J. Edgar Hoover would not do without the validation of Nixon himself. According to Harry Dent, Lyndon Johnson told Nixon to rely on Hoover to cope with enemies within; but Hoover had failed his longtime friend Nixon. Five men connected to this group would go to jail for a specific crime committed in fulfillment of the President’s wishes. One of them, Egil Krogh, later recalled being told by Ehrlichman (another of those convicted) that the President suggested he read the Hiss chapter in Nixon’s book Six Crises. Dutifully carrying out the assignment, Krogh concluded that the President wanted him to proceed “with a zeal comparable to that he [Nixon] exercised … in investigating Alger Hiss.” 
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- Highlight on Page 113 | Loc. 2545-49  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:44 PM

Krogh, a lawyer and an Ehrlichman protégé” from Seattle (he viewed Ehrlichman as a “father-figure”), had served in the White House in a variety of posts, chiefly centering on the Administration’s antidrug measures and on District of Columbia affairs. Young had served with Kissinger as a Rockefeller retainer, and the two worked together on the National Security Council before Ehrlichman peremptorily recruited Krogh for his own needs. 
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- Highlight on Page 113 | Loc. 2554-55  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:44 PM

(The group’s quaint name was coined when one member, David Young, told his mother-in-law that he was plugging leaks of sensitive information. She thought it was nice to have a plumber in the family.) 
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- Highlight on Page 113 | Loc. 2557-60  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 01:45 PM

Ehrlichman also told Krogh that the Administration would not use the CIA, because its jurisdiction was legally limited to operations abroad, and this was a domestic matter. (A somewhat exceptional adherence to scruples given the President’s entanglement of the CIA with the Huston Plan and the collection of domestic intelligence. In fact, the CIA did get involved in the Plumbers’ operations, by aiding its notorious alumnus Howard Hunt.) 
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When Nixon and Ehrlichman had their last official meeting on May 2, 1973, the President asked if he, Ehrlichman, had known about the Fielding break-in earlier. Ehrlichman noted that he silently nodded, and Nixon replied: “If so, it made no impression.” Colson indirectly supported Ehrlichman’s claim that Nixon knew. Colson assumed, he testified, “that John Ehrlichman wouldn’t take something like that upon his own shoulders.” 
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- Highlight on Page 116 | Loc. 2609-12  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 11:25 PM

When Attorney General Richardson reviewed the Fielding operation in May 1973, he immediately recognized that it would be impossible to make any public distinction between it and the Watergate break-in. Both events, he realized, involved Hunt and Liddy, both were illegal, and both could be traced to the White House. He favored prompt disclosure if “the trail” led no further than Krogh and Young. Richardson had good reason for making that qualification. 
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- Highlight on Page 116 | Loc. 2627-31  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 11:28 PM

The White House ordered the FBI to tap Radford’s telephone, hoping to uncover his ties to Anderson. Instead, the wiretap disclosed that Radford had been pilfering documents from Kissinger and the NSC files and turning them over to the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Radford eventually confessed that he had stolen perhaps a thousand documents from NSC files and bum bags and then delivered them to Welander, who served as middleman for Admiral Thomas Moorer, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs. Radford steadfastly denied he had leaked to Anderson. 
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- Highlight on Page 117 | Loc. 2633-35  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 11:28 PM

He saw Radford’s revelations as “an extremely serious matter.” The Seven Days in May scenario of a military coup crossed his mind. “It was a question whether there was an actual move by the military into the deliberations of the duly-elected and appointed civilians to carry out foreign policy.” 
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- Highlight on Page 117 | Loc. 2647-49  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 11:30 PM

To be sure, someone—the President? Ehrlichman?—had ordered a Department of Defense investigation of Radford and one within the White House carried out by the Plumbers. Those reports remain buried. 
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- Highlight on Page 117 | Loc. 2649-54  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 11:31 PM

The only public discussion of the Radford affair came in a desultory Senate Armed Services inquiry in 1974, artfully managed by Senator John Stennis (D–MS) to produce the least possible information. None of the principal investigators testified. Senator Stuart Symington (D–MO) wanted Ehrlichman called as a witness, but Stennis dodged on this. Defense Department Counsel J. Fred Buzhardt filed a report on the affair, but none of it was discussed. The hearing, in sum, dealt with few substantive issues, although several interesting tidbits filtered out. For example, Admiral Welander testified that Haig had arranged his meeting with David Young, indicating Haig had knowledge of the Plumbers. (Curiously, according to Ehrlichman, Young thought Haig was behind the whole spying effort.) 
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- Highlight on Page 120 | Loc. 2719-21  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 11:37 PM

Unhappily for Nixon, after admitting he approved the tap on Morton Halperin, a Kissinger aide, he became the first president ordered to pay damages—a $5 award, meant to be symbolic—to a private citizen for acts committed by the Chief Executive while in office. 
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- Highlight on Page 122 | Loc. 2756-65  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 11:40 PM

Some twenty months later, in the summer of 1972, the pending case had moved to the Supreme Court. Ervin put in an appearance to argue against the government’s policy, describing the Army’s action as a “cancer on the body politic.” Chief Justice Burger led a five-man majority which specifically followed Rehnquist’s formulation that the mere existence of governmental surveillance activities was not a violation of First Amendment rights. Rehnquist, now an Associate Justice, refused to disqualify himself in the case, claiming—in the face of his public testimony—that he had no personal knowledge of the case itself. He also insisted that he had never acted in an advisory role for the government in the case. Rehnquist’s vote, of course, was crucial; a tie vote would have sustained the lower-court ruling against the government. Fourteen years later, in 1986, Rehnquist faced the issue again during hearings on his nomination to be Chief Justice of the United States Supreme Court. He reiterated that he had “no recollection” of participating in the formulation of Army surveillance or intelligence policies. But earlier testimony from the Army’s General Counsel clearly contradicted Rehnquist. 
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- Highlight on Page 124 | Loc. 2791-92  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 11:44 PM

The case now took on the paradoxical title United States v. United States Court for the Eastern District of Michigan , but is more simply known as the Keith Case. 
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- Highlight on Page 124 | Loc. 2797-2801  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 11:45 PM

In the Keith Case, the government strikingly ignored the Steel Seizure Case of 1952, though this was the leading case on inherent presidential powers. There, the Supreme Court had rejected President Truman’s claims of inherent powers to nationalize the steel mills because of the Korean War emergency. The Court of Appeals in the Keith Case thought it odd that the President of the United States should claim the sovereign powers of George III, whose authorization of indiscriminate searches and seizures had been a vital issue in the Revolutionary Era. 
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- Highlight on Page 126 | Loc. 2822-25  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 11:49 PM

Richard Nixon’s assuming office marked the first time since Zachary Taylor’s election in 1848 that a first-term president failed to meet a Congress controlled by his own party. The Democratic majority, however, represented only part of the problem. Nixon confronted a Congress sympathetic to ideological and institutional forces increasingly resistant to presidential wishes. 
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- Highlight on Page 127 | Loc. 2837-39  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 11:50 PM

Franklin D. Roosevelt’s “Hundred Days” in 1933 is often cited as a standard for demonstrating modern-day presidential leadership, but a close examination of the legislative process in this case reveals, as in so many others, that partnership between President and Congress which must prevail in American political life. 
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- Highlight on Page 127 | Loc. 2839-41  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 11:50 PM

John F. Kennedy remarked after two years in office that “Congress looks more powerful sitting here than it did when I was there in the Congress.” Nixon apparently never shared that insight. 
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- Highlight on Page 127 | Loc. 2844-47  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 11:51 PM

Richard Nixon’s experience in both the legislative and executive branches for fifteen years must have made him mindful of political reality. Nevertheless, he directed his staff toward a policy that alternated contempt for Congress with a belief that, through the borrowed techniques of advertising and public relations, the White House could sell its program directly to the public and so make Congress irrelevant. 
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- Highlight on Page 128 | Loc. 2865-68  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 11:52 PM

In foreign-policy matters, Eisenhower respectfully regarded Congress’s role, whether consultative or formal. He carefully touched congressional bases during the tense moments surrounding the French collapse in Vietnam in 1954, the Formosan Straits crisis in 1955, the Suez invasion in 1956, and the civil war in Lebanon in 1957. Nixon, on the other hand, discussed his Cambodian invasion plans with Congress in 1970 only after the decision had been reached. 
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- Highlight on Page 129 | Loc. 2879-83  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 11:54 PM

Special combinations of man and times—a Franklin D. Roosevelt or a Dwight D. Eisenhower—followed the unpopular tenures of Herbert Hoover and Harry Truman. The nation waited in 1969 to see what it had chosen. It soon became clear that the election had not stilled any of the nation’s civil strife; most significantly, Nixon’s installation as President only widened the chasm and conflict between the executive branch and Congress. Moreover, that conflict had taken on a new character in recent years. 
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- Highlight on Page 129 | Loc. 2896-97  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 11:55 PM

A distinguished political scientist, James MacGregor Burns, summarized the deadlock-of-democracy notion in a book by that title in 1963. 
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- Highlight on Page 130 | Loc. 2905-7  | Added on Tuesday, April 01, 2014, 11:55 PM

believed that we had allowed the Madisonian system of checks and balances to thwart and fragment “leadership instead of allowing it free play within the boundaries of the democratic process.” The result was a political system divided along both partisan and institutional lines—and, all too often, a paralysis of governmental will and power. 
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- Highlight on Page 131 | Loc. 2931-36  | Added on Wednesday, April 02, 2014, 04:51 PM

The Nixon speech sounded as if it had been crafted by speechwriter Theodore Sorensen in the Kennedy style. Nixon spoke of presidential involvement in the “intellectual ferment” of the time. He recognized that “the lamps of enlightenment are lit by the spark of controversy.” The President, Nixon noted, was both “a user of thought” and a “catalyst of thought.” He talked of attracting “the ablest men” to his Cabinet, and he promised “a reorganized” executive and “a stronger White House than any yet put together.” Finally, there was a Kennedyesque call for elevation of the crusade: “Our cause today is not a nation, but a planet—for never have the fates of all the people of the earth been so bound up together.” 
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- Highlight on Page 132 | Loc. 2965-67  | Added on Wednesday, April 02, 2014, 04:54 PM

That faith rested on Theodore Roosevelt’s concept of a president free to do anything except what was expressly prohibited in the Constitution. Now Nixon was telling the people the same thing. In Alexander Bickel’s well-chosen metaphor, Richard Nixon caught the liberals bathing, and walked off with their clothes. 
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- Highlight on Page 133 | Loc. 2985-92  | Added on Wednesday, April 02, 2014, 04:56 PM

In 1803, President Thomas Jefferson matter-of-factly reported to Congress that he had not spent a $50,000 appropriation for Mississippi River gunboats because “the favorable and peaceful turn of affairs … rendered an immediate execution of the law unnecessary.” 11 Thus began the history of presidential impoundment of duly authorized funds. Impoundment had always posed practical constitutional problems, but these seemed of minor consequence until the Nixon Administration (with an important precedent from the Johnson years) transformed an occasional practice into a special test of wills with Congress. For Nixon, the exercise of impoundment also became part of his constitutional responsibility. In a January 31, 1973 press conference, he announced “the Constitutional right for the President of the United States to impound funds[,] and that is not to spend money, when the spending of money would mean … increasing prices or increasing taxes for all the people, that right is absolutely clear.” 
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- Highlight on Page 135 | Loc. 3028-33  | Added on Wednesday, April 02, 2014, 05:00 PM

Congressional inertia on impoundment amounted to benign acquiescence, which in turn emboldened the Administration to expand impoundment actions. Cost-cutting activities most often involved programs that the White House wanted eliminated and replaced with state initiatives financed by revenue-sharing measures. Altogether, Nixon impounded more than $18 billion in his first term. 15 Unlike the impoundments of his predecessors, none of his involved defense expenditures; the impounded funds consistently affected pet pork-barrel projects and traditional liberal causes. Impoundment became an instrument serving preferred presidential policies, policies that aided fiscal restraint and at the same time frustrated congressional wishes. 
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- Highlight on Page 137 | Loc. 3067-68  | Added on Wednesday, April 02, 2014, 05:03 PM

the fact that impoundment had risen to the respectability of being considered grounds for impeachment measured the furies Richard Nixon aroused in Congress. 
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- Highlight on Page 138 | Loc. 3089-91  | Added on Wednesday, April 02, 2014, 05:05 PM

“We’re going to reorganize the government come hell or high water,” he told Nelson Rockefeller in 1971. But Leonard Garment recognized the dangers of making a “lunge at the private parts … of all the different establishments in Washington.” 
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- Highlight on Page 139 | Loc. 3113-16  | Added on Wednesday, April 02, 2014, 05:07 PM

The President subsequently named John Ehrlichman to head the Domestic Council, and the aide soon confirmed the fears of both Cabinet and congressional critics. Ehrlichman seemed less interested in broad policy formulation than in making the council into an operational agency. By all accounts (except Ehrlichman’s, of course), the Cabinet became increasingly isolated, even irrelevant, as contacts increased between the White House and middle-level bureaucrats. 
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- Highlight on Page 143 | Loc. 3209-14  | Added on Wednesday, April 02, 2014, 11:47 PM

Court-watchers knew, however, that Warren Burger stood out as the exception who proved the rule. Burger, a former Assistant Attorney General, had been appointed to the Circuit Court by Eisenhower in the late 1950s. He consistently took issue with his liberal colleagues, often sarcastically berating what he considered their activism, elitism, and excessive concern with the rights of defendants at the expense of social order. In 1967, U.S. News & World Report published excerpts from some of Burger’s dissents and speeches, emphasizing his law-and-order themes. The article caught the attention of then-candidate Richard Nixon, and he used some of the ideas in his presidential campaign. Impressed with Burger’s “moderate conservatism,” Nixon nominated Burger as Chief Justice on May 21, 1969. 
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- Highlight on Page 144 | Loc. 3229-33  | Added on Wednesday, April 02, 2014, 11:50 PM

Black’s definition in its own way departed from the original understanding of the term. In the early nineteenth century, strict construction was advocated by those who opposed what they regarded as the overly broad interpretations of the Constitution by Chief Justice John Marshall. But at that time, Marshall was regarded as the consummate conservative. His opponents, particularly Thomas Jefferson (who on occasion found it convenient to discard his own notions of strict construction), were the liberals of their day. 
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- Highlight on Page 144 | Loc. 3237-40  | Added on Wednesday, April 02, 2014, 11:51 PM

Perhaps nothing with the exception of the ever-growing interinstitutional conflicts of the Vietnam war so poisoned the relations between Nixon and Congress as the Senate’s rejection of his successive nominations of Clement Haynsworth and G. Harrold Cars-well to the Court. A failure to confirm a presidential nomination is rare enough, but for it to happen with two successive nominees was truly extraordinary. 
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- Highlight on Page 144 | Loc. 3248-49  | Added on Wednesday, April 02, 2014, 11:52 PM

As the pressure intensified against Fortas, Attorney General Mitchell visited Chief Justice Warren and briefed him on the department’s evidence; shortly afterward, Fortas submitted his resignation. 
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a Life magazine article charged that Fortas had accepted improper fees and had intervened with a federal regulatory agency in behalf of a former client whose foundation he served as a paid consultant. And Department of Justice investigators reportedly turned up more incriminating evidence. 
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- Highlight on Page 145 | Loc. 3264-66  | Added on Wednesday, April 02, 2014, 11:54 PM

The President’s selection of Burger had obvious political motivations. His next choices for the Court offered payment on his obligation to key Southern supporters, particularly Senator J. Strom Thurmond, to appoint a man from the South—presumably a judge who would be less amenable to pressures to uphold desegregation measures. 
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- Highlight on Page 146 | Loc. 3289-90  | Added on Wednesday, April 02, 2014, 11:57 PM

For the first time since 1930, the Senate had turned down a presidential nomination to the Supreme Court. The Haynsworth defeat demonstrated the fragility of Richard Nixon’s congressional support only one year after his election. 
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- Highlight on Page 151 | Loc. 3392-97  | Added on Thursday, April 03, 2014, 12:06 AM

Ehrlichman had his protégé Egil Krogh devise procedures to tighten the White House grip and influence on Court nominations, primarily at the expense of the Justice Department. Krogh told Ehrlichman that the President could not again “play catch up ball with a nomination.” Conceding initial selection and checkout procedures to Justice and the FBI, Krogh suggested that a White House unit be established to oversee the proceedings—with John Ehrlichman at the helm. Krogh devised roles for the President’s key men in securing future nominations: Clark MacGregor and William Timmons to handle Congress, William Safire to deal with the press, Charles Colson to brief various interest groups, and John Dean to coordinate the 
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- Highlight on Page 151 | Loc. 3391-99  | Added on Thursday, April 03, 2014, 12:07 AM

By late 1971, with two new nominations to submit and an election only a year away, the Administration could no longer afford mistakes. Ehrlichman had his protégé Egil Krogh devise procedures to tighten the White House grip and influence on Court nominations, primarily at the expense of the Justice Department. Krogh told Ehrlichman that the President could not again “play catch up ball with a nomination.” Conceding initial selection and checkout procedures to Justice and the FBI, Krogh suggested that a White House unit be established to oversee the proceedings—with John Ehrlichman at the helm. Krogh devised roles for the President’s key men in securing future nominations: Clark MacGregor and William Timmons to handle Congress, William Safire to deal with the press, Charles Colson to brief various interest groups, and John Dean to coordinate the others. Krogh urged that David Young, his fellow Plumber—whom Krogh called “the one independent mind, very facile and penetrating”—should be heavily involved. Krogh also did not trust the FBI. 
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- Highlight on Page 151 | Loc. 3404-8  | Added on Thursday, April 03, 2014, 12:07 AM

The White House knew that numerous members of the Court were in precarious health. Shortly after his sharp attack on the Nixon Administration for its attempts to censor the press in the Pentagon Papers case, Justice Hugo Black became gravely ill. He submitted his resignation in September 1971. A week later, Justice Harlan, nearly blind and debilitated by bone cancer, also resigned. It was a golden opportunity for the President, but he came perilously close to opting for mediocrity and confronting the Senate once more. 
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Those names might have provided some short-range political mileage for Nixon, but their obscurity belittled the Court’s significance as an institution, and their mediocrity only signaled the President’s willingness to devalue the Court’s role in the governmental apparatus. 
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- Highlight on Page 155 | Loc. 3498-3504  | Added on Thursday, April 03, 2014, 12:18 AM

Congress’s customary behavior had permitted an extravagant growth of executive war powers. Perhaps Congress had been overwhelmed by a “cult of executive expertise”; perhaps there was a residue of guilt left over from the Senate’s 1919 rejection of the League of Nations and American international responsibilities; or perhaps, as a Senate committee suggested in 1969, Congress found itself “unprepared” to assert its constitutional role as the United States suddenly found itself in a new and dangerous world after 1945. 50 In any event, for better than a generation, presidents generally dealt with tame, pliant congresses in foreign-policy matters. The frustrating obstacles Congress regularly had imposed on presidential domestic policies simply were absent in foreign affairs. With cause, Richard Nixon thought he had a “free hand” in the international arena. 
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- Highlight on Page 156 | Loc. 3506-10  | Added on Thursday, April 03, 2014, 12:18 AM

In a rare moment, however, detachment prevailed as Kissinger clearly stated the ironic, tragic nature of the conflict between the President and Congress over foreign policy. The Vietnam debate, Kissinger later wrote, “represented a flight into nostalgia,” a notion that America had somehow lost its way and desperately needed to recover its moral purity. Kissinger dismissed the confusion and debate over the war as an expression of self-indulgence that “opened the floodgates of chaos and exacerbated … internal divisions.” 
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- Highlight on Page 156 | Loc. 3522-25  | Added on Thursday, April 03, 2014, 12:20 AM

Nixon sensed the new mood. Just a few weeks earlier, he attacked critics of American foreign policy as “neo-isolationists.” Yet several months later he effectively neutralized his critics with his response to the massive protests in October 1969. In a national television address, he appealed to the “Silent Majority,” confidently asserting that they outnumbered the protesters and supported his goal of “peace with honor.” North Vietnam, he insisted, could not defeat or humiliate the United States; “only Americans can do that.” 
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- Highlight on Page 157 | Loc. 3551-57  | Added on Thursday, April 03, 2014, 12:24 AM

congressional restlessness gave rise to a gesture of rebellion. As part of a defense-authorization bill, Congress called on the President to terminate military operations in Indochina and provide for withdrawal within nine months, subject to the release of prisoners of war. In a bold fashion of his own, Nixon said he would ignore the proviso, since it did “not reflect my judgment about the way in which the war should be brought to a conclusion,” adding that he considered the statement “without binding force or effect.” The next year a federal court repudiated the President: “No executive statement denying efficacy to the legislation could have either validity or effect,” the court’s decision said, and the court characterized Nixon’s statement as “very unfortunate.” 
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- Highlight on Page 159 | Loc. 3587-94  | Added on Thursday, April 03, 2014, 12:28 AM

Modern presidential-congressional relations have a checkered history. Some observers have been critical of an altogether too compliant Congress. Carl Vinson, who first arrived as a Georgia Congressman in 1914, sadly lamented in 1973 that Congress was a “somewhat querulous but essentially kindly uncle who complains while furiously puffing on his pipe but who, finally, as everyone expects, gives in and hands over the allowance, grants the permission, or raises his hand in blessing, and then returns to his rocking chair for another year of somnolence broken only by an occasional glance down the avenue and a muttered doubt as to whether he had done the right thing.” Indeed, even Richard Nixon could be a beneficiary of that kindly old uncle. Congress passed the Economic Stabilization Act in 1970, which gave the President sweeping authority to regulate wages and prices—a domestic equivalent to the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution, as one writer remarked. 
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- Highlight on Page 161 | Loc. 3631-35  | Added on Thursday, April 03, 2014, 09:00 AM

The Nixon Administration mounted an unprecedented, transparent assault on the media and individual reporters; yet that Administration, like others, went to extraordinary lengths to cultivate the press. And for good reason: the media had become an essential component in the task of governance in late-twentieth-century America. Mastery of it, or at least maintaining its goodwill, became a recognized, desirable prize as presidents sought to reach and shape public opinion and to build constituencies for their programs and future campaigns. 
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- Highlight on Page 162 | Loc. 3648-51  | Added on Thursday, April 03, 2014, 09:01 AM

Nixon and Haldeman installed Ronald Ziegler as Press Secretary. This was apparently a conscious move to diminish, certainly to subordinate, the position. Ziegler had been a Disneyland guide and a Haldeman aide in an advertising agency. Not to name a working reporter for the post marked a dramatic departure for a new Administration, although LBJ had done the same late in his presidency. 
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- Highlight on Page 167 | Loc. 3750-57  | Added on Thursday, April 03, 2014, 09:13 AM

Emphasizing the “enormous responsibilities” of the presidency, Nixon insisted that the Chief Executive “must not be constantly preening in front of a mirror, wondering whether or not he is getting across as this kind of individual or that.” He had no truck with the public-relations types “constantly riding me, or they used to in the campaign, and they do now. ‘You have got to do this, that, and the other thing to change your image.’ I am not going to change my image, I am just going to do a good job for this country.” The facts were otherwise. Nixon was constantly concerned and preoccupied with image; and it was the President himself, not “spinmakers” and public-relations men, who set the agenda for this concern. Just prior to his Today appearance, Nixon told Haldeman that it was time to use a “full-time PR man to really convey the true image of a President to the nation.” 
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- Highlight on Page 170 | Loc. 3827-33  | Added on Thursday, April 03, 2014, 09:17 AM

The presidential press conference has come to be the most visible point of public contact between presidents and the media. It is often said that this is the closest American approximation to the British parliamentary practice of periodically questioning government ministers. The comparison pales. The British system is institutionalized and works on a regular basis, operating between assumed equals in status, if not quite in power. All questioners are members of Parliament, standing in deference to their monarch but not to the Prime Minister. The questioners stand forth openly as political opponents, with the opportunity to coordinate and focus a series of questions designed to secure political advantage for themselves. Above all, parliamentary examination is a vital component of ministerial accountability. Presidential press conferences simply have lacked those qualities of tradition and institutionalization. 
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Roosevelt, like Wilson, believed that if he made page one, the editorial pages were of minor consequence. FDR’s first press conferences in 1933 (fashioned after those he had held as Governor of New York) marked a new stage in presidential relations with the press, one in which the President personally assumed control to manage the news flow. FDR largely succeeded, through a combination of charm, guile, cajolery, and flattery. He was, a recent biographer noted, “a picture of ease and confidence.” Without television to convey a visual image of himself, the President nevertheless portrayed himself to the press—and hence to the public—as “unprecedentedly frank, open, cordial, personal.” 
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Eisenhower held 193 press conferences in his eight years in office, far more than any other president, before or since. Sophisticated audiences often responded contemptuously to the President’s jumbled syntax, his rambling, “often inappropriate or impossibly confusing answers,” and his confessions of “I don’t know.” But his style was effective, and the press conferences contributed to Eisenhower’s continuing extraordinary popularity. Eisenhower cultivated good relations with reporters, regularly inviting them to cook-outs during his vacations, playing golf with them, and treating them as “quasi members of his staff.” Occasionally, he might betray some anger or annoyance at a particular incident involving the press, but he never permitted or fostered open antagonism.’ 
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- Highlight on Page 173 | Loc. 3904-7  | Added on Thursday, April 03, 2014, 09:29 AM

Press conferences are not as spontaneous as they seem. The live televised proceedings dictate careful preparation on the part of the President, including briefings and even rehearsals. Good staff work usually ensures that there are no surprises. The likely questions are obvious and generally are confined to issues of the moment. 
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Given their numbers and differences, reporters at press conferences have no opportunity for coherent questioning. Thus control of the event usually belongs to the President. His problem is to guard against the infrequent slip of the tongue, the inadvertent remark. Nevertheless, control can on occasion slip from his hands: witness Nixon’s experience on June 1, 1971. A reporter raised a question regarding alleged civil liberties violations surrounding the mass police arrests of the May Day antiwar demonstrators that year. (Charges already had been dropped against more than two thousand arrested individuals.) Nixon’s reply focused on the danger of the demonstrations to the government, ignoring the civil liberties question. What followed was unusual, as one reporter after another rose to bore in on the same issue, pressing hard on the question of improper police tactics. Nixon evaded them, finally finding a “safe” reporter who invariably strayed from the pack to ask irrelevant, obscure questions. She did not disappoint him in this case, dropping the dangerous line of questioning to inquire about a surplus of telephone poles in Vietnam. The President, visibly relieved as the press conference quickly returned to its familiar anarchy, nevertheless realized the danger. He did not hold another televised press conference for nearly thirteen months. 
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The President’s anger focused in a particularly vicious manner in November that year, when Haldeman, at Nixon’s direction, called J. Edgar Hoover and asked for “a rundown on the homosexuals known and suspected” in the Washington press corps. Hoover confirmed he had the material and noted that he would not need to make any specific investigation. The Director sent the files to the White House. 
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- Highlight on Page 176 | Loc. 3966-69  | Added on Thursday, April 03, 2014, 09:36 AM

Haldeman had his man. It was a perfect match: Magruder was pliant, reliable, and obedient. In time, Haldeman dispatched Magruder to Herb Klein as the “Deputy” in the White House Office of Communications, and fatefully, in 1972 he became Mitchell’s “Deputy” at the Committee to Re-elect the President. Klein was my “nominal boss,” but Haldeman was his “real boss,” Magruder acknowledged. 
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- Highlight on Page 177 | Loc. 3996-4007  | Added on Thursday, April 03, 2014, 07:07 PM

The Agnew speech in Des Moines had been nurtured in the darker moments of the Goldwater candidacy in 1964. The Vice President offered the nation, particularly its heartland, a conspiracy theory that blamed the anti-Nixon bias of the media on an Eastern liberal establishment. “A small group of men, numbering perhaps no more than a dozen anchormen, commentators, and executive producers, settle upon twenty minutes or so of film and commentary that’s to reach the public… . [They] live and work in the geographical and intellectual confines of Washington, D.C., or New York City… . They draw their political and social views from … one another, thereby providing artificial reinforcement to their shared viewpoints.” It was time, he said, to question the power of this “small and un-elected elite.” Given the government’s role in regulating the broadcast networks, Agnew’s threat was only thinly veiled: “the people,” Agnew warned, “are entitled to a full accounting of [the networks’] stewardship.” Agnew had struck the sensitive nerves of the media and liberal intellectuals, but he also won the hearts and minds of those who already believed the notions he espoused. They responded with passionate support for the Vice President. Antisemitic letters constituted II percent of one network’s mail, while tirades against blacks made up another 10 percent. In an ABC poll, 51 percent of the respondents agreed with Agnew. 
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- Highlight on Page 180 | Loc. 4065-69  | Added on Thursday, April 03, 2014, 07:17 PM

When he returned, he planned to do a documentary on his visit, but Richard Salant, head of CBS News, “cross-examined” him at length over his inability to get more information on the POWs and his failure to report more unfavorably on the North. Instead of doing a documentary, Hart appeared on only a few late-night spot reports. He believed that he had lost the confidence of his bosses. He later realized that he had covered the story as a journalist, not as an “American journalist.” One of his colleagues emphasized how important it was to preface or conclude his reports with reminders that “these people were Communists.” 
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- Highlight on Page 187 | Loc. 4151-58  | Added on Thursday, April 03, 2014, 07:26 PM

Several hours later, in the early morning of the seventeenth, police arrested five men in the Watergate offices of the Democratic National Committee in Washington. A security guard discovered an apparent burglary in progress and notified the local police. When captured, the suspects had several cans of Mace, carried lock-picking devices, and wore surgical gloves. One had a portable radio receiver. The police also found camera equipment and telephone-bugging devices. Because of the possibility that the federal Interception of Communications statute had been violated, the D.C. police called in the FBI. Preliminary investigations on the scene led Bureau agents to believe that the burglars were in the process of installing the listening devices in the Democratic offices. Shortly after the arrest, an attorney showed up at police headquarters, stating that he represented the men in custody. The suspects, however, had refused to make any telephone calls, and the lawyer would not tell agents how he had learned of their arrest. 
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- Highlight on Page 188 | Loc. 4158-64  | Added on Thursday, April 03, 2014, 07:27 PM

Four of the men in custody were identified as Cubans, although they gave aliases at first. They had with them when they were arrested $2,400 in cash, including thirteen new hundred-dollar bills. Later that day, FBI agents obtained warrants and searched the suspects’ hotel room. They discovered a sealed envelope with a check written by E. Howard Hunt. Hunt’s name, along with the notations “W.H.” and “W. House,” appeared in the address books of two suspects. Bureau records revealed that Hunt had been the subject of an inquiry a year earlier when he was hired for a White House staff position. Hunt’s file also showed that he had listed Douglas Caddy, a local attorney, as a reference. Caddy was the same lawyer who had appeared at police headquarters, after—it was later discovered—Hunt and the wife of one of the defendants had called him. FBI agents further learned that the Cubans had previously been employed by the CIA. 
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- Highlight on Page 188 | Loc. 4177-80  | Added on Thursday, April 03, 2014, 07:28 PM

What the FBI did not immediately learn was that Howard Hunt and G. Gordon Liddy, the then-counsel for the re-election committee, with another operative, had observed the whole arrest procedure at the Watergate from a room in a nearby hotel. One of those arrested, however, had a key to that room, and eventually police searched it and discovered that Hunt had been present. 
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- Highlight on Page 189 | Loc. 4192-97  | Added on Thursday, April 03, 2014, 07:30 PM

Alexander Butterfield told FBI agents that Hunt had been a consultant for the White House on “highly sensitive confidential matters” less than a year earlier but had not been used since. But by June 19, agents had learned that Hunt had been a longtime CIA agent and that he had worked for the White House in late March, directly for Charles Colson. That day, the FBI requested permission to interview Colson. On June 23, less than a week after the arrests, FBI Acting Director L. Patrick Gray ordered the “highest priority investigative attention” for the Watergate case. Meanwhile, the President and Haldeman made a desperate gamble to curtail the Bureau’s investigation and enlisted Gray and the CIA in their effort. 
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- Highlight on Page 190 | Loc. 4210-12  | Added on Thursday, April 03, 2014, 07:32 PM

By the twentieth, Colson’s and Hunt’s names, as well as McCord’s employment at the re-election committee, had become public knowledge. O’Brien called a press conference and announced that the Democrats had filed a $1 million damage suit against CREEP. Citing the involvement of Colson, O’Brien charged that the case had developed “a clear line to the White House.” 
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- Highlight on Page 190 | Loc. 4225-26  | Added on Thursday, April 03, 2014, 07:34 PM

Meanwhile, Colson assured Nixon that “we won’t let this one bug us.” For himself, the President concluded that “I [will] just stonewall it.” 
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- Highlight on Page 191 | Loc. 4227-35  | Added on Thursday, April 03, 2014, 07:34 PM

Nixon met reporters on June 22, telling them that the “White House has had no involvement whatever in this particular incident.” On June 25, Lawrence O’Brien challenged the President and called for the appointment of a “special prosecutor of unimpeachable integrity and national reputation.” He claimed that abundant evidence now existed linking the White House to the Watergate burglary. Six days later, John Mitchell announced his resignation as the President’s campaign manager, claiming that he wanted to spend more time with his family. Before he left, however, Mitchell dismissed Gordon Liddy when he learned that the CREEP aide had refused to cooperate with the FBI. Within several weeks, the FBI found that Liddy had been employed by the White House and the Treasury Department for several years. Eventually, the Bureau also discovered that Liddy had worked for John Ehriichman on “law enforcement matters.” In fact, Liddy had been in the Special Investigations Unit, better known as the Plumbers. His colleagues had included Howard Hunt and several of the Watergate burglars. The Watergate break-in was part of a seamless web. 
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- Highlight on Page 191 | Loc. 4245-46  | Added on Thursday, April 03, 2014, 07:35 PM

The conversation established the foundation for a strategy that Nixon and his top aides pursued for nearly a year: John Mitchell would take the fall. 
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- Highlight on Page 197 | Loc. 4382-85  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 01:43 PM

Late in October, after CBS had devoted extensive attention to Watergate, the President complained at length to Haldeman. He ordered Kissinger to do nothing with the network for a week. Ziegler was not to talk to CBS reporters or to the Post. Colson upbraided CBS’s top executives and succeeded in having the network reduce a promised follow-up program. 
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Nixon recalled in his memoirs that he had “insisted to Haldeman and others … that in this campaign we were finally in a position to have someone doing to the opposition what they had done to us. They knew that this time I wanted the leading Democrats annoyed, harassed, and embarrassed—as I had been in the past.” The rationale always centered on retaliation: “I told my staff that we should come up with the kind of imaginative dirty tricks that our Democratic opponents used against us and others so effectively in previous campaigns.” He acknowledged that he ordered “a tail on a front-running Democrat” (without saying for what purpose) and directed that federal agencies’ files be checked for suspicious or illegal behavior by Democrats. 
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- Highlight on Page 199 | Loc. 4428-31  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 01:46 PM

John Mitchell reportedly listened to the proposal of Gemstone, puffed on his pipe, and told Liddy that it was “not quite what I had in mind” and that he was to devise more “realistic” and less expensive plans. The entry and bugging of the Watergate offices of the Democratic National Committee was the more realistic plan concocted by CREEP’S “security” forces. 
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Mitchell later ruefully reflected that he should have thrown Gordon Liddy and his entire plan out the window. As Attorney General—which he was until March 1972—Mitchell might have done better to arrest Gordon Liddy for his proposed conspiracy. 
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- Highlight on Page 200 | Loc. 4442-47  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 01:47 PM

At the time, the certainties of the Watergate break-in were three: the burglars were real; they had entered the office complex; they had bugging devices with them. The five perpetrators eventually were convicted for breaking and entering and for violating laws prohibiting unauthorized wiretaps. Hunt and Liddy were also found guilty. As the prosecutors developed their case, they discovered, as did subsequent investigations, that the seven men had important links to CREEP and the White House; in particular, all had received money from questionable campaign contributions. But what was the purpose of the break-in? Clearly, the operation was political. But what had been its end? For what specific gain had the break-in been planned? 
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- Highlight on Page 201 | Loc. 4459-67  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 01:49 PM

Arthur Kinoy, the lawyer who successfully challenged the Administration’s broad claims for inherent presidential powers to wiretap without warrants, offered a second hypothesis to account for the break-in. Earlier in the spring, Kinoy had represented federal judge Damon Keith, who had ordered the Administration to disclose wiretaps in a case involving alleged White Panther members. Throughout the proceedings, the Justice Department attorneys had pressed luxuriant claims of inherent executive powers to wiretap. If the Supreme Court had accepted the government’s position, the Administration would have had a perfect cover for wiretaps and “black” operations already underway or planned. The Watergate break-in occurred, Kinoy suggested, because the Administration was privy to the Court’s adverse decision and someone ordered that the phone taps be removed before the Court gave its ruling, scheduled for announcement the Monday after the break-in. Why were so many men caught at Democratic headquarters if their mission was only to repair one faulty tap? Kinoy theorized that the burglars were removing equipment. 
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- Highlight on Page 201 | Loc. 4475-76  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 01:50 PM

Haldeman also endorsed Senator Howard Baker’s 1973 comment: “Nixon and Helms have so much on each other, neither of them can breathe.” 
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Haldeman later argued that the CIA and the Democratic National Committee knew about the first Watergate break-in and that, singly or together, they sabotaged the second. He claimed that the Cubans, Hunt, and McCord remained on the CIA payroll. The CIA’s animosity toward the Administration, its fear that after his re-election Nixon would move decisively to bridle its power, and its determination to protect an old ally, industrialist and financial manipulator Howard Hughes, Haldeman argued, explained the failure of the break-in. 
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- Highlight on Page 202 | Loc. 4494-98  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 05:30 PM

Jim Hougan’s book, Secret Agenda, fleshes out Haldeman’s claims for a pervasive CIA role in Watergate. Hougan has established the most thorough reconstruction of the crime. As evidence of the CIA’s involvement in the events of May-June 1972, Hougan traced the Agency’s dealings back to Howard Hunt’s roles in the Pentagon Papers case and the break-in of Daniel Ellsberg’s psychiatrist’s office. Throughout this period, Hougan argues, Hunt was a CIA operative and regularly reported on Administration doings, particularly the sexual peccadillos of various politicians. 
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- Highlight on Page 203 | Loc. 4507-11  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 05:31 PM

Questions regarding the CIA appear in various segments of the Watergate story. The Agency’s role, however, seems destined to remain shadowy. Such CIA principals as Helms, Deputy Director Vernon Walters, and future Director William Colby have adamantly denied any CIA role in initiating any Watergate events or in implicating the White House. But Assistant U.S. Attorney Earl Silbert charged, and Colby admitted, that the CIA had withheld cooperation with the investigation. What eventually emerged from the inquiries into Watergate—wholly apart from the events of the break-in and subsequent cover-up—was the CIA’s changed relationship to other power centers in the government. 
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- Highlight on Page 204 | Loc. 4532-36  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 05:36 PM

Dean turned the O’Brien matter over to John Caulfield, Ehrlichman’s in-house private detective. Caulfield found little on O’Brien, but he kept running into more details of the Hughes-Nixon connection and warned Dean that it might be dangerous. Nevertheless, the IRS began a tax audit of Robert Maheu, Hughes’s ousted chief aide. Maheu retaliated with a leak to columnist Jack Anderson about a reported $100,000 Hughes payment to Nixon through Bebe Rebozo. Las Vegas journalist Hank Greenspun told Herb Klein that he had information the money had been used to furnish the President’s San Clemente estate. 
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- Highlight on Page 205 | Loc. 4554-59  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 05:38 PM

The so-called “Greek Connection” provides yet another theory for the Watergate break-in. Once again, there is a link to Lawrence O’Brien, and the motive may, like the O’Brien-Hughes theory, lie in G. Gordon Liddy’s contention that the Watergate break-in “was to find out what O’Brien had of a derogatory nature about us, not for us to get something on him or the Democrats. “ James McCord also testified that the purpose of the June 17 break-in was “to do photocopy work of documents” as well as to install new listening devices. The story has its origins in a September 1968 campaign speech delivered by vice-presidential candidate Spiro Agnew. 
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- Highlight on Page 205 | Loc. 4563-69  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 05:39 PM

What had happened? According to Demetracopoulos, the Greek KYP—the intelligence service which had been founded by the CIA and subsequently subsidized by the Agency—had transferred three cash payments totalling $549,000 to the Nixon campaign fund. The conduit was Thomas Pappas, a prominent Greek-American businessman with close links to the CIA, the Colonels, and the Nixon campaign. (Agnew insisted that he “had absolutely no knowledge” of such money.) The charges that KYP money had come into the presidential campaign, with CIA knowledge, were circulated in the United States and in Greece. CIA Director Richard Helms commented with studied ambiguity: “Even if somebody suggests they would like to do it, I would insist that they don’t tell me about it because that is dynamite.” 
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- Highlight on Page 208 | Loc. 4686-87  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 08:50 PM

James McCord, Watergate burglar, former CIA agent, and Chief of Security for CREEP, testifying before the Senate Select Committee.( 
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- Highlight on Page 212 | Loc. 4761-66  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 08:55 PM

Nixon met with Haldeman in the late afternoon of September 15. Watergate was very much on their minds, as was the young lawyer in charge of damage control. Haldeman congratulated himself on having designated John Wesley Dean III for that task. While Dean would not “gain any ground for us,” Haldeman told the President, he would make “sure that you don’t fall through the holes.” Haldeman knew the way to Richard Nixon’s heart. Dean, he noted, was “moving ruthlessly on the investigation of McGovern people, Kennedy stuff, and all that too.” Altogether, Haldeman reported, Dean had turned out to be tougher than he had anticipated. 
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- Highlight on Page 212 | Loc. 4766-74  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 08:56 PM

Such a performance apparently merited a presidential audience. It was close to 5:30 P.M. when the President summoned the White House Counsel. Nixon greeted Dean rather casually. “Hi, how are you?” “Yes sir,” Dean responded. The President wasted no time in coming to the point: “Well, you had quite a day today, didn’t you? You got, uh, Watergate, uh, on the way, huh?” 1 September 15 was an important day for the President’s growing involvement in the cover-up of any White House connection to the break-in. For John Dean, especially, it was a red-letter day, for now he was about to receive official recognition, even blessing, for his direction of the cover-up campaign. He had worked hard for three months to keep the President from falling through the holes. Dean thought he was on his way to the top. From another perspective, at another time, he saw his life that day as “touching bottom.” 
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- Highlight on Page 213 | Loc. 4784-85  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 08:57 PM

Dean’s modest experience typified the Nixon White House; the essential qualifications for important positions consisted of loyalty and subordination. 
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- Highlight on Page 213 | Loc. 4787-92  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 08:58 PM

After he had applied unsuccessfully for a clerkship with District Judge John Sirica, Dean had worked in staff positions in Congress and the Justice Department. Richard Kleindienst, his immediate superior, learned to dislike Dean, yet acknowledged that he had performed with “great distinction.” Kleindienst also claimed that he had warned Dean against moving to the White House, telling him that he would only be “a runner for Ehrlichman”; being “counsel to the President,” he said, was only an illusion. But John Dean—the WASP Sammy Glick—was an adaptable young man: he would move from being John Mitchell’s “boy” to become Haldeman’s, not Ehrlichman’s. 
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- Highlight on Page 214 | Loc. 4799-4803  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 08:59 PM

Solicitor General Erwin Griswold, well acquainted with ambitious young lawyers from his days as Dean of the Harvard Law School, considered John Dean a “nice young man” but nevertheless “was astounded” when he heard of his appointment as White House Counsel. Griswold believed Dean unqualified by either ability or experience. The position, Griswold said, “required a more mature person, with the fiber and strength to stand up to the President and to other people in the White House, and to do it gracefully so that you avoid head-on collisions.” Neither Nixon nor Haldeman included those qualities in their job description, however. 
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- Highlight on Page 215 | Loc. 4816-18  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 09:00 PM

The new Counsel shrewdly sensed that handling what seemed to be the dull, routine matter of interest conflicts offered a key to advancement. He realized that by knowing a man’s financial situation he could gain his confidence. And winning confidence, Dean knew, would bring more “business”—contacts and chores that would make Dean more visible and ever more valued. 
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- Highlight on Page 216 | Loc. 4836-40  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 09:02 PM

Dean’s desire for visibility reaped big dividends following the Watergate break-in. The White House Counsel had just returned from a trip to the Orient, but at Ehrlichman’s instructions he lost no time in talking to a variety of Administration principals regarding their knowledge of the burglary. Dean interviewed Colson, Magruder, Mitchell, Kleindienst, Liddy, and Gordon Strachan, a Haldeman aide. From Strachan, Dean learned that Haldeman had received logs from the wiretaps of the Democratic National Committee. If Haldeman were implicated, Dean realized, the President could not be far behind. 
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- Highlight on Page 216 | Loc. 4840-44  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 09:02 PM

Dean’s role in Watergate began, in his words, as that of a fact-finder. From there, he worked his way up to idea man, and “finally to desk officer.” He met with involved officials, advised them, and made recommendations as to the disposition of evidence. He shuttled between the warring camps in the White House and the Committee to Re-elect the President. John Dean did not initiate the Watergate cover-up, but in time he came to be the orchestrator of the various disparate parties to the cover-up. 
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- Highlight on Page 216 | Loc. 4849-56  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 09:03 PM

The first step in the cover-up belonged to Mitchell and was taken several hours after the news of the burglars’ arrest broke, when he denied any involvement by CREEP officials. On June 19 Colson urged that Howard Hunt’s White House safe be confiscated. Mitchell suggested to Magruder that he “have a little fire” at his house with the Gemstone files. The next day, Haldeman ordered Gordon Strachan to “make sure our files are clean.” Strachan promptly shredded numerous documents. Later that afternoon, Dean and his Associate Counsel, Fred Fielding, sifted the contents of Hunt’s safe, finding evidence of more “dirty tricks,” including an attempt to fabricate a direct link between President Kennedy and the assassination of South Vietnamese President Diem. The safe also contained memos between Colson and Hunt regarding the Plumbers. Dean informed Ehrlichman about the materials, and Ehrlichman told him to “deep six” them. Dean instead gave them to FBI Acting Director L. Patrick Gray. 
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- Highlight on Page 216 | Loc. 4856-60  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 09:04 PM

Haldeman later expressed surprise when he discovered on June 23 that Dean was the “‘project manager’ on the Watergate problem.” He thought Ehrlichman was in charge, but “my crafty friend,” as Haldeman characterized Ehrlichman, had managed to fade out of the picture for the current business. Ehrlichman hastily informed other relevant parties, such as Gray, that Dean had White House responsibility for an “inquiry” into the break-in. Ehrlichman scrambled for distance. 
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- Highlight on Page 217 | Loc. 4872-77  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 09:05 PM

Petersen liked Dean and even confided in him, quite unsuspecting of Dean’s role. Petersen later bitterly recalled that Dean had become the “linch pin” (a term Dean himself used) of the conspiracy, acting through Haldeman and Ehrlichman. He grudgingly recognized that Dean was a splendid choice to direct the cover-up. Because Dean had worked in Congress on the committee to reform the criminal laws, and because he had been in the Justice Department, Petersen said, “we trusted him. We thought he was one of us. He had a degree of rapport with us that an ordinary counsel who just came in out of the political hinterlands never would have had with the Justice Department.” 
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- Highlight on Page 219 | Loc. 4925-30  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 09:08 PM

Helms remembered that he immediately thought Haldeman’s concerns amounted to “baloney,” but he did not know “what the baloney was.” Gray himself testified that Helms told him on July 22, and again on July 27, that the CIA had no concern about the FBI investigation of the burglars’ money. Helms claimed to be mystified about a current White House notion that an FBI investigation would uncover the Agency’s “money-laundering” operation in Mexico; “we never used the term,” he insisted. The CIA, Helms revealed, had no need to operate in such a fashion: “We could get money any place in the world. We ran a whole arbitrage operation. We didn’t need to launder money—ever.” 
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- Highlight on Page 220 | Loc. 4942-46  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 09:09 PM

A couple of weeks later, on July 6, the President telephoned Gray from San Clemente. Gray told Nixon that he and Walters believed that “people on your staff are trying to mortally wound you by using the CIA and the FBI and by confusing the question of CIA interest in, or not in, people the FBI wishes to interview.” The President, Gray reported, paused slightly, and then urged Gray to continue his “aggressive and thorough investigation.” After the call, Nixon advised Ehrlichman not to “raise hell” with Gray or Walters, adding that the White House could take the heat. 
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- Highlight on Page 221 | Loc. 4966-72  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 09:11 PM

“I was being set up by the President of the United States to take a fall.” Thus Richard Helms made his assessment of the President’s political tactics as the summer of 1972 wore on. But Helms was determined not to be the “goat” of the affair. Helms knew that Walters had been a longtime Nixon loyalist and that the President could have his way with him. Helms believed that Nixon intended to “embroil the Agency … and use the Agency as the cover for the cover-up.” Although he later resisted further demands from the White House, however, Helms at first cooperated in allowing the Agency to be used accordingly. His resistance eventually cost him his standing with the President, and his cooperation exposed his treasured organization to unprecedented public scrutiny. The Watergate affair was a disaster for Richard Helms and the CIA. 
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- Highlight on Page 222 | Loc. 4980-86  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 09:13 PM

He pointed to the FBI’s investigation, one by the House Banking and Currency Committee, and John Dean’s “complete investigation” as ample evidence that “we are doing everything we can to take this incident and to investigate it and not to cover it up.” Dean’s investigation had satisfied him, Nixon insisted. “I can say categorically that his investigation indicated that no one in the White House staff, no one in this administration, presently employed, was involved in this very bizarre incident.” Charitably, the President said that “overzealous” people often do wrong things in campaigns. But his charity had limits. “What really hurts” in dealing with wrongdoing, he remarked, “is if you try to cover it up.” 
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- Highlight on Page 222 | Loc. 4996-98  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 09:14 PM

Richard Nixon claimed that his diary entry for September 15 only briefly alluded to the grand-jury indictment of the Watergate burglars. “We hope,” he wrote at the time, “to be able to ride the issue through in a successful way from now on.” For Nixon, this meant that the incident was of only minor concern to him and that the trial of the burglars would end the matter. 
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Dean left the Oval Office shortly after the remarks about the newspapers. He had his orders; he did not talk to the President again until February 28, 1973. The mood then would not be so confident. 
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- Highlight on Page 235 | Loc. 5280-84  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 11:38 PM

Patman, by now, was playing for the historical record. On October 31 he released the House Banking and Currency Committee’s staff report linking CREEP officials to the burglars and charging that the White House had authorized the most effective “curtain of secrecy ever erected.” Ford remained faithful to the Administration, demanding dismissal of the staff members. He derided the report and the Chairman for “last-minute smear tactics.” 42 Just as predictably, the report had no influence on the electorate. 
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- Highlight on Page 235 | Loc. 5293-97  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 11:39 PM

Patman’s inquiry accomplished nothing in the immediate sense, but its encounters with CREEP and the White House had some important consequences. Patman’s pressure required that the cover-up be intensified and expanded, thus widening chances for error and eventual exposure. Meanwhile, Patman had perceived the cover-up. He was a formidable enemy, with a long memory and a penchant for settling scores. Several months later, he ordered his staff to share its materials and findings with Senator Sam Ervin and the newly created Senate Select Committee, named to probe 1972 campaign financing. Patman himself wrote to Ervin, urging that Dean be questioned closely on his interference with the House Banking and Currency Committee. 
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- Highlight on Page 236 | Loc. 5317-18  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 11:41 PM

Richard Nixon and his campaign managers pursued Lyndon Johnson’s 1964 prescription of isolating the opposition and persuading the nation that it had no real alternative to “four more years” of the incumbent. 
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- Highlight on Page 237 | Loc. 5336-39  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 11:43 PM

The President consistently talked about the opportunity to forge a broad mandate. The campaign of 1972 was to be very different from the calculated divisiveness of 1968. Now, the President assiduously courted Democrats, labor, blacks, Jews, and the young, while expecting (quite correctly) that his 1968 constituency would remain with him if only because it had nowhere else to go. 
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- Highlight on Page 239 | Loc. 5383-88  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 11:48 PM

John Dean still had his tasks, busily trying to keep the ball of yarn tightly wrapped. His “firm” was esteemed in inner circles—and was ever more indispensable. “John Dean is handling the entire Watergate matter now,” Haldeman told Colson in March 1973, “and any questions or input you have should be directed to him and to no one else.” For the President, John Dean was “a superb young man.” Later, others would, with anger and bitterness, argue that Dean had “organized and directed” the resistance to the Patman hearings, miraculously absolving anyone else of responsibility and culpability—the incontrovertible evidence of the Oval Office tapes notwithstanding. 
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- Highlight on Page 241 | Loc. 5418-22  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 11:50 PM

In March 1973, Colson told the President that Dean had “done a spectacular job. I don’t think anybody could do as good a job as John has done.” From the other side of the fence, Dean also received lavish praise when FBI investigators later acknowledged “that the President’s most senior associates at the White House conspired for nine months to obstruct our investigation.” 55 The President’s Counsel had not yet fallen from grace. On September 15, 1972, John Dean had promised the President fifty-four days; he had delivered more. 
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- Highlight on Page 243 | Loc. 5443-46  | Added on Friday, April 04, 2014, 11:53 PM

Meanwhile, the President’s familiar enemies-Congress, the government bureaucracy, and the media—began to look beyond the White House version of Watergate as a “third-rate burglary.” New wars seemed in the offing. For good reason, a channel of apprehension paralleled the confident course of the Nixon White House after the November election. 
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- Highlight on Page 247 | Loc. 5548-49  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 12:02 AM

The Gray nomination went to the Senate on February 17. It was the President’s most fateful and disastrous decision in this crucial period, for Gray’s confirmation hearings offered the Democratic Congress an immediate opportunity to raise questions about Watergate. 
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- Highlight on Page 249 | Loc. 5599-5604  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 12:08 AM

But the writer offered several items for consideration, including a reminder that the defendants had been involved in “highly illegal conspiracies … at the behest of senior White House officials.” The warning was blunt: the Administration had been “deficient” in living up to its commitments for financial support and pardons. “To end further misunderstandings,” the defendants set 5:00 P.M. on November 27 as a deadline for the White House to meet financial requirements and offer “credible assurances” that other commitments would be honored. “Loyalty,” they said, “has always been a two-way street.” Liddy, meanwhile, told Dean that he needed money for his lawyer. 
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- Highlight on Page 250 | Loc. 5621-26  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 12:10 AM

Given the times, suspicions were aroused, and some linked the crash to the Watergate case. Dorothy Hunt had traveled with an unusual amount of money. Talk circulated that allegedly she had the same CIA links as her husband, and there was shadowy talk of “hush money.” In any event, the final report of the National Transportation Safety Board on August 29, 1973, found no evidence of “sabotage or foul play” in connection with the accident. Meanwhile, the White House was aware of Mrs. Hunt’s importance in the cover-up. Three months after her death, Dean told the President that she “was the savviest woman in the world. She had the whole picture together,” he said. 19 
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- Highlight on Page 251 | Loc. 5639-47  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 12:12 AM

Nixon knew that his aides had paid money to Hunt and the defendants, but he only worried about finding new donors for “hush money.” “Goddamn hush money,” the President complained, “uh, how are we going to [unintelligible] how do we get this stuff….” In a February 14 conversation with Colson, he talked about maintaining the cover-up: “The cover-up is the main ingredient,” he told Colson. “That’s where we gotta cut our losses; my losses are to be cut. The President’s losses gotta be cut on the cover-up deal.” The day before, Nixon bluntly told Colson that the cover-up must be maintained: “When I’m speaking about Watergate,” the President said, “that’s the whole point of the election. This tremendous investigation rests, unless one of the seven begins to talk. That’s the problem.” But the President had confidence in his old friend John Mitchell, as he was pleased that Mitchell had “stonewalled it up to this point.” Colson and Mitchell were adversaries, but Colson admiringly told the President in response: “John has one of those marvelous, ah, memories.” 
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- Highlight on Page 252 | Loc. 5649-53  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 12:13 AM

He told Colson he knew it was “tough” for him, Haldeman, Ehrlichman, and the rest. But, he promised, “[W]e’re just not gonna let it get us down. This is a battle, it’s a fight, it’s war and we just fight with a little, uh, you know, uh remember, uh, we’ll cut them down one of these days.” In March, both John Dean and Charles Colson advised the President to retain Colson as a consultant without pay in order to maintain a curtain of executive privilege around him. 
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- Highlight on Page 252 | Loc. 5654-57  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 12:13 AM

On January 6, Senator Mike Mansfield had called for a full investigation of Watergate, by a select committee armed with proper funds, staff, and subpoena powers. The time had come, Mansfield said, “to proceed to an inquiry into these matters in a dispassionate fashion.” The Senator thought that his North Carolina colleague, Sam Ervin, was the man to head such an investigation. 
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- Highlight on Page 252 | Loc. 5664-67  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 12:15 AM

Nixon was defensive once more about the press, complaining that L. Patrick Gray was often described as his “political crony.” They had never met in a social situation, Nixon insisted. But the talk of Gray made the President nostalgic for J. Edgar Hoover. “[H]e’d have scared them to death. He’s got [sic] files on everybody, God damn it,” meaning, it seems, that Hoover would have called off the dogs for Nixon. 
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- Highlight on Page 253 | Loc. 5680-85  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 12:17 AM

He emphasized that Dean must get through to Kleindienst—he was the “man who can make the difference,” Nixon said; moreover, Kleindienst “owes Mitchell” for his position. Finally, Nixon again raised the Hiss case and applied it in an odd, almost perverse way. He told Dean that Whittaker Chambers, Hiss’s accuser, suffered greatly because he was an informer. Chambers, he thought, was one of the great men and writers of his time. Still, “they finished him…. [T]he informer is not wanted in our society. Either way, that’s the one thing people do sort of line up against.” 21 Was that pointed advice for John Dean? 
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- Highlight on Page 253 | Loc. 5685-86  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 12:17 AM

The trial of Hunt, Liddy, and the Watergate burglars began on January 10 in the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia. 
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- Highlight on Page 254 | Loc. 5696-5700  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 12:19 AM

That same day, Hunt offered to plead guilty to three charges, but Sirica promptly refused the offer, citing the strength of the government’s case. The public, he admonished, must have “not only the substance of justice but also the appearance of justice.” On January 11 Hunt pled guilty to all six counts. Patriotism was his last refuge. He had acted, he insisted, “in the best interest of my country”; he added that he had no knowledge of “higher-ups” in the conspiracy. Sirica released Hunt on $100,000 bail. 
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- Highlight on Page 254 | Loc. 5700-5702  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 12:19 AM

The four Cuban burglars similarly pled guilty on January 15 to all counts in the indictment. Responding to questions from Sirica regarding their actions, the burglars insisted that they had acted on behalf of Cuban liberation, and because they believed McGovern’s election would lead to Communism in the United States. 
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- Highlight on Page 255 | Loc. 5720-22  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 12:20 AM

Patman’s earlier attempts to unravel the Watergate puzzle failed because of White House pressure, the distractions of the political campaign, and, not least, because his investigation was perceived as a partisan attempt to embarrass the President. 
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- Highlight on Page 257 | Loc. 5782-85  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 12:27 AM

But the White House was not oblivious. The creation of the Senate Select Committee meant that the maintenance of the cover-up would have to be expanded. The new dimensions, however, only increased the likelihood of exposure. Administration resources proved to be limited, vulnerable, and ultimately, incompetent. 
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- Highlight on Page 257 | Loc. 5785-86  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 12:27 AM

The President realized the danger. On February 11, he told Haldeman that they must discredit the hearings, reiterating the now-familiar theme that this was a commonplace “political crime.” 
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- Highlight on Page 260 | Loc. 5848-55  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 12:33 AM

He said nothing about the obvious risk for a Republican judge perceived as favoring a Republican president. Yet Sirica had been Nixon’s kind of judge. And until 1973, Richard Nixon had been John Sirica’s kind of president. Sirica had scheduled sentencing of the Watergate burglars for March 23. Three days earlier, James McCord delivered a letter to the judge’s chambers that led directly to the unraveling of the conspiracy. Recognizing the possibility of a stiff sentence, and “in the interest of restoring faith in the criminal justice system, … [and to] be of help to you in meting out justice in this case,” McCord told Sirica that pressure had been applied to have the defendants maintain silence; that perjury had occurred in the trial; that Watergate was not a CIA operation, but it involved other governmental officials; and that McCord wanted an opportunity to discuss the case at greater length with Sirica. The judge exuberantly told his clerk: “This is going to break this case wide open.” 
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- Highlight on Page 261 | Loc. 5858-60  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 12:33 AM

He wrote to his friend White House aide John Caulfield at the end of December, warning that “if Helms goes, and the Watergate operation is laid at [the] CIA’s feet where it does not belong, every tree in the forest will fall. It will be a scorched desert,” McCord warned. 
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- Highlight on Page 261 | Loc. 5861-65  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 12:33 AM

Richard Nixon knew in advance about McCord’s letter to Sirica. The day it was delivered, the President told Haldeman that Dean and others were concerned about the convicted burglars’ sentences and what Sirica might do. He knew that McCord did not want to go to jail and apparently had decided to talk. Haldeman realized the implications: McCord, he said, “would have a lot on Mitchell.” The President replied as if he were unaware of the connection between the two. John Dean knew the implications: “The dam was cracking,” he later said. 
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- Highlight on Page 261 | Loc. 5865-72  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 12:34 AM

At the same moment, the hearings on L. Patrick Gray’s nomination as Director of the FBI verged on disaster, with Gray about to admit that he had cooperated with Dean in seeking to limit the investigation of the break-in. The nomination also brought a confrontation with the Senate over executive privilege. The day after McCord sent his letter to Sirica, Dean told the President that there was “a cancer on the presidency.” Still, the “containment” effort persisted. Howard Hunt received a $75,000 payment from a White House emissary. Kleindienst, probably acting on White House orders, publicly minimized McCord’s charges and privately wrote to Sirica, chiding him for not sending McCord’s letter through Department of Justice channels. But Assistant Attorney General Petersen knew, as well as the prosecutors did, that Kleindienst’s complaint was beside the point: the case, to use a favorite Oval Office expression, was about to blow. 
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- Highlight on Page 261 | Loc. 5872-73  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 12:34 AM

The President and Haldeman in their March 20 meeting did not see any particular problems for themselves or any other key White House figures, however. 
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- Highlight on Page 261 | Loc. 5874-77  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 12:34 AM

Eight days later, Ehrlichman telephoned Kleindienst, conveying word that no White House people had prior knowledge of the break-in. Nixon wanted Kleindienst to keep him informed on developments in the case, particularly any information that involved White House officials. But he was concerned about Mitchell and the people at CREEP, Ehrlichman reported. “So am I,” Kleindienst added. 
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- Highlight on Page 261 | Loc. 5878-79  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 12:34 AM

After reading the McCord letter in court on March 23, Judge Sirica turned to the sentencing of the other defendants. 
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- Highlight on Page 262 | Loc. 5896-99  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 12:36 AM

Sirica’s threat of maximum sentences skirted dangerously close to the precipice of forcing self-incrimination. The judicial precedents were mixed. An appellate court had vacated sentences in a drug-trafficking case because they trenched upon the defendant’s right to avoid self-incrimination. “Mercy seasons justice,” the court said, “but the quality of mercy is strained when its price is abandonment of the classic freedom against self-incrimination.” 
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- Highlight on Page 262 | Loc. 5899-5904  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 12:36 AM

Two years later, a Second Circuit Court ruling sustained broad discretion for the sentencing judge, including his right to consider matters inadmissible at trial. More to the point of Sirica’s example, the court ruled that when a judge left open the possibility of sentence reduction if the defendant subsequently cooperated, any judicial reference to the defendant’s silence was not a punishment for exercising self-incrimination. Ironically, the losing attorney in that case was Samuel Dash, the designated Majority Counsel for the newly created Senate Select Committee. Dash had recommended the precedent to Sirica, hoping that it might persuade the defendants to cooperate. 
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- Highlight on Page 264 | Loc. 5929-33  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 01:53 PM

The President and his closest White House aides had determined by then that John Mitchell must be a sacrificial lamb if the strategy of containing the revelations was to work. Such passiveness occasionally gave way to exhortation. “Stonewall it,” “plead the Fifth Amendment,” “cover up”—anything to “save the plan,” he said defiantly. But in the next breath, he talked about his preference for “the other way”—in which his good friend John Mitchell would take the blame. 
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- Highlight on Page 264 | Loc. 5935-37  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 01:54 PM

But at bottom, the President recognized the peril. He instructed Haldeman to keep Dean working on the case. From the moment Senator Mansfield proposed a congressional investigation, Nixon was concerned. Dean, he said, should “try to turn it off.” 
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- Highlight on Page 265 | Loc. 5958-63  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 01:56 PM

The optimistic, even cocky, Dean of September 1972 had vanished; for him, the outlook was terribly grim. “We have a cancer within, close to the Presidency, that is growing,” Dean reported. “It is growing daily. It’s compounded, growing geometrically now, because it compounds itself.” Dean thereupon launched into a long narrative of the origins of Watergate and the subsequent White House responses. But radical surgery lay in the distance. For now, the President and his aides launched a new cover-up, one to mask their earlier effort and also to find appropriate people “to take the heat.” 1 Dean’s pronouncement of March 21 was no surprise to Richard Nixon; he already had prepared for that new stage. 
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- Highlight on Page 266 | Loc. 5965-68  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 01:56 PM

The Senate Judiciary Committee’s confirmation hearings began shortly after the President announced Gray’s nomination as FBI Director on February 17. By the end of the month, Gray had acknowledged his direct contacts with the White House during the Watergate investigation, and his ambitions lay shattered. 
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- Highlight on Page 267 | Loc. 6003-12  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 02:00 PM

Gray’s positive achievements were quickly disregarded once the Judiciary Committee hearings disclosed that he had regularly submitted FBI investigative reports to Dean. He contended that Hoover had made a practice of providing reports of ongoing investigations; further, he thought that he was merely supplementing Dean’s own investigation. In a conciliatory move, Gray offered to make the Watergate files available to the senators—an offer later vetoed by the White House. But more was to come. The committee learned that Dean took a week to turn over the contents of Howard Hunt’s White House safe to the FBI (Gray thought nothing was “irregular” about this: “the President’s got a rather substantial interest as to what might be in those papers,” he said on March 6). The Judiciary Committee also secured affidavits from CREEP employees who had cooperated with the investigation, stating that their superiors knew almost immediately about their statements to the FBI. By March 13 the committee had heard enough and voted unanimously to invite Dean to testify. The Democrats indicated that Gray’s nomination might be held hostage pending Dean’s appearance. The next day, however, Dean declined to appear, although he agreed to accept written interrogatories. 
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- Highlight on Page 268 | Loc. 6012-16  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 02:01 PM

The President invoked executive privilege and adamantly opposed any public testimony by his aides. Speaking at his March 2 press conference, Nixon insisted that “no President” could ever allow his Counsel to testify before a congressional committee. Ten days later, he found an enlarged sanctuary in the separation-of-powers doctrine. He transformed separation and independence into unbridled autonomy, maintaining that the manner of exercising assigned executive powers is not subject to questioning by other branches. The fig leaf of executive privilege carried with it high moral purpose. 
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- Highlight on Page 268 | Loc. 6021-22  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 02:01 PM

But in his memoirs, the President recalled that at that press conference, he suddenly realized: “Vietnam had found its successor.” 
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- Highlight on Page 268 | Loc. 6024-28  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 02:02 PM

But he told John Ehrlichman in a taped March telephone conversation that “John Wesley”—Gray appropriated an almost reverential name for Dean—must “stand awful tight in the saddle and be very careful about what he says.” Dean must say that he delivered everything developed by the White House investigation of the break-in to the FBI, Gray warned. All this he put on a note of knowing conspiracy: “I’m being pushed awfully hard in certain areas,” he reminded Ehrlichman, “and I’m not giving an inch and you know those areas.” 
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- Highlight on Page 269 | Loc. 6037-43  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 02:04 PM

The devious Ehrlichman quickly called Dean, and the two snickered about Gray’s alleged toughness. His testimony, Dean said, “makes me gag.” Ehrlichman wondered if Gray had called to “cover his tracks.” He contemptuously dismissed Gray. Ehrlichman wanted Gray to just hang there; “let him twist slowly[,] slowly in the wind.” Dean responded that those were exactly the sentiments of “the boss.” The President, he claimed, had questioned Gray’s ability to lead the Bureau, given the way he had conducted himself before the committee. The President himself decided that Gray was useless and expendable. Nixon told Dean on March 13 that Gray “should not be head of the FBI”; because of the hearings, Nixon added, “he will not be a good Director, as far as we are concerned.” 
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- Highlight on Page 270 | Loc. 6053-55  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 02:05 PM

On March 22, Byrd challenged Gray: was his first duty to the FBI or to the President?—a “tough question,” as Gray characterized it. But he could not “evade” the fact that he took orders from the President. 
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- Highlight on Page 270 | Loc. 6055-60  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 02:06 PM

Gray even admitted he would continue to give Dean FBI reports if the President requested them. Byrd then elicited Gray’s frank charge that Dean had lied when he had told FBI agents that he did not know whether Hunt had an office in the White House. Gray had broken contact with Dean by then, sensing that Dean had pushed beyond the bounds of propriety—and foolishly believing that the White House Counsel was an independent authority. Byrd’s questions were devastating. They involved Gray’s political speeches; his political uses of the FBI; his relations with the President, Dean, and other White House staff members; his conduct of the Watergate investigation; and his personal handling of evidence from Howard Hunt’s safe. 
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- Highlight on Page 272 | Loc. 6104-9  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 02:09 PM

No one better understood the shifting sands of public opinion than John Dean. He had determined that it was time for a direct, thorough discussion with the President of the United States. The President and his men had to confront their past—and their future. Meanwhile the President had created a new layer to the cover-up. On March 12 he issued a blunt statement asserting the nature and broadening the power of executive privilege. Cloaking himself in precedents dating back to George Washington, Nixon argued that executive privilege was sanctioned by the Constitution’s separation-of-powers doctrine and was necessary to protect internal communications of the executive branch regarding vital national concerns. 
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- Highlight on Page 272 | Loc. 6109-10  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 09:26 PM

He insisted that revelations of such communications threatened the candor of discussion and decision making. 
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- Highlight on Page 273 | Loc. 6123-27  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 09:28 PM

The Ervin Committee dominated the President’s thoughts at the March 13 meeting. He asked Dean to summarize the potentially damaging witnesses. Dean thought that particularly vulnerable were Hugh Sloan, the CREEP treasurer, who had passed money to Liddy, and Herbert Kalmbach, Nixon’s lawyer, who had provided hush money to the burglars. Nixon protested that Kalmbach, as his lawyer, merely handled some San Clemente property matters and his income tax—“he isn’t a lawyer in the sense that most people have a lawyer.” 
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- Highlight on Page 274 | Loc. 6147-50  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 09:31 PM

Again, Nixon acknowledged the vulnerability of Mitchell and Haldeman. But he always focused on the roles of others in planning or having knowledge of the break-in. On the surface, Nixon did not recognize that the deep involvement of the White House in the cover-up immediately following the break-in was the real problem. Or did he? Did he not realize that the task now was to cover up the cover-up—to “save the plan,” as he often said? If that was to happen, sacrificial lambs would have to be prepared. 
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- Highlight on Page 274 | Loc. 6151-57  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 09:33 PM

Dean told the President about Ehrlich-man’s role in the break-in of the office of Daniel Ellsberg’s psychiatrist. The President appeared stunned, even mystified, claiming that it was the first he had heard of the matter. “What in the world, what in the name of God was Ehrlichman having something [unintelligible] in the Ellsberg?” Nixon asked. Whatever the answer, the “hang-out road” now had to be even further circumscribed. Another key aide was vulnerable; another “horror” might be revealed. Furthermore, Dean told the President, the CIA had developed pictures Hunt had taken of Liddy in the doctor’s office. Was the CIA, not exactly a reliable Nixon friend, wholly knowledgeable about that break-in? Perhaps not, but the Agency knew that Hunt had some illegal involvement. Here the President lost some of his aplomb, some of his sense of command. 
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- Highlight on Page 275 | Loc. 6166-73  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 09:34 PM

Dean’s recitation began with Haldeman’s instruction that he establish “a perfectly legitimate campaign intelligence operation” at CREEP. John Caulfield first developed a plan, but Mitchell and Ehrlichman agreed with Dean that it was not suitable. Dean then suggested that they commission Gordon Liddy for the task. Liddy proposed several hare-brained and expensive schemes, which again were rejected, but he then enlisted Hunt as an ally. The two visited Colson who, in turn, pressed Magruder for action. Mean-while Haldeman, through his aide, Gordon Strachan, similarly pressured Magruder for campaign intelligence. Magruder responded by turning to Mitchell and urging the campaign to authorize Liddy’s plan to wiretap the Democratic National Committee. Mitchell agreed, and the fruits of the taps went to Strachan, who gave them to Haldeman. Dean informed the President that Magruder ordered Liddy to make a second foray into the Watergate offices—and added that “no one over here knew that. I know, uh, as God is my maker, I had no knowledge that they were going to do this.” 
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- Highlight on Page 276 | Loc. 6197-6200  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 09:38 PM

Money, however, seemed to be no problem. How much do you need, he asked Dean? A million dollars over the next two years, the Counsel replied. “We could get that,” the President said. “[I]f you need the money, I mean, uh, you could get the money… . [Y]ou could get a million dollars. And you could get it in cash. I, I know where it could be gotten…. I mean it’s not easy, but it could be done.” 
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- Highlight on Page 277 | Loc. 6217-24  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 09:40 PM

What was to be done? the President pleaded. Complete disclosure? “Isn’t that the best plan?” Nixon asked. It was Dean’s turn to dodge, for “complete disclosure” threatened him because of his role in the obstruction of justice. Dean wanted the President to ask for another grand jury, order the prosecutors to immunize witnesses, and sacrifice a few individuals. The lawyer-President seemed to have difficulty comprehending the point: “I don’t see it. I can’t see it,” he said. He thought Dean simply had served as a proper President’s Counsel; in any event, he seemed to think the matter could be handled easily enough. Suddenly, the President sounded satisfied with his prospects. “Sometimes it’s well to give them … something, and then they don’t want the bigger fish then.” And just as quickly, he realized that blackmail money still would have to be paid—“it would seem to me that would be worthwhile,” Nixon said. 
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- Highlight on Page 277 | Loc. 6231-32  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 09:42 PM

It was time, the President and Dean decided, for all of the key principals to meet to discuss future strategy—Haldeman, Ehrlichman, Mitchell, Dean, and the President. 
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But Ehrlichman knew that the immediate problem involved Hunt. He favored continuing the pattern of containment and blackmail and ultimately giving Hunt a pardon. Nixon tentatively agreed, yet wondered whether Hunt might get clemency from the court if he talked. Dean warned the President that that was a real possibility; he outlined exactly the scenario that James McCord, not Howard Hunt, had initiated the day before. Dean then contemptuously sneered at those (Colson, Kalmbach, Chapin) who had hired criminal lawyers “to protect their own behinds … ; self-protection is setting in.” Ten days later, Dean himself called a prominent criminal lawyer, disingenuously telling Haldeman that he needed someone to “figure out what everybody else’s criminal liabilities are.” 
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Ehrlichman’s plan had the virtue of most heavily implicating Dean; the President and his favored men apparently did not realize at that point that Dean would not let himself go down alone. 
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Dean’s theory steered the discussion into the question of just who would go to jail. Awareness of possible criminal liability jolted the conversation back to the easiest course of all: continuing the cover-up. All agreed that Hunt must be paid, and the President offered to make a public statement promising cooperation with the Ervin Committee and an internal investigation to quiet growing 
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- Highlight on Page 279 | Loc. 6271-76  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 09:49 PM

Dean’s theory steered the discussion into the question of just who would go to jail. Awareness of possible criminal liability jolted the conversation back to the easiest course of all: continuing the cover-up. All agreed that Hunt must be paid, and the President offered to make a public statement promising cooperation with the Ervin Committee and an internal investigation to quiet growing concern. Dean warned, however, that these were merely stopgap arrangements, again stressing that the story would eventually become public knowledge. That route, Haldeman exclaimed, held out “a certainty, almost, of Magruder going to jail, Chapin going to jail, you going to jail … [and] probably me going to jail.” Soothingly, the President responded: “I question the last two.” 
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- Highlight on Page 280 | Loc. 6281-84  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 09:50 PM

Dean sensed at this point that Haldeman and Ehrlichman ultimately might isolate him. After the meeting broke up, Dean told Richard Moore (who had urged him to speak to the President) that “all of a sudden my two friends, Haldeman and Ehrlichman, don’t know anything about all of this.” Dean also informed his associate Fred Fielding that he saw problems because others refused to admit their complicity. 
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- Highlight on Page 281 | Loc. 6308-12  | Added on Saturday, April 05, 2014, 09:53 PM

Nixon relayed Dean’s concerns about the future, a cue for Nixon to praise Dean’s “superb job here keeping all the fires out” and for Colson to laud his “spectacular job—I don’t think anybody could do as good a job as John has done.” Colson realized that Dean could be charged with obstruction of justice, but he planted an idea Nixon later adopted, that Dean had the double protection of executive privilege and lawyer-client privilege. 
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The March 21 discussions were an overture to the series of meetings that began the next day and continued into April. Much of that time was spent maneuvering John Mitchell and his CREEP aides into position to take responsibility for Watergate, leaving the White House entourage relatively immune. But that scenario had been devised before the President heard Dean’s “cancer” exposé on the twenty-first. The evening before, Nixon and Haldeman met for more than an hour. They knew that McCord had offered to talk; accordingly, they mapped their own strategy. 
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- Highlight on Page 283 | Loc. 6359-64  | Added on Sunday, April 06, 2014, 12:27 AM

Both Nixon and Haldeman believed that Ehrlichman posed a problem, however, not for what he knew about Watergate, but for the break-in of Daniel Ellsberg’s psychiatrist’s office. Haldeman suggested that key aides should prepare statements for publication in the Washington Star, but Nixon objected—“open[s] too many doors.” He would issue a statement, perhaps a general one, expressing confidence in his staff and basing it on “the Dean report”—a nonexistent document to be conjured up when convenient. But both men were sensitive to the danger of saying that any truth was “the whole truth.” “Never, never, never,” the President emphasized. 
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- Highlight on Page 283 | Loc. 6370-73  | Added on Sunday, April 06, 2014, 12:28 AM

The President quickly covered for Colson, asserting his conviction that Colson had no prior knowledge of the Watergate break-in. Nixon and Haldeman both believed that Mitchell had an interest in maintaining the cover-up because of his own complicity in—or at least awareness of—the plan. “No question about that,” Haldeman emphasized. The stage was set for Mitchell to play his part. 
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- Highlight on Page 283 | Loc. 6374-78  | Added on Sunday, April 06, 2014, 12:28 AM

Nixon and Haldeman resumed their conversation for nearly ninety minutes on the morning of March 22. First, Haldeman briefed the President on his use of $350,000 in campaign contributions to pay the defendants. Haldeman had directed Dean to channel the money to Strachan, who in turn gave it to Mitchell’s aide and friend at CREEP, Fred LaRue. The money had been collected since 1968 and had initially been set aside by Haldeman for taking polls and surveys. Nixon argued that none of this constituted an obstruction of justice (as Dean had contended it did) and that the funds were not covered by the recent campaign-financing laws. 
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- Highlight on Page 284 | Loc. 6379-83  | Added on Sunday, April 06, 2014, 12:29 AM

The President insisted that he would not be blackmailed: it was “right” to pay. “God damn it, the people are in jail, it’s only right for people to raise the money for them. I got to let them do that and that’s all there is to it. I think we ought to… . [W]e’re taking care of these people in jail. My God, they did this for—we’re sorry for them. We do it out of compassion… . What else should we do?” More a plea than a question, it seemed. But the bottom line was that the President agreed to blackmail payments. 
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- Highlight on Page 284 | Loc. 6394-97  | Added on Sunday, April 06, 2014, 12:30 AM

Mitchell’s “awfully close to you,” Haldeman said, as if to prod the President, but getting only a grunting “Yeah.” In the terms of an old political saw, Haldeman was a man who “seen his opportunities and took ’em.” Mitchell no longer was as close to the President as Ehrlichman, himself, and, now, Dean had become. Proximity was power and influence. 
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At 2:00 P.M. on March 22, the President assembled Haldeman, Ehrlichman, Mitchell, and Dean and asked, “[W]hat, uh, words of wisdom do we have from this august body on this point?” Rather sarcastically, Ehrlichman remarked that “our brother Mitchell” had brought some wisdom on the matter of executive privilege. Mitchell seemed to sense his vulnerability and cautioned his erstwhile law partner that the more he waived executive privilege, the less it was worth. He urged tough negotiations with Senator Ervin, through Howard Baker, and he recommended organizing “a damn good PR team” in order to avoid “a political roadshow.” Given his vulnerabilities, Ehrlichman heartily endorsed Mitchell’s advice. Haldeman worried that any testimony might indicate that “the President was involved”—certainly an uncomfortable possibility for him, as well. 
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- Highlight on Page 285 | Loc. 6418-20  | Added on Sunday, April 06, 2014, 12:32 AM

Who would testify before the Ervin Committee? Haldeman knew the committee wanted “big fish,” meaning that he and Ehrlichman could not avoid an appearance. He seemed confident they could handle things. Clearly, everyone appeared anxious to keep Dean away from the committee: his vulnerability was the vulnerability of all. There was talk of the lawyer-client relationship to give him further protection. 
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Thus Richard Nixon interpreting history and applying its lessons: “I don’t give a shit what happens,” he defiantly told his men. “I want you all to stonewall it, let them plead the Fifth Amendment, cover-up or anything else, if it’ll save the plan. That’s the whole point.” 
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- Highlight on Page 289 | Loc. 6510-12  | Added on Sunday, April 06, 2014, 12:41 AM

If Goldwater believed that the President and his men had lied, then indeed the President was in trouble. But Nixon preferred his own options: stonewalling, modified limited hang outs, sacrificial lambs. He remained confident that he could get his house in order as April approached. But truly, for him it became the “crudest month.” 
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- Highlight on Page 291 | Loc. 6543-46  | Added on Sunday, April 06, 2014, 12:44 AM

Two days later Magruder and his lawyer began extended discussions with Silbert leading to a confession and a plea bargain. The deal was struck on April 14, but a day earlier, Haldeman delegated his top aide, Larry Higby—popularly known as “Haldeman’s Haldeman”—to sound out Magruder. Magruder told Higby that the U.S. Attorney’s office would get all the facts, but Haldeman, he assured Higby, would have “no problem.” Mitchell, Dean, and Liddy had problems, but not Haldeman, Magruder insisted. 
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- Highlight on Page 292 | Loc. 6569-74  | Added on Sunday, April 06, 2014, 11:26 AM

The talks of April 14 began with a morning meeting of more than two and one-half hours between the President, Haldeman, and Ehrlichman. The tape recordings of the conversations at times appear disjointed. The transcripts have been cannibalized for a juicy tidbit here, a titillating curse there. Interpreting the transcripts as showing hesitation or uncertainty in the Oval Office would be an error, however. The transcripts reflect a consistent line of discussion. Certainly, participants occasionally sounded unsure of matters, but that only mirrored the compartmentalization that Nixon generally had imposed on his dealings with aides. The President himself always seemed to know the correct answers, and throughout he established and maintained the drift and tone of the conversations. In his most perilous moments, Richard Nixon remained the man on top. 
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- Highlight on Page 294 | Loc. 6614-15  | Added on Sunday, April 06, 2014, 11:30 AM

Perhaps Richard Nixon saw Agnew as a pawn; neither then nor later did he understand that Agnew represented a built-in insurance policy against impeachment proceedings directed at himself. 
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- Highlight on Page 295 | Loc. 6625-30  | Added on Sunday, April 06, 2014, 11:32 AM

Ehrlichman had his own agenda. Mitchell, of course, was his primary target, but Ehrlichman thought that Dean, too, should be given an opportunity to serve the President in like fashion. He reminded Nixon of Dean’s knowledge of the hush money, as well as several other links to the cover-up. Ehrlichman did not want Dean fired; if he remained as the President’s Counsel, Ehrlichman believed that Silbert and the grand jury would be more respectful. The President then spoke carefully about Dean’s role. He “only tried to do what he could to pick up the Goddamn pieces and … everybody else around here knew it had to be done… . Uh, let’s face it. I’m not blaming anybody else … That was his job.” 
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Shortly after 5:00 P.M. on that April 14, Ehrlichman returned to the Oval Office to report on his meeting with Magruder and his lawyers. It was as expected: Magruder would implicate Mitchell, along with Dean. 
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- Highlight on Page 297 | Loc. 6682-84  | Added on Sunday, April 06, 2014, 09:11 PM

He had given the prosecutors details of the extent to which Dean’s coaching had led to his earlier perjured testimony. Nixon realized that Dean might be an enemy within, now that he found himself threatened. 
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At the end of the conversation the President cursed the growing official and public preoccupation with the Watergate story. “[D]ragging the God damn … thing out and dragging it out and being—and having it be the only issue in town,” he complained to Ehrlichman. Get the “son of a bitch done,” he said. Indict Mitchell and the rest; there would be a horrible two-week scandal, but he was sure they could survive. He thought the story might appear worse than Teapot Dome, but he saw a difference: no venality, no thievery, no favors. Still, he realized the seriousness of the picture if Mitchell were indicted. And then there was what he described as the vulnerability of others—he must have realized that these others included him—regarding the charges of obstruction of justice. On this front, he exhorted Haldeman and Ehrlichman to fight. After all, he said, “we were simply trying to help these defendants.” 
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- Highlight on Page 299 | Loc. 6714-18  | Added on Monday, April 07, 2014, 10:38 AM

Whatever empathy or relief the President expressed toward Magruder in his diary entry was forgotten as he told Haldeman that he just could not depend on Magruder. He seemed particularly anxious to establish the line that money payments to the defendants had not been intended to obstruct justice. He reassured himself that it would be the word of felons such as McCord and Hunt against the word of those who raised the money. But he worried that someone might have “some piece of paper that somebody signed or some God damned thing… .”—as if in fear that written or taped evidence would undermine the White House in some way. 
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- Highlight on Page 302 | Loc. 6798-6800  | Added on Monday, April 07, 2014, 10:48 AM

Furthermore, for the first time Ehrlichman informed Nixon that he had urged Dean to reveal everything in the summer of 1972, but that Dean had refused, ostensibly because doing so would hurt the campaign. Dean in fact, Ehrlichman argued, had been protecting Mitchell. 22 
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- Highlight on Page 302 | Loc. 6789-93  | Added on Monday, April 07, 2014, 10:48 AM

John Dean still had some White House cards to play. He called Haldeman on April 15 to relay some messages to Nixon. Dean wanted the President to understand that he remained loyal; “if it’s not clear now, … it will become clear,” Dean said. He refused to meet Ehrlichman, but he would meet the President at any time. Finally, he urged Nixon to counsel with Petersen, “who I assure you does not want the Presidency hurt.” Although Nixon seemed unsure about Dean, Haldeman and most emphatically Ehrlichman had turned rather sharply on him. 
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- Highlight on Page 303 | Loc. 6809-11  | Added on Monday, April 07, 2014, 10:50 AM

Within a half-hour, Dean met the President. He remembered later that Nixon asked him “leading questions which made me think the conversation was being taped.” Specifically, he recalled Nixon’s remark that his March 21 statement about raising a million dollars to sustain the cover-up had been merely a joke. 
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- Highlight on Page 303 | Loc. 6816-23  | Added on Monday, April 07, 2014, 10:51 AM

Two hours later—near midnight—the President phoned Petersen again. The relationship seemed to be becoming intimate. Nixon anxiously tried to give Petersen the impression that he was deeply involved in the case and interested only in pursuing the truth. “The main thing, Henry, we must not have any question, now, on this, you know I am in charge of this thing. You are and I am. Above everything else and I am following every inch of the way and I don’t want any question … of the fact that I am … way ahead of the thing. You know,” he emphasized, “I want to stay one step ahead of the curve.” Petersen then revealed which principals would be questioned in the next several days. When the President slyly, almost parenthetically, asked about Haldeman and Ehrlichman, Petersen indicated that they might have to resign. He promised to give the President “all the facts with respect to them into a pattern.” Unwittingly, but understandably, Petersen had informed the wrong man of his plans. 
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- Highlight on Page 304 | Loc. 6838-40  | Added on Monday, April 07, 2014, 10:54 AM

John Dean clearly emerged as the principal “enemy.” Dean “stonewalled,” he “shot down” White House attempts to make a clean breast of things in 1972, and “he dug in his heels.” Haldeman and Ehrlichman desperately made the case against John Dean. 
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- Highlight on Page 304 | Loc. 6844-48  | Added on Monday, April 07, 2014, 10:54 AM

Haldeman and Ehrlichman passed Dean on their way out of the Oval Office, “laughing like college pranksters,” Dean recalled, until they saw him. Dean realized they did not look like men who had been told to resign. When he sat down, the President immediately confronted him with the alternative letters that Ehrlichman, apparently, had prepared. Dean balked, insisting that Haldeman and Ehrlichman, too, must resign. The President then baldly lied, claiming that he had similar letters from them. Dean warned Nixon against believing that the aides had no problem. “I’m telling you, they do,” he declared. Nixon then seemed to agree. 
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- Highlight on Page 305 | Loc. 6862-66  | Added on Monday, April 07, 2014, 10:55 AM

The President’s treatment included fatherly advice on truth-telling. “John, I want you to tell the truth,” the President said. “I have told everybody around here, said, ‘God damn it, tell the truth.’ ’Cause all they do [when they lie], John, is compound it.” The experienced Nixon offered his advice, resurrecting Alger Hiss’s perjury. “[D]on’t ever lie with these bastards,” Nixon emphasized. He reminded Dean that right clearly could be distinguished from wrong, but when Dean agreed, the President added: “perhaps there are gray areas.” 
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- Highlight on Page 307 | Loc. 6911-12  | Added on Monday, April 07, 2014, 10:59 AM

as Petersen later explained, “The Son of God could not have turned off that investigation in April 1973.” 
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- Highlight on Page 307 | Loc. 6918-21  | Added on Monday, April 07, 2014, 01:20 PM

John Dean was history for the President, who now focused his energies on Petersen. Perhaps Nixon remembered Dean’s March 21 characterization of Petersen as a “soldier,” one who “believes in this Administration.” Nixon called Petersen at nine that evening, again urging him to share information. He wanted grand-jury information, promising not to pass it on to anyone else—“because I know the rules of the Grand Jury.” 
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- Highlight on Page 308 | Loc. 6932-35  | Added on Monday, April 07, 2014, 01:21 PM

For the last two weeks in April, Haldeman and Ehrlichman underestimated the President’s resolve. They joined him in finger-pointing sessions to lay the blame at the feet of others (Magruder, Mitchell, Dean, Gray), conjuring up explanations, skewing memories—all designed to rationalize their behavior and impugn that of others. The idea of “getting out in front of the story” disappeared in a wash of recriminations and excuses. 
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- Highlight on Page 308 | Loc. 6941-43  | Added on Monday, April 07, 2014, 01:22 PM

When Petersen recommended that Haldeman and Ehrlichman resign, the President listened. He knew his aides had to go. Undoubtedly he was loath to dismiss them, but Richard Nixon’s antennae of self-interest left him no choice. He realized this by April 16: for the rest of the month, however, he played out the string, hoping that his advisers would leave quietly and of their own accord. 
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- Highlight on Page 309 | Loc. 6948-50  | Added on Monday, April 07, 2014, 01:24 PM

On April 17 he acknowledged that “major developments” had resulted from “intensive new inquiries” he had made into the affair. His Secret Service agent remembered that the President sobbed after his statement. Later that afternoon 
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- Highlight on Page 309 | Loc. 6951-52  | Added on Monday, April 07, 2014, 01:24 PM

On April 17, with one unforgettable word, Ziegler declared all his previous remarks on Watergate “inoperative.” 33 That dramatic concession clashed with Nixon’s reluctance to act decisively in his own house. 
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- Highlight on Page 310 | Loc. 6986-88  | Added on Monday, April 07, 2014, 01:27 PM

Ron Ziegler knew that he would face hostile questions, but he agreed to state simply that this now was the “operative” statement. “Don’t [expletive deleted] on Dean,” the President cautioned Ziegler, apparently still hoping to cut a deal in that quarter. 
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- Highlight on Page 314 | Loc. 7067-71  | Added on Monday, April 07, 2014, 01:33 PM

Ehrlichman warned that if he had to take leave, “I gotta start answering questions.” Whether he was presenting a fact or a threat was not clear. “Let me ask you this, to be quite candid,” the President responded. “Is there any way you can use cash?” Haldeman reacted with a blend of fury and sarcasm. They were being “drummed” out of office for their “supposed role” in payments to the defendants, and now the President offered them cash. “That compounds the problem,” he told Nixon. “That really does.” 
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- Highlight on Page 314 | Loc. 7074-79  | Added on Monday, April 07, 2014, 01:34 PM

Ehrlichman contributed his part: “The American people—you gotta go on the assumption that the American people want to believe in their President.” Cover-up still was the order of the day, but now John Dean would be the scapegoat. 43 Haldeman listened to the March 21 tape that afternoon and then gave an interpretation that would remain at the foundation of the President’s defense. Nixon and Dean had discussed the White House’s role in the break-in and the defendant’s demands for money. Now, Haldeman proposed the following version: Nixon had asked leading questions; he was trying to “bust the case,” and he did not know “whether to believe this guy [Dean] at this point.” 
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- Highlight on Page 314 | Loc. 7079-83  | Added on Monday, April 07, 2014, 06:38 PM

The President had also then realized that Hunt was blackmailing him on the Plumbers, but he no longer would support payments because he knew he could defend the burglary of Ellsberg’s psychiatrist on national-security grounds. Haldeman was not sure that this interpretation of the March 21 record could be sustained—particularly if Dean had a different version of the conversation. “I just wonder if the son-of-a-bitch had a recorder on him,” Nixon remarked. 
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- Highlight on Page 315 | Loc. 7096-99  | Added on Monday, April 07, 2014, 06:39 PM

Now, the President said, Ehrlichman had to take a leave of absence. Bad news exploded like Chinese firecrackers. Two minutes after Kleindienst called about the Plumbers, Nixon learned that the New York Times was about to reveal Pat Gray’s destruction of the evidence from Hunt’s safe linking Colson to the Plumbers—evidence Ehrlichman had suggested that Gray “deep six.” 
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- Highlight on Page 315 | Loc. 7101-2  | Added on Monday, April 07, 2014, 06:40 PM

“I mean, we don’t have any investigators, that’s our problem, see,” he said. This, as Haldeman later noted, from the man who created the Plumbers. 
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- Highlight on Page 315 | Loc. 7103-7  | Added on Monday, April 07, 2014, 06:40 PM

Not all the bad news reached the White House. The prosecutors had learned from Anthony Ulasewicz, a former New York policeman, that he had been a courier for Herbert Kalmbach and had delivered cash payments to several of the Watergate defendants, including $154,000 to Howard Hunt. 46 With Ulasewicz offering corroborating testimony, John Dean’s credibility increased significantly. So, too, did his vulnerability—as did that of his various superiors at the White House. 
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- Highlight on Page 315 | Loc. 7107-8  | Added on Monday, April 07, 2014, 06:40 PM

On April 27 Nixon spoke to Assistant Attorney General Petersen again. Published reports indicated that Dean had implicated the President. 
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- Highlight on Page 317 | Loc. 7134-38  | Added on Monday, April 07, 2014, 06:43 PM

Pat Gray’s withdrawal of his nomination as FBI Director, on April 5, allowed him to stay in place pending the appointment of a successor. But the end for Gray came suddenly on April 27—probably before either he or the President intended, particularly in the light of Nixon’s crisis involving the futures of his closest White House aides. The New York Times revealed that Ehrlichman and Dean had given Gray, then Acting FBI Director, the contents of Howard Hunt’s office safe at a White House meeting on June 28, 1972. Dean reportedly said that the contents “should never see the light of day.” Gray accepted the material after Dean assured him that it had nothing to do with the Watergate incident. 
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- Highlight on Page 318 | Loc. 7172-74  | Added on Monday, April 07, 2014, 06:47 PM

The Plumbers and the Gray revelations proved too much for Attorney General Kleindienst. On Friday, April 27, as Gray stepped down, Kleindienst decided to submit his resignation the following Monday. But Richard Nixon had other plans. On Sunday he summoned Haldeman and Ehrlichman to Camp David to demand their resignations. 
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- Highlight on Page 319 | Loc. 7183-85  | Added on Monday, April 07, 2014, 06:48 PM

Nixon called Kissinger that evening, “nearly incoherent with grief,” and told him that he needed him more than ever, to “help me protect the national security matters now that Ehrlichman is leaving.” Kissinger spitefully, but correctly, regarded the remark as both “a plea and a form of blackmail.” 
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- Highlight on Page 319 | Loc. 7199-7203  | Added on Monday, April 07, 2014, 06:50 PM

Nixon later realized that he had amputated both arms. Perhaps he could survive, he recalled, but the day left him “so anguished and saddened that from that day on the presidency lost all joy for me.” He noted that he had written his last full diary entry on April 14. “Events became so cheerless that I no longer had the time or the desire to dictate daily reflections.” But an anonymous aide fit the event into a familiar Nixon pattern: “For Nixon,” he claimed, “the shortest distance between two points is over four corpses.” 
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- Highlight on Page 324 | Loc. 7237-41  | Added on Monday, April 07, 2014, 11:50 PM

Pat Buchanan pleaded with Nixon not to appease his opponents. This was not the time, Buchanan warned, “to surrender all claim to the positions we have held in the past”; instead it was a time for a “low profile and quiet rearmament in this worthwhile struggle.” He urged Nixon to take the offensive and not passively “suffer the death of a thousand cuts.” Nixon responded that it would be useful to unleash Spiro Agnew or John Connally to say that the President had been right in his handling of the Watergate affair. 
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he had been jumped over 240 senior officers. In January 1973, Nixon nominated Haig to be the Army’s Vice Chief of Staff to replace Palmer, although Haig’s selection went against the recommendations of both outgoing Chief of Staff William Westmoreland and his successor, Creighton Abrams. After Haig moved to the Pentagon, the President provided him with a secure phone link to the White House, and Haig remained “deeply involved” in Administration affairs. Haig’s connection only fueled resentment in the Pentagon. 6 Until the Watergate crisis, Haig was a shadowy figure, yet one Nixon trusted in a special way. In the wake of the Joint Chiefs of Staff’s spying on Kissinger and the National Security Council in 1971, the President directed that nothing be done to harm Haig. Haig was then Kissinger’s deputy, although many suspected that he kept both White House and Pentagon officials apprised of Kissinger’s activities. 
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When, as Secretary of State in 1981, Haig appeared at the White House following the attempted assassination of President Reagan and proclaimed, “I am in charge here,” many observers found him displaying a familiar pattern of behavior—characterized by Bull as a “very serious personality disorder.” Haldeman, Bull recalled, never had to remind others of his authority, and Haig often expressed insecurity about himself vis-à-vis Haldeman. 
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Haig had a way of making himself indispensable, like Thomas Cromwell, who in a famous play described his role for Henry VIII: “I do things.” 
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The President, Richardson claimed uneasily, had promised him that he would be a “counterweight” to Kissinger in mapping the Administration’s geopolitical strategy. 
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Richardson sensed that Nixon must curb his well-known proclivity for nursing grievances; above all, he believed, the President must realize that he had “arrived,” that he had stature in the eyes of the people. “[Y]ou have won—not only won, but been reelected by a tremendous margin. You are the President of all the people of the United States. There is no ‘they’ out there—nobody trying to destroy you.” But he remembered that the President sat mute, offering no expression of either agreement or disagreement. 11 Richardson’s truth, as he saw it, simply did not fit Richard Nixon’s perception of reality or his favorite guise of outsider. 
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More than half the lawyers who served in the Special Prosecutor’s office had graduated from the Harvard Law School. Cox’s sweeping authority alarmed the Administration even more than his personnel. 
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Richardson and Cox agreed on a charter, and on May 31, the Attorney General directed Cox to investigate all “possible offenses” of the Administration—not just those relating to the Watergate break-in, but including all other “allegations involving the President, members of the White House staff or presidential appointees.” Nixon was “shocked and angry.” Richardson assured Haig that the language referred only to the Watergate break-in and cover-up, but the President knew better. His doubts, resentments, and fears only magnified. His staff and supporters mirrored his mood. Within a few months, White House lawyers and the President’s supporters were contemptuously referring to the Special Prosecutor’s office as “Coxsuckers,” or as “Cox’s Army,” one with “sharp ideological axes to grind.” The Special Prosecutor’s office appeared to them as nothing less than the vanguard for Senator Kennedy’s march to the White House. 
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Perhaps Cox was the wrong man for the job. What he represented, and how he proceeded, undoubtedly exacerbated the situation. Henry Petersen, who naturally resented the transfer of the case from his own jurisdiction, thought Cox “ultra-liberal” and believed the post should have gone to “a less partisan man.” The job required a man “with more detachment”; Cox’s rectitude, Petersen thought, was “second only to God.” Less than three months after Cox’s appointment, Petersen bitterly described his resentment to the Senate Select Committee. “Damn it,” he exploded, “I think it is a reflection on me and the Department of Justice. We could have broken that case wide open, and we would have done it in the most difficult circumstances… . That case was snatched out from under us when we had it 90 percent completed.” By that time, Petersen realized how the President of the United States and his Counsel, John Dean, had so badly misled him. It was a frustrating conclusion to a worthy career. 
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The perception that the Justice Department’s investigation was compromised was not without reason, but both Cox and Ervin knew better. The U.S. Attorney’s office had in fact discovered the cover-up conspiracy and had broken the case by the time Cox took control, and before Senator Ervin’s committee provided a public venting of what the prosecutors had learned. 
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The Senator, furthermore, failed to acknowledge John Dean’s success in keeping the prosecutors at bay. 
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Time flew like an arrow for Silbert and his colleagues. The Senate hearings opened on May 17, and Richardson appointed Cox the next day. The U.S. Attorneys’ days in the case were numbered. 
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Cox eased the transition in order not to lose the momentum of the case. The federal prosecutors briefed their successors at great length as to the evidence and prosecutorial theories they had developed. James Neal, who had gained the conviction of Jimmy Hoffa, was brought to Washington by Cox in late May, to prepare for prosecutions. Neal graciously complimented the prosecutors for their efforts. Silbert was ambivalent. The appointment of the Special Prosecutor deprived him and his associates of a proper share of public credit; still, he had grown weary of the unfair criticism and of maintaining proper procedures and fairness in the face of media pressures. Ultimately, he acknowledged that “the special prosecutor may be considered necessary for the appearance of justice.” 
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The federal prosecutors’ report to Cox was a turning point for the President’s fortunes. For the first time a duly constituted authority had officially raised the possibility of Nixon’s own involvement in aspects of the criminal conspiracy. Ironically, the May 22 press conference statement of the President had raised the prosecutors’ suspicions. (“I neither authorized nor encouraged subordinates to engage in illegal or improper campaign tactics.”) 
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As the case passed to the Special Prosecutor, the U.S. Attorney’s office provided Cox with their materials. Silbert and his colleagues would not reap the harvest of a year’s intimate contact with the Watergate case and the growing ramifications of it; that glory would belong to others. On June 29 they wrote to Cox, renewing a request to withdraw from the case. They used the occasion to state the record of their long, arduous work. By mid-April their office had uncovered “the existence of a massive conspiracy to obstruct justice, the participants therein, and their motives.” 
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Cox perceived that his task force had a substantial rival in the Senate Select Committee. The committee had been at its work for more than three months when Cox appeared on the scene. The day before Richardson announced Cox’s appointment, the committee launched its public hearings. Cox quickly came to the same conclusion that Earl Silbert had reached: the committee’s public hearings could well interfere with future prosecutions. 
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When Dean and Baker later clashed over this meeting in an executive session of the committee, Dean admitted that Baker had urged the President to waive executive privilege. But he insisted that Nixon believed he had Baker’s commitment to aid the White House. Colson told the President on March 21 that Baker was eager to cooperate and that the Senator had signalled the President to ignore his public statements, as they were for “political” consumption. Baker met Kleindienst for secret consultations, and a Baker aide informed Colson that Baker hoped to “control” Ervin. 
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Baker and Ehrlichman held lengthy discussions regarding television coverage of the hearings. They talked several times in late March and early April, and on several occasions. Baker spoke to the President. 
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At a crucial May 8 executive session of the committee, Baker argued that the burglars (excepting McCord) and the arresting police officers should appear first, followed by Mitchell, Colson, Haldeman, and Ehrlichman. Dean would be last, thus enabling the others to avoid responding to his accusations. Baker also wanted senators to question witnesses before the committee counsels had their turn. Ervin would have none of it: “Well, my daddy used to say that if you hire a lawyer, you should either take his advice or fire him. Since we’re not planning to fire Sam Dash, I suggest we take his advice.” 
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Throughout March and April Weicker became a familiar television figure, particularly for his spirited defense of Pat Gray and then for his equally spirited assault on the White House for its manipulation of Gray. But for many, much of that anger appeared contrived to boost the political stock of a first-term Senator who had captured only 38 percent of the vote in a threeway race. 
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Yet those statements were devastating, particularly Baker’s relentless—but largely misunderstood—line: “What did the President know, and when did he know it?” 
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He projected extremely well on television, combining a boyish smile with the appearance of a diffident, nonpartisan pursuit of the truth. In the end, Baker served himself well: a Republican, he nonetheless emerged from a Democratic-dominated show with his reputation substantially enhanced. He subsequently parlayed that performance into the position of Senate Republican leader and gained national visibility as a presidential contender. 
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Sam Ervin had been a prime force in establishing the committee, and he easily dominated it. His Democratic colleagues gave him free rein. He hired Dash, a man with a considerable background in criminal law as a prosecutor and professor, who in turn assembled a formidable staff of lawyers and investigators. Dash, at forty-eight, was eighteen years older than Fred Thompson, his Republican counterpart. His experience in the Philadelphia District Attorney’s office and as a trial attorney in the Criminal Division of the Department of Justice, and his prominence in academic circles, dwarfed Thompson’s brief tenure as an Assistant U.S. Attorney in Tennessee with a few years in private practice. Ervin, Dash, and the majority staff simply overwhelmed the lesser—and divided—Republican forces. 
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By the beginning of the second week, the networks reached an unprecedented agreement among themselves to rotate live coverage, ostensibly to satisfy “viewer discontent.” The real discontent was in the boardrooms, since each hour of pre-empted programming lost the networks an estimated $120,000 in advertising revenues. 
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“It now appears,” he added, that some persons had “gone beyond” his directives and used national security as an excuse “to cover up any involvement they or certain others might have had in Watergate.” 
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A month earlier, on April 17, when the President publicly acknowledged his recognition of “serious charges” about the Watergate case, he had insisted emphatically that he “reserved” executive privilege and that it might be asserted regarding any questions raised during the hearings. 45 The President’s reversal on May 22 dramatically underscored his eroding position; nothing declined more sharply than his ability to challenge Congress. 
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Now, in May, such confidence, such arrogance was on the wane. Nixon’s reversal on executive privilege signaled the retreat. The steady stream of his men before the Senate Select Committee left the doctrine in shambles, at least as far as Congress was concerned. The courts, indeed, provided one final forum for invoking the privilege, but that was for another day. 
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His “friend” corroborated much of McCord’s story. Caulfield acknowledged that he had lengthy discussions with Dean regarding McCord’s silence and executive clemency. 
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The testimony of McCord and Caulfield revealed that Nixon would have vigorous support within the committee. When McCord offered the first intimation of White House involvement, Baker quickly interrupted to establish that McCord’s belief was based on hearsay evidence that he had picked up from Gordon Liddy. Gurney similarly broke in to note that Caulfield was not working in the White House when he allegedly delivered the messages to McCord. 
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Quoting Ralph Waldo Emerson, Ruckelshaus concluded that “this time ‘like all times is a very good one, if we but know what to do with it.’” 
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Sloan discussed the matter with the campaign finance chairman, Maurice Stans, who told him: “I do not want to know and you do not want to know” why Liddy needed money. 
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Magruder had a grant of immunity from Judge Sirica. When he testified, what had been rumor for weeks was publicly stated before the committee by a key principal, as Magruder implicated Mitchell, Dean, LaRue, and Strachan in the planning and cover-up of the Watergate break-in. 
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His mind was not a tape recorder, as he told Gumey and Inouye, but he had an uncanny ability to recall whole passages of conversation, recollections eventually substantiated by tape recordings of Oval Office talks. 
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The rest of Dean’s testimony described the cover-up and his role in it. He revealed with uncanny accuracy the crucial September 15, 1972 meeting with Nixon and Haldeman. Dean had left that meeting, he remembered, with “the impression that the President was well aware of what had been going on regarding the success of keeping the White House out of the Watergate scandal.” 
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John Dean was different. He had challenged the integrity and image of the Administration; more important, he had portrayed the Nixon White House as deeply entwined in illegal activities and the obstruction of justice. Dean’s exposing the falsity of Nixon’s sponsorship of any serious attempt to investigate Watergate was reminiscent of the remark of a critic of Freudian psycho-analysis who called it “the disease that presumes itself the cure.” 
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Higby contended that people had talked to Dean believing that they were covered by lawyer-client confidentiality; now, Higby said, Dean used that information for his own advantage and to damage others. No one, however, understood the implications of Dean’s testimony better than the President. During Dean’s testimony, he listened to relevant tape recordings of his meetings with his former Counsel. 
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Throughout, Dean maintained his composure, his appearance of restraint, and above all, his consistency. 
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Earlier, in executive session, Ervin spoke to the President on the telephone and described the substance of the letter. Throughout the call, Ervin insisted that “we are not out to get anybody.” The Senator assured the President that he would be delighted to say that there was “nothing in the world to connect you with the Watergate in any way.” Nixon told Ervin that he was ill with viral pneumonia and would be hospitalized. He added that he would meet the Chairman at some future date to discuss the impasse. 
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The printed record inadequately conveys Mitchell’s behavior. His recalcitrance, his foggy, vague answers, his angry interruptions, and his snide, sarcastic remarks directed at the committee and at some of his own associates need to be seen and heard to be fully appreciated. His long pauses, his silent rejection of questions, and his facial expressions amply reflected his absolute contempt for the proceedings and his total loyalty to the President. That loyalty is the more remarkable in view of what Mitchell and the President both knew: Mitchell acted as he did despite Nixon’s eagerness to make him a scapegoat just two months earlier. 
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As Dash led Mitchell through his knowledge of the Huston Plan and the Plumbers’ operations, Mitchell referred to these activities as the “White House horrors.” His remarks at this point effectively diminished the singularity and importance of the Watergate break-in and provided a window on the entire pattern of wrongdoing and abuse of power in the Administration. He bluntly stated that the cover-up really was designed to conceal the “horrors” rather than any aspects of the Watergate break-in. Watergate, in short, “did not have the great significance that the White House horror stories … had,” Mitchell concluded. 
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With obvious pain and emotion, Ervin described it as “the greatest tragedy” in American history—one even more profound than the Civil War, which at least had the redeeming qualities of sacrifice and heroism. “I see no redeeming features in Watergate,” he concluded. 
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Damon Runyon might have written the script for Ulasewicz’s testimony. The former New York policeman’s comic descriptions of driving on the Washington Beltway, carrying a money changer for telephone calls, putting keys and envelopes in phone booths, lurking around corners, behaving in an exaggeratedly surreptitious manner, and delivering cryptic messages would have been the stuff of Broadway comedy except for the serious implications of his efforts. “Who thought you up?” Baker asked, much to the amusement of the audience. But Inouye soberly demanded to know whether Ulasewicz actually believed that he had delivered money for the legal defense of the Watergate conspirators. “Not likely,” Ulasewicz admitted. 
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all of which, he noted, provoked disappointment and disillusionment in younger people and affected their attitude toward public service. What advice could Strachan give them? “Stay away,” he retorted, probably not offering quite the penitent statement Montoya desired. 
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When Ervin quoted a Biblical parable, Ehrlichman snapped back: “I read the Bible, I don’t quote it.” 
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Ehrlichman had managed to skirt discussion of the White House tapes. For Haldeman, who acknowledged that he had supervised the installation of the recording devices, that was not so easy. Furthermore, he infuriated the senators when they learned that he had had access to the tapes and had taken them to his house as part of his preparation for his testimony. Ervin sarcastically noted as a “strange thing” that Haldeman could listen to the tapes but the committee could not. 
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The tapes were a trap for Haldeman. His answers to Baker regarding the March 21 meeting with Dean and the President concerning the unraveling cover-up formed the basis for a subsequent perjury indictment, as the tapes demonstrated a quite different story from the one Haldeman had rendered. The former Chief of Staff, however, confidently believed that the contents of the tapes would never become public knowledge. 
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The summer of 1973 marked a sharp shift in Nixon’s fortunes. More verifiable proof than polls demonstrated his declining powers. 
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his giving in on the Cambodian bombing halt amounted to the “largest and most gratuitous concession” in the history of American foreign policy. 55 The President’s declining authority in foreign affairs, coupled with the growing disenchantment of his conservative supporters, ominously exhibited the reality of his deteriorating position. 
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The decision to move for a criminal indictment of Agnew might have been a lost opportunity for Nixon. Impeachment might have become dangerously popular, to be sure; but it also would have consumed enormous time and energy, perhaps enough so that following an Agnew impeachment, Congress and the nation might have had neither the inclination nor the will to move against the President. For five years, the President had treated Agnew as a pawn. But when the Vice President resigned, Richard Nixon lost his queen. 
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Instead of simply removing Archibald Cox’s probing lance, they raised a “firestorm” of protest that permanently scarred Nixon’s credibility with the public, and, most damaging, with congressional Republicans and Southern Democrats. The news and televised images of FBI agents, following a White House directive, sealing the Special Prosecutor’s office and barring access by Cox’s staff, shocked and frightened the nation. The ominous action raised talk of a coup and prompted comparisons to the Reichstag fire that prepared Germany for the rise of Hitler. Leon Jaworski, viewing events from Texas, thought the FBI’s actions resembled those of the Gestapo. 
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A decade and a half later, the reverberations from those events still influenced the American political landscape, including the confirmation hearings of a Supreme Court nominee. The “Saturday Night Massacre”—a name appropriate to the bloody political hemorrhaging—of October 20, 1973, was one more irretrievable blunder by the President. 
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Several incidents are indisputable: Elliot Richardson refused to fire Archibald Cox and resigned; when his deputy, William Ruckelshaus, similarly refused Haig’s command (“this is an order from your Commander-in-Chief”), Ruckelshaus resigned—although that evening the White House insisted he had been fired. Haig told Ruckelshaus that Cox had embarrassed the President during the Middle East crisis, and he insisted it was necessary for the Administration to close ranks. Ruckelshaus suggested that the President should postpone firing Cox if he had such a problem. The Justice Department’s third-in-command, Solicitor General Robert H. Bork, then agreed to carry out the President’s order, to a significant extent because of the urging of Richardson. Why Bork acted as he did, exactly how he acted, and what were the consequences of his acts, became matters of some dispute. 
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In his October 26 press conference, Nixon denounced the media in words reminiscent of his famous “last press conference” in 1962. The reporting, he said, had been the most “outrageous, vicious, [and] distorted” he had witnessed in twenty-seven years of public life. Although the nation had been “pounded night after night with … frantic, hysterical reporting,” he assured reporters and his audience that they had not affected him or his job performance. Asked if he felt any stress because of the pressure of both domestic and foreign crises, the President smiled wanly and said, “The tougher it gets, the cooler I get.” 
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The reply was vintage Nixon: “Don’t get the impression that you arouse my anger… . You see,” he said with a nervous grin, “one can only be angry with those he respects.” 
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The events of the last days of October numbed and galvanized. Bork’s predecessor as Solicitor General, Erwin Griswold, was shocked. Cox, Richardson, and Ruckelshaus had been his students—and all were “honorable men.” Griswold had “lost faith” in the President by April; October’s events only confirmed his misgivings. For recently appointed FBI Director Clarence Kelley, the “Saturday Night Massacre” was a turning point. He no longer thought the Administration could be saved. 
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Whether the nation would support or reject him now was the question on the table. The fractures, the divisions would have to cease; in one way or another, Richard Nixon would have to “bring us together.” 
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Even Ford acknowledged that whatever momentary goodwill Nixon had fostered by nominating him had been neutralized by the Saturday Night Massacre. Two months after Ford’s confirmation, a Democrat captured his House seat, the first Democrat since 1910 to represent Michigan’s Fifth District. Watergate was the issue, and the result was interpreted as a referendum on the President himself. 
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- Highlight on Page 421 | Loc. 9418-22  | Added on Thursday, April 17, 2014, 12:36 AM

The vice presidency plagued Richard Nixon in a curious way. His own tenure in that office had catapulted him to fame, but it was an unhappy, frustrating experience, tethered as he was to a President who in truth neither liked nor trusted him. Henry Cabot Lodge, Nixon’s 1960 running mate, preferred afternoon naps to campaign appearances. The candidate who shared the ticket with him in 1968 and 1972 resigned in disgrace. Finally, his last Vice President hovered over the White House in 1974, a conspicuous alternative to the agony of the President and the nation. 
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- Highlight on Page 422 | Loc. 9423-29  | Added on Thursday, April 17, 2014, 12:36 AM

the Justice Department had been useless to him in his Watergate battles. In practice, the department consciously severed itself from the President and his problems. Before the creation of the Special Prosecutor, the department had been an antagonist, despite the President’s concerted efforts to co-opt its leaders and thwart their investigation. The events of October, beginning with the Agnew negotiations and the dealings with Cox, further demonstrated that the department remained an independent power center. Among the many paradoxes of Watergate was that the President of the United States—the “Most Powerful Leader of the Free World”—could muster only the most meager resources against an array of legal talent commanding the full range of public agencies. 
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- Highlight on Page 423 | Loc. 9458-61  | Added on Thursday, April 17, 2014, 12:40 AM

Garment also understood his limitations as a criminal lawyer. He feared Nixon’s lawyers would be the “patsy” for the President. By November, he had come to realize that he should have removed himself from the case earlier, but he could not stay away from it—he operated with a kind of obsessiveness; protecting the President in the Watergate affair was “like feeling a sore tooth.” Yet he worried that he might find himself in trouble, for he was learning too much and might have to disclose what he knew. 
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- Highlight on Page 425 | Loc. 9498-9500  | Added on Thursday, April 17, 2014, 12:44 AM

Oliver Wendell Holmes’s dictum that a man should share the passion and action of his time “at a peril of being judged not to have lived,” summed up Wright’s feelings. 
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- Highlight on Page 426 | Loc. 9516-21  | Added on Thursday, April 17, 2014, 01:30 PM

Apparently, the first choice of Bork and the White House was Leon Jaworski, a Houston lawyer and a confidant of Lyndon Johnson. Elliot Richardson had approached Jaworski about the position in the spring, but he had declined because of inadequate assurances of independence. On November 1 the President announced that Senator William Saxbe (R–OH) would be the new Attorney General, a move denounced by conservatives as “appeasement.” Bork followed Nixon’s announcement to report the Jaworski selection—apparently a matter on which Nixon could not bring himself to speak. Bork said that Jaworski would have no restraints on his freedom to pursue presidential documents, marking a clear retreat from the position Nixon had laid down in his October 26 statement. 
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- Highlight on Page 431 | Loc. 9630-33  | Added on Saturday, April 19, 2014, 09:47 AM

The panel examining the erased June 20 tape reported to Sirica on January 15, 1974. It unanimously found that at least five, and possibly as many as nine, “separate and contiguous” erasures had been made by hand operated controls. When one of the Watergate prosecutors asked if the erasures had been accidental, an expert testified that “it would have to be an accident that was repeated at least five times.” 
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- Highlight on Page 431 | Loc. 9635-37  | Added on Saturday, April 19, 2014, 09:48 AM

The President’s new lawyer, James St. Clair, told one of the experts that he would have to talk to “his own experts”—apparently forgetting that the panel had been selected with White House cooperation. 
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- Highlight on Page 432 | Loc. 9707-9  | Added on Saturday, April 19, 2014, 09:56 AM

Questions regarding the President’s taxes dovetailed with discussions of government expenditures for his houses in San Clemente, California, and Key Biscayne, Florida. The General Services Administration had spent more than $1.2 million on house and ground “improvements” at the two estates. 
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- Highlight on Page 432 | Loc. 9712-13  | Added on Saturday, April 19, 2014, 09:56 AM

Modern presidents are away from the White House a good deal of the time, and Nixon may have established the most extraordinary record of all. Between 1969 and 1972, he spent 195 days in California and 157 in Florida—nearly one-fourth of his first term. 
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- Highlight on Page 434 | Loc. 9722-26  | Added on Saturday, April 19, 2014, 09:57 AM

Several weeks earlier, speaking to newspaper editors at Disney World in Florida, the President admitted that he had made some mistakes but insisted that he had never profited from his years of public service. “I have never obstructed justice,” he claimed. He welcomed a public scrutiny of his records, because “people have got to know whether their President is a crook.” With no hesitation, he quickly and forcefully responded: “Well, I am not a crook. I earned everything I got.” These words would haunt him the rest of his days. 
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- Highlight on Page 434 | Loc. 9742-50  | Added on Saturday, April 19, 2014, 10:49 AM

Several days prior to the Cox dismissal, the Special Prosecutor’s office had begun to move against corporations that had made illegal campaign contributions and engaged in other illegal activities on behalf of the President. Much of this material had been developed in the later stages of the Senate Select Committee’s investigation. On October 17, 1973, American Airlines pled guilty to a violation of the U.S. code on campaign contributions and was fined $5,000. The same day, the 3M Corporation similarly was fined $3,000, and a corporate officer was fined an additional $500. Before the year was out, Goodyear Tire & Rubber, Braniff Airways, Gulf Oil, Ashland Petroleum, Phillips Petroleum, and the Carnation Company submitted guilty pleas, as did a number of their officials, and all were duly fined. During the next year, another ten companies followed the same pattern. The most prominent was the American Ship Building Company, which was fined $20,000 in August 1974; its chairman, George M. Steinbrenner, received a $15,000 fine, the highest for any corporate official. Steinbrenner originally had been charged with five counts of illegal campaign contributions and four counts of obstruction of justice. 
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- Highlight on Page 435 | Loc. 9754-57  | Added on Saturday, April 19, 2014, 10:51 AM

In addition to his fines, Steinbrenner was suspended for two years from his presidency of the New York Yankees by baseball Commissioner Bowie Kuhn. Around the same time, a baseball player convicted of manslaughter received no penalty from the Commissioner; that activity, Kuhn noted, had happened in the off-season. 33 Apparently, Steinbrenner had written his checks between April and October. 
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- Highlight on Page 445 | Loc. 9969-71  | Added on Sunday, April 20, 2014, 08:30 PM

On January 30, the same day that President Nixon declared that “one year of Watergate is enough,” the grand jury requested an opportunity to meet with him. 
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- Highlight on Page 447 | Loc. 10029-34  | Added on Sunday, April 20, 2014, 08:38 PM

After several delays, including revelations of the missing tapes and the 18½-minute gap, Buzhardt delivered seven tapes to Judge Sirica on November 26, one month after the President’s lawyer had agreed to comply with the subpoena. The Special Prosecutor’s office was pleased with this progress, and after Sirica listened to the tapes in camera, the prosecutors received them on December 21. Before releasing the material to the Special Prosecutor, the judge withheld some tapes, thus sustaining some of the President’s claims of executive privilege. Jaworski and his staff immediately realized that the tapes had strengthened their evidence against the President’s men; what was more, they believed they now had a case against Nixon—and it was in the tapes. 
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- Highlight on Page 448 | Loc. 10043-50  | Added on Sunday, April 20, 2014, 08:40 PM

Jaworski and Haig met in the White House on December 21. Haig told the Special Prosecutor that the March 21 tape of Nixon’s conversation with Dean was “terrible beyond description.” Jaworski concurred, adding that he found it “unbelievable.” But Haig insisted that “the White House lawyers” believed no criminality attached to the President’s behavior. Jaworski disagreed and suggested that the White House hire a good criminal lawyer. Shortly afterward, Haig called Jaworski at his Houston home, again reporting that Buzhardt found no criminality involved because there was no overt act following the meeting of March 21. Haig and Buzhardt may have invented their own version of criminal law; nevertheless Jaworski again warned the Chief of Staff to get a criminal lawyer. Jaworski, no stranger to criminal wrongdoing, was appalled at the stupidity of maintaining the taping system when such “an evil approach and wrongful conduct by the President” had been taking place. “I would have turned off the system,” Jaworski thought. 
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- Highlight on Page 451 | Loc. 10120-23  | Added on Monday, April 21, 2014, 08:13 PM

What seems clear is that during the last ten days of March and the first ten days of April, the President and his advisers made a decision to release new tape transcripts. The Judiciary Committee may have spurred that decision when it voted 33–3 on April 11 to subpoena the requested material. 
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- Highlight on Page 452 | Loc. 10130-31  | Added on Monday, April 21, 2014, 08:14 PM

Richard Nixon knew that his fate rested on the tapes. 
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- Highlight on Page 452 | Loc. 10124-28  | Added on Monday, April 21, 2014, 08:17 PM

Five days later, Jaworski appeared before Sirica, seeking an order to deliver sixty-four more taped conversations, and the judge issued a subpoena on April 18. St. Clair again requested more time: White House secretaries were frantically transcribing tapes. The task was a tedious one: transcription, then a check by Buzhardt and St. Clair, and then one by Ziegler’s aide, Diane Sawyer, who would look for “non-substantive problems,” such as might be posed by the presence of obscenities. Finally, the President himself examined the transcripts. 
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- Highlight on Page 452 | Loc. 10134-40  | Added on Monday, April 21, 2014, 08:18 PM

As always, legal problems became political ones and thus required a special public-relations twist to ensure favorable understanding. Nixon spoke on national television on April 29 to announce his decision to release the tape transcripts. He appeared with a stack of blue notebooks allegedly containing tape transcripts but in fact amounting only to a stage prop, part of the carefully contrived scenery for presidential appearances which also included, from time to time, family pictures and Lincoln busts, all designed to foster a favorable illusion on behalf of the President. Nixon’s elaborate speech seemed tailored to establish his interpretation of the tapes and to anticipate any negative reactions. What eventually appeared was a 1,200-page book, liberally spaced, of fragmented conversations which at times seemed incomprehensible or nonsensical when read in abstracted form. 
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- Highlight on Page 457 | Loc. 10251-52  | Added on Monday, April 21, 2014, 10:05 PM

As Nixon’s Watergate troubles deepened, conservatives began boldly to express their contempt. 
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- Highlight on Page 457 | Loc. 10260-66  | Added on Monday, April 21, 2014, 10:08 PM

Admiral Elmo Zumwalt, who resigned from the Joint Chiefs of Staff because of his dissatisfaction with the Administration, thought that Kissinger, true to the “dynamics of history,” believed that the Soviet Union eventually would surpass the United States and that it was best for the U.S. government now to arrange the best deal it could. Zumwalt specifically referred to the “deliberate, systematic, and unfortunately, extremely successful efforts” of Nixon and Kissinger to conceal their “real policies about the most critical matters of national security.” Others heaped scorn on Kissinger’s grasp of the issues. “The master delusion of our time,” columnist M. Stanton Evans wrote in March 1972, “is the idea that Henry Kissinger actually knows what he’s doing.” 
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- Highlight on Page 458 | Loc. 10275-79  | Added on Monday, April 21, 2014, 10:10 PM

As late as May 1974, William Buckley believed that Nixon should destroy tapes to protect his office. Even if the nation concluded that such action proved guilt, and even if it resulted in impeachment, Buckley thought, it would save the presidency. Besides, with no tapes, the charges would remain inconclusive.” 27 (The President’s moral critics apparently claimed no monopoly on morality.) Still, by May 1974, a good part of the conservative establishment had abandoned the President. 
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- Highlight on Page 463 | Loc. 10391-92  | Added on Tuesday, May 20, 2014, 12:53 AM

That same evening, February 25, Nixon held his first televised press conference in four months. 
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- Highlight on Page 463 | Loc. 10400-10402  | Added on Tuesday, May 20, 2014, 12:54 AM

The “presidency” must not be “hostage” to the momentary “popularity” of any incumbent. The work must be continued, he concluded, “and I’m going to stay here till I get it done.” 
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- Highlight on Page 464 | Loc. 10411-12  | Added on Tuesday, May 20, 2014, 12:55 AM

Haig later claimed that Nixon told him the next day that he was too busy trying to run the country and would not listen to any more tapes. But Nixon later admitted that he had heard the June 23 tape. 
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- Highlight on Page 465 | Loc. 10423-26  | Added on Tuesday, May 20, 2014, 12:56 AM

The jurors had also returned indictments against a former Attorney General and the President’s three closest aides, as well as others. The indictments came down on March 1. The counts ranged from conspiracy and obstruction of justice to perjury and false declarations to the FBI. The jury listed forty-five overt acts of conspiracy to cover up the true nature of the involvement of the Administration and the re-election committee with the break-in. 
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- Highlight on Page 465 | Loc. 10426-27  | Added on Tuesday, May 20, 2014, 12:57 AM

The defendants—Mitchell, Haldeman, Ehrlichman, Colson, Robert Mardian, Kenneth Parkinson, and Gordon Strachan—pled not guilty before Judge Sirica on Saturday morning, March 9. 
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- Highlight on Page 465 | Loc. 10431-34  | Added on Tuesday, May 20, 2014, 12:58 AM

Jaworski saw Mitchell as a “broken-down old man” and the once-ruthless Colson as “a frightened man”; while Haldeman and Ehrlichman “tried to maintain their bravado.” When Jaworski entered the court, Mitchell rose and greeted him. “You must be very busy these days,” Mitchell said. “Yes,” Jaworski responded, “more so than I wish.” 
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- Highlight on Page 466 | Loc. 10454-57  | Added on Tuesday, May 20, 2014, 01:01 AM

But the members of the House Judiciary Committee, particularly the seasoned veterans, preferred the old political maxim festina lente—“make haste slowly.” They realized they had neither the time nor the moral authority to create Cox’s “substantive law of impeachment.” Practical imperatives of political action, and not the intellectual symmetry of theory and precedent, dictated the course of the committee’s progress. 
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- Highlight on Page 469 | Loc. 10519-23  | Added on Tuesday, May 20, 2014, 01:08 AM

Jaworski was in a combative mood. Saxbe and Bork wrote to him on June 5, assuring him that their guarantees of independence remained intact but that they thought St. Clair had reason to pursue the question of Jaworski’s jurisdiction. They urged him and St. Clair to work out an agreement for handling the jurisdictional problem. Jaworski responded with lengthy quotations from the Special Prosecutor’s charter which defined his authority. Compromise? “A highly significant principle is involved, as I see it, one that involves not only the integrity of others but mine as well—and accordingly, there is no room for compromise.” 
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- Highlight on Page 469 | Loc. 10532-36  | Added on Tuesday, May 20, 2014, 01:09 AM

The dispute perhaps raised Jaworski’s ire more than any single event in his tenure. Clearly, he viewed St. Clair’s words and actions as those of St. Clair’s master, and therefore as especially sinister in their implications. By raising the jurisdictional issue, St. Clair invited judicial intervention against the Special Prosecutor. After all, the Supreme Court had neither a vested interest in the Special Prosecutor nor had it made a commitment guaranteeing his independence. If the Court ruled that the Special Prosecutor had no jurisdiction, then to whom would he appeal for the preservation of his existence? 
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- Highlight on Page 472 | Loc. 10587-89  | Added on Friday, May 23, 2014, 11:10 PM

Given the Framers’ recent experience with George III, however, neither they nor their constituents conceded “all sail and no anchor” to the office or the man. James Madison pointedly reminded Americans in Federalist48 of the dangers to liberty “from the overgrown and all-grasping prerogative of an hereditary magistrate.” 
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- Highlight on Page 473 | Loc. 10591-93  | Added on Friday, May 23, 2014, 11:11 PM

But the provision for impeachment perhaps best reinforced accountability, as it implicitly rejected the traditional English doctrine that “the king could do no wrong.” 
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- Highlight on Page 473 | Loc. 10607-10  | Added on Friday, May 23, 2014, 11:14 PM

Article II, Section 4 of the Constitution provided that the President and all civil officers might be removed following impeachment and conviction for “treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors.” The House had the sole power of impeachment; the Senate had the sole power to try the impeached; and the Chief Justice presided over the Senate in the event of a presidential impeachment trial. 
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- Highlight on Page 473 | Loc. 10610-13  | Added on Friday, May 23, 2014, 11:14 PM

The constitutional reference to “high crimes and misdemeanors” is not language historically vague in source or meaning. Its origins can be traced to an impeachment proceeding in England in 1386 and amounted to a catalogue of political crime. The language has been best described as “words of art confined to impeachments, without roots in the ordinary criminal law.” 
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- Highlight on Page 474 | Loc. 10633-34  | Added on Friday, May 23, 2014, 11:17 PM

James Iredell (a future Supreme Court Justice) thought that impeachment “must be for an error of the heart, and not of the head.” Iredell’s dictum became, in time, the standard for requiring evil motives as a basic criterion for impeachment. 
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- Highlight on Page 476 | Loc. 10673-74  | Added on Friday, May 23, 2014, 11:22 PM

The historical evidence, however, is impressive in showing that neither English practice nor the framers of the American Constitution required an indictable crime as a basis for impeachment. 
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- Highlight on Page 478 | Loc. 10714-16  | Added on Friday, May 23, 2014, 11:29 PM

The first impeachment resolution was introduced in the Congress by Representative Robert Drinan (D–MA) on July 31, 1973, not coincidentally, it seemed, just after Alexander Butterfield revealed the presidential taping system. Perhaps the suspicions regarding the President might be confirmed after all. 
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- Highlight on Page 478 | Loc. 10719-22  | Added on Friday, May 23, 2014, 11:29 PM

following the Saturday Night Massacre in October 1973, four impeachment bills appeared in the House hopper, including one from California Republican Paul McCloskey. The new resolutions repeated Drinan’s charges but added others denouncing the President for breaking his trust with Congress when he dismissed Archibald Cox. 
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- Highlight on Page 485 | Loc. 10868-73  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 06:55 PM

Throughout April, the committee had bristled at the White House’s delay in releasing more tapes. After extensive wrangling, it approved a bipartisan compromise subpoena on April 11. Two weeks later, St. Clair requested and received an additional five days to comply, a deadline he met when the President released the tape transcripts on April 30. The next day, Doar informed the committee that his staff had reason to believe the edited transcripts they had received (the tapes and Dictabelts had not yet arrived) had numerous inaccuracies and omissions that could be rectified with better listening equipment. Clearly, at this point, the majority considered the President in contempt of the subpoena. Rodino, in a rare display of combativeness, contended that the House, and not the President, must determine the relevance of evidence. 
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- Highlight on Page 486 | Loc. 10905-7  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 06:59 PM

Vice President Ford later claimed he told Nixon in May that he could no longer support the stonewalling and that the House had a right to the information. “We’re handling it this way because we think we’re right,” the President told Ford. 29 Publicly, the Vice President maintained his steadfast support of Nixon. 
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- Highlight on Page 486 | Loc. 10908-13  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 07:01 PM

Meanwhile, numerous members had become restless with Doar’s presentation of the evidence. The information books covered a variety of subjects, with the cover-up being the largest and most important, yet they seemed aimless. The materials were presented chronologically; thus, if numerous calls or conversations occurred in a three-day period, they were set down chronologically. But they related to multiple subjects, and the chronology had to be keyed to the different subjects. Doar’s presentation did not attempt to do that. About July 1, several members turned to Richard Cates and other staff members for succinct summaries of the evidence and some clues as to the reasonable conclusions that could be drawn from it. Cates notified the entire committee of his intention to analyze the material. 
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- Highlight on Page 487 | Loc. 10914-15  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 07:01 PM

Essentially, Cates disentangled the material from its rigid chronological setting to offer a coherent theory of presidential involvement in the cover-up. 
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- Highlight on Page 487 | Loc. 10926-30  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 07:03 PM

St. Clair requested that the House committee hearings be open and televised, claiming that the selective leaks of evidence unfairly damaged the President. But Republican staff members sensed a shrewder reason. St. Clair himself had seen how passively the members listened to Doar, their boredom apparent to all. A television spectacle could either discredit the committee or make the members more active, questioning Doar incessantly and dragging the process on indefinitely. The White House now understood that time was on its side and could create a backlash in its favor, as the nation might grow bored with the inquiry. 
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- Highlight on Page 487 | Loc. 10930-31  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 07:03 PM

Reluctantly, committee Republicans opposed St. Clair’s move. With elections only months away, they had no interest in prolonging the work. 
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- Highlight on Page 488 | Loc. 10933-34  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 07:04 PM

Finally, on June 21, Doar concluded his presentation of the evidence, six weeks and eighteen closed sessions after he had started. 
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- Highlight on Page 488 | Loc. 10936-40  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 07:04 PM

The President’s popularity continued to plunge. In June and early July, Nixon journeyed to the Mideast, traveling where no American President had before, and then to the Soviet Union for another summit. The televised images of the President riding by train through Egypt, cheered by enthusiastic crowds; continuing on to the long-forbidden and malevolent Syria, leader of the socalled radical bloc of Arab states; receiving a warm, emotional reception in Israel; and finally basking in the glow of an apparently enhanced détente with the Soviets, contrasted jarringly with the steady revelations regarding his behavior at home. 
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- Highlight on Page 488 | Loc. 10944-47  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 07:05 PM

Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, however, dramatically sought to mark Watergate’s corrosive effects on foreign policy when he threatened to resign because of a New York Times editorial charging that he had lied to congressional investigators about his role in authorizing wiretaps of his aides. In a stopover in Salzburg, Austria, on June 11, Kissinger said he would not have his “public honor” discussed. With his credibility in question, he found it impossible to conduct foreign policy. 
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- Highlight on Page 489 | Loc. 10959-61  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 07:07 PM

At the end of June, Nixon flew to Moscow to meet with Leonid Brezhnev. Criticism from conservatives in both parties mounted, fearful as they were that the President would fail to bargain effectively because of his political weakness, even desperation. 
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- Highlight on Page 489 | Loc. 10962-63  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 07:07 PM

Secretary of Defense James Schlesinger insulted the President at a National Security Council meeting, when he proposed a SALT agreement that assured overwhelming American nuclear superiority. 
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- Highlight on Page 489 | Loc. 10970  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 07:08 PM

By the time Nixon returned from the Soviet Union on July 4, he realized that he had serious problems in the House of Representatives. 
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- Highlight on Page 489 | Loc. 10972-73  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 07:08 PM

Certainly, his well-honed political instincts told him that “on some subsurface level, the political tide was flowing fast, and flowing against me.” 
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- Highlight on Page 490 | Loc. 10999-1003  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 07:11 PM

Alexander Butterfield appeared to discuss the President’s work habits. He portrayed Nixon as the man in charge; Haldeman and other aides did nothing without the President’s knowledge, and Haldeman himself was nothing more than “an implementer.” St. Clair tried to discredit Butterfield, but the testimony fit the image the President himself had fashioned in his various image-building efforts. Nixon’s lawyers had more success in insulating the President when Fred LaRue testified that John Mitchell knew money had been paid to the burglary defendants. 
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- Highlight on Page 491 | Loc. 11005-7  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 07:11 PM

Cohen’s time for questioning then expired, and no one else pursued the question of why LaRue met with the shadowy Pappas—“the Greek bearing gifts,” as Dean and Mitchell had described him. 
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- Highlight on Page 491 | Loc. 11012-18  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 07:12 PM

Once again, John Dean provided the most interest and generated the most heat. For more than a year Nixon’s defenders had argued that Dean was a loose cannon, that he had instigated and carried out the cover-up on his own, to protect himself and a few others—but not the President. Charles Colson later testified that Dean ran the cover-up, even exerting pressure on Colson to cooperate in the effort. Dean admitted to St. Clair that Nixon did not specifically instruct him in the cover-up, but the former aide insisted that his conversations with Haldeman and Ehrlichman demonstrated both “concern and instructions” regarding the cover-up; “it was not quite willy-nilly, as you have tried to portray,” Dean retorted to a hostile questioner. 
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Petersen’s most devastating remarks centered on his trust in the President and his willingness to share privileged information with him. The tapes, of course, revealed that Nixon had improperly provided his aides with Petersen’s reports; the President’s own words, together with Petersen’s testimony, offered a substantial case for obstruction of justice. 
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Colson revived the finger-pointing that had characterized Oval Office discussions in early 1973. He claimed he told the President to urge Mitchell—“the guy who was responsible”—to come forward “and take the consequences.” At that point—mid-February 1973—Colson said, Nixon responded angrily, insisting that “I am not about to take an innocent person [Mitchell] and make him a scapegoat.” Colson also raised what came to be another favorite White House explanation of events: the CIA had played a decisive role in the events of Watergate. 
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- Highlight on Page 492 | Loc. 11046-48  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 07:15 PM

The President, furthermore, could not “crack down” on the military, “because of what they knew and what they had taken”—a dark hint, never really pursued by the committee. It was not Colson’s last attempt to till revisionist soil. 
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- Highlight on Page 493 | Loc. 11060-66  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 07:17 PM

St. Clair stressed that transcribing the tapes had become “quite an art.” He also gave the impression that the White House had been overly severe in its rendition, as he noted that the committee’s transcripts “are more favorable to the President than our own.” But the committee found significant discrepancies in the Administration’s transcripts; the White House versions had not in fact been less favorable. For example, the committee found a clear indication in the March 13, 1973 tape that Nixon had rejected the “hang-out road”—that is, a full revelation of the truth—in a conversation with Dean. Again, in his March 22, 1973 talk with Mitchell, the President repudiated Eisenhower’s scrupulous standards for the conduct of subordinates; more important, in this exchange, he told Mitchell to “stonewall” and to take the Fifth Amendment. 
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- Highlight on Page 494 | Loc. 11086-89  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 07:19 PM

On July 12, a day after the House committee made its evidence public, Ford stated that the “new evidence as well as the old evidence” exonerated Nixon. Ford may have been obtuse, as some critics charged, but he apparently had no knowledge of the extent to which the White House had played with the evidence. 
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- Highlight on Page 495 | Loc. 11093-96  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 07:20 PM

Whatever shackles had been imposed on St. Clair during the lengthy proceedings before the House Judiciary Committee, they dissolved on July 18 as he presented his closing defense of the President. He spoke for nearly one and a half hours, finally gaining an opportunity to display his reputed skills. St. Clair sensed the decisiveness and the solemnity of the occasion. His argument was impressive: organized, articulate, unyielding in behalf of his client, totally skeptical of the adversarial positions—and selective. 
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- Highlight on Page 496 | Loc. 11124-25  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 07:22 PM

St. Clair had quickly negated any pluses he had earned. 
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- Highlight on Page 495 | Loc. 11111-14  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 07:23 PM

He thought the record already offered ample support for the President, but at this point he again produced a hitherto undisclosed portion of a tape transcript, this time from March 22, 1973, when Nixon told Haldeman: “I don’t mean to be blackmailed by Hunt. That goes too far.” That was the “evidence,” St. Clair announced, that was the “fact” that the President did not deliberately plot to obstruct justice. 
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- Highlight on Page 497 | Loc. 11141-46  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 07:25 PM

St. Clair had argued that being president justified some of Nixon’s actions; Doar turned that proposition inside out. In the ordinary course of affairs, concealing one’s mistake might be understandable, but “this was not done by a private citizen.” The President of the United States, Doar contended, had used the Department of Justice, the FBI, the CIA, the Secret Service, and his aides to obstruct justice. “It required perjury, destruction of evidence, obstruction of justice, all crimes. But, most important,” Doar concluded, “it required deliberate, contrived, continued, and continuing deception of the American people.” That evidence, Doar assured his listeners, would “help and reason with you” to reach a verdict. 
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- Highlight on Page 497 | Loc. 11156-57  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 07:26 PM

On July 23, the day after Garrison’s summation, Hogan became the first Republican to announce that he would vote for impeachment. 
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- Highlight on Page 498 | Loc. 11176-81  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:09 PM

The committee scheduled the opening of its debate for the next evening, July 24. The nationally televised spectacle was about to begin; first, however, a truly dramatic development unfolded behind the scenes. Despite the procedural fuss, the Democrats were about to gain their crucial bipartisan coalition, and the President was about to lose preciously needed political and moral support. The months of the staff’s labors, as well as some careful cultivation by committee members, finally secured the most desired prize of all: votes for impeachment by Republicans and Southern Democrats who also happened to constitute a rainbow of ideological commitments. 
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- Highlight on Page 499 | Loc. 11194  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:11 PM

The coalition emerged rather haphazardly, and only after each of the men had come to a decision on his own. 
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- Highlight on Page 500 | Loc. 11210-13  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:13 PM

But the younger Fish had supported the President on less than half the congressional roll calls prior to 1974. In 1968, he narrowly won election because the state Conservative Party had fielded a candidate who took away much of the traditional Republican vote. The candidate, Gordon Liddy, agreed not to campaign too hard, and in 1969 Fish helped him secure a position in the Treasury Department. 
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- Highlight on Page 501 | Loc. 11224-26  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:15 PM

For Railsback, committee Counsel Richard Cates’s July 20 briefing had been decisive, while he thought St. Clair had failed to make a case for the President. On July 21, Railsback concluded that Nixon’s lies constituted a serious obstruction of justice, that he was directly involved in the cover-up, and that he had abused power. 
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- Highlight on Page 502 | Loc. 11247-50  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:18 PM

Thornton believed that Nixon had damaged “the system” with his abuses of power. He saw the White House itself—apart from the executive agencies—as a virtual fourth branch of government, checked by no one. The President’s lack of cooperation with the impeachment inquiry buttressed Thornton’s conviction that the arrogant pattern of abuse was endemic. “Ford brought his life to the Judiciary Committee,” he said, “whereas Nixon brought his lawyers.” 
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- Highlight on Page 502 | Loc. 11267-68  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:22 PM

As Robert Frost had said of love, the reason to impeach was indefinable but unmistakable, and he would know it when he saw it. 
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- Highlight on Page 503 | Loc. 11274-76  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:23 PM

Before July 22, Fish remembered, the time was “a very lonely thing”; he did not discuss evidence with Republican colleagues, only political implications. Unlike Cohen, Fish had no desire to operate on his own: “I was perfectly willing to confess that I did want company.” 
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- Highlight on Page 504 | Loc. 11291-99  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:25 PM

On July 22, all the coalition’s members had their first look at Doar’s draft articles of impeachment. They later agreed that the “ambiguous and vague and arbitrary” language galvanized them into action. That evening, Flowers told Railsback to “get your guys together and I’ll get mine and let’s sit down and visit about this.” Flowers then spoke to Mann and Thornton, who agreed to meet with the others. The next morning the seven gathered in Railsback’s office. Fish was surprised to find the Southern Democrats. At the outset, Railsback asked whether they could find an alternative route to impeachment, such as censure of the President. Flowers pointed out that the committee had responsibility only for deciding the issue of impeachment. They were in the “driver’s seat,” Flowers remembers; the “thing” was “in their hands,” and they realized their power. What was “fragile” was not the coalition members’ attachment to one another; rather, it was their link to the nominal liberal majority, who now found themselves “at the mercy of seven swing votes.” 
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- Highlight on Page 504 | Loc. 11308-12  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:27 PM

the President shifted to a more existential posture: “I intend to live the next week without dying the death of a thousand cuts…. Cowards die a thousand deaths, brave men die only once.” It was, he wrote in his diary, his “Seventh Crisis in spades”; he could only “hope for the best and plan for the worst.” Publicly, Nixon was defiant. He assured supporters on July 18 that he would leave office “in 1977 when I shall have finished my term of office to which I was elected.” 
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- Highlight on Page 504 | Loc. 11312-14  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:27 PM

On July 12 a California jury found John Ehrlichman guilty of perjury and of conspiring to violate Daniel Ellsberg’s civil rights. At the end of the month, the court imposed a twenty-month-to-five-year sentence. 
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- Highlight on Page 505 | Loc. 11315-17  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:28 PM

Shocked, he learned that Fred Buzhardt had signed an affidavit stating that the White House documents contained nothing material to Ehrlichman’s defense. Ehrlichman believed then and in later years that he had been betrayed and went to jail for a crime the President had authorized. 
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- Highlight on Page 505 | Loc. 11317-19  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:28 PM

Old California friends entertained the President in Bel Air on July 21. It was a pleasant evening, but Nixon later remembered that it was the last time he felt any real hope. 
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- Highlight on Page 505 | Loc. 11320-22  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:29 PM

Two days later, he called Governor George Wallace from San Clemente, desperately seeking to enlist Wallace’s help in dissuading Walter Flowers from voting for impeachment. But Wallace told Nixon that it would be improper. The conversation lasted only six minutes. When it ended, the President turned to Haig and said: “Well, Al, there goes the presidency.” 
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- Highlight on Page 506 | Loc. 11326-27  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:29 PM

The Watergate spotlight briefly moved from the House Judiciary Committee to the Supreme Court on July 8 as Leon Jaworski and James St. Clair presented their arguments to the Justices. 
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- Highlight on Page 506 | Loc. 11336-37  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:31 PM

Except in periods of emotional assault upon the institution from those momentarily aggrieved by a decision, the Court’s prestige consistently has remained high among the American people. 
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- Highlight on Page 507 | Loc. 11341-43  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:32 PM

“We are a lost people when the supreme tribunal of the law has lost our respect,” ran a typical comment that urged Americans to maintain faith in the efficacy of the Court, despite its momentary lapse. 
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- Highlight on Page 507 | Loc. 11352-56  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:34 PM

Truman’s claim of “inherent powers” to justify his seizure of steel mills to prevent a strike that he believed would impair the Korean War effort. When the steel companies sued to regain control of their property, six of the nine Justices ruled that in the absence of congressional authorization, the President had no such power. In a concurring opinion, Justice Robert H. Jackson eloquently underlined the rule of law: “With all its defects, delays and inconveniences, men have discovered no technique for long preserving free government except that the Executive be under the law, and the law be made by parliamentary deliberations.” 
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- Highlight on Page 512 | Loc. 11451-54  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:45 PM

Burger, however, assigned the opinion to himself. He was in a bind as he confronted a case affecting the future political well-being of the man who appointed him. White House gossip in 1973 and 1974 reported that he “had assured the President that the tapes would not be taken away.” Burger’s closeness to Nixon and the Administration was well known—a situation riddled with irony since the Senate had rejected Lyndon Johnson’s nomination of Abe Fortas to be Chief Justice, in part because of charges of cronyism. 
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- Highlight on Page 512 | Loc. 11470-73  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:48 PM

The Chief Justice at one point had suggested that the federal rule allowing courts to subpoena evidence considered potentially relevant and admissible, must be applied more strictly for issuing a subpoena against the President. Douglas would have none of it: “My difficulty is that when the President is discussing crimes to be committed and/or crimes already committed with and/or by him or by his orders, he stands no higher than the Mafia with respect to those confidences.” 
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- Highlight on Page 513 | Loc. 11475-77  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:48 PM

In the end, Brennan and the others certainly had the input they had wanted all along; meanwhile, Burger alone had his name on an opinion that united the Court: the President must surrender the tapes. The Court met for its final conference on July 23, and the Chief Justice issued a press release noting that it would convene the next morning. 
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- Highlight on Page 513 | Loc. 11480-82  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:49 PM

The next morning Alexander Haig called the President to report that he had the complete text of the Supreme Court’s decision. “Unanimous?” the President asked. “Unanimous. There’s no air in it at all.” “None at all?” the President persisted. “It’s as tight as a drum,” said Haig. 
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- Highlight on Page 513 | Loc. 11486-91  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:50 PM

Richard Nixon’s fatalistic sense came closer to understanding the truth. He knew he could not defy the Court; perhaps he could still devise a plan for deleting some material. But the June 23, 1972, tape “worried” him ceaselessly; it could not be “excerpted properly,” he confided to his diary. While St. Clair made the President’s case to the Judiciary Committee on July 18, Nixon admitted that his greatest concern was “the Supreme Court thing.” On July 23 he talked to Haig and Ziegler about resigning. That night, Nixon stayed up late, reviewing a speech draft on economic matters. At midnight, he wrote: “Lowest point in the presidency, and Supreme Court still to come.” 
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- Highlight on Page 515 | Loc. 11528-31  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:54 PM

That morning, on July 24, St. Clair had been advised by his White House aides that the Court’s decision was imminent. Fifteen minutes later, the wire services carried the news, but Haig did not inform the President for another forty-five minutes. At noon, Ron Ziegler told reporters that St. Clair would make a statement later in the day. The President’s lawyer appeared before the press at 4:00 P.M., approximately eight hours after the Supreme Court’s decision. 
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- Highlight on Page 515 | Loc. 11532-34  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:54 PM

in 1952 Truman promptly dispatched a letter to his Secretary of Commerce ordering him to return the confiscated steel mills to the owners. The President complied less than thirty minutes after the Justices finished reading their opinions in the Steel Seizure Case. 
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- Highlight on Page 515 | Loc. 11541-44  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:55 PM

St. Clair always thought that even now the President “didn’t have to turn over the tapes, maybe. I don’t know.” That “maybe” was predicated on St. Clair’s belief that the presidency and the judiciary were two equal and separate branches, a belief traceable to Jefferson and to Andrew Jackson’s notion of concurrent powers, under which some actions of the judiciary were not necessarily binding on the executive. 
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- Highlight on Page 516 | Loc. 11555-60  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:57 PM

The nation barely had time to absorb the impact of the Supreme Court’s decision, for that same evening, July 24, the House Judiciary Committee reassembled to continue its impeachment inquiry. Now its debates would be aired on prime-time television. Nixon had fought throughout his presidency to control the media, to use it to his advantage. Whether in unveiling his Cabinet or in announcing his China visit or his selection of Gerald Ford, he had tried to persuade the nation that he was the right man doing the right thing. It was fitting, then, that following his repudiation by the Supreme Court, his “enemies” mounted their own television spectacular, as choreographed in its production and as emotional in its impact as anything that Richard Nixon might have imagined doing. 
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- Highlight on Page 517 | Loc. 11574-78  | Added on Sunday, May 25, 2014, 11:59 PM

The narrow question centered on whether the President had told the truth when he said he had been deceived by subordinates, and whether or not he himself had participated in a design systematically to cover up the role of his agents and associates in an illegal political-intelligence operation, together with related activities—whether he, in short, had engaged in a course of conduct that had impeded his faithful execution of the laws and had done this for his own political interest and protection. 
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- Highlight on Page 517 | Loc. 11585-88  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 12:00 AM

Finally, Hutchinson took note of the day’s events in the Supreme Court and suggested that the Chairman consider postponement until the President yielded additional evidence. Rodino ignored him and instead turned to the committee’s senior Democrat, Harold D. Donohue, who introduced a resolution and two articles of charges against Nixon. For the first time in more than a century, Congress confronted the President of the United States with the very real possibility of impeachment. 
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- Highlight on Page 518 | Loc. 11604-7  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 12:02 AM

Responding to the members’ wishes for something concrete to debate, John Doar hastily assembled his draft articles and presented them on July 19. Several members of the coalition, including Caldwell Butler, met with Richard Cates on Saturday morning, July 20, and again had been impressed with Cates’s tight summary of the evidence and its inexorable conclusion. No such precision appeared in the Doar drafts, which struck the coalition members as vague, rambling, and altogether “a sloppy piece of work.” 
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- Highlight on Page 518 | Loc. 11608-9  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 12:02 AM

Dissatisfaction with the drafts galvanized the coalition into collective action, and led to their July 23 meeting in Railsback’s office. 
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- Highlight on Page 519 | Loc. 11621-22  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 12:03 AM

That same evening, Tom Mooney, a Judiciary Committee staffer with close links to Railsback, armed with copies of the Doar, Mann, and Thornton drafts, also began to compose articles on his own. 
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- Highlight on Page 519 | Loc. 11622-26  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 12:04 AM

When the coalition reconvened at 8:00 A.M. on July 23, Mooney offered a draft article focusing on the President’s obstruction of justice. Working through the afternoon, periodically meeting with Mann and other members, Mooney assembled four other drafts before producing one for circulation. Five of the members met the next morning and developed two more drafts. They realized that their articles had to be drawn with the severity of any indictment, charging Nixon only with what could be proven. 
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- Highlight on Page 520 | Loc. 11640-41  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 12:05 AM

The coalition had the Mann and Thornton drafts of the charges in Article II on July 23. 
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- Highlight on Page 520 | Loc. 11647-48  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 12:06 AM

Each member of the full committee had fifteen minutes during the opening debate for his remarks. The proceedings carried through the afternoon and the evening of the second day, July 25. 
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- Highlight on Page 521 | Loc. 11673-74  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 12:08 AM

“I think,” Cohen concluded, “that no man should be able to bind up our destiny, our perpetuation, our success, with the chains of his personal destiny.” 
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- Highlight on Page 522 | Loc. 11684-88  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 11:36 AM

Butler’s dismay with Nixon and his annoyance at the narrow partisanship of the President’s defenders on the committee finally burst forth in a wave of passion and anger that belied his usual calm. Although Butler had to confront a skeptical district, he seemed to focus his public remarks on his fellow House committee Republicans. Watergate, he reminded them, “is our shame,” a scandal for a party that had campaigned so often against corruption and misconduct. “We cannot indulge ourselves in the luxury of patronizing or excusing the misconduct of our own people.” 
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- Highlight on Page 522 | Loc. 11691-93  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 11:48 AM

The evidence was “clear, direct, and convincing”—St. Clair’s words—that Richard Nixon had abused power and that he had engaged in a “pattern of misrepresentation and half-truths” to explain his conduct in the Watergate affair, a policy “cynically based on the premise that the truth itself is negotiable.” 
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- Highlight on Page 522 | Loc. 11694-96  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 11:49 AM

The combination of Mann and Butler left no doubt as to the outcome. Together, they offered a bipartisan conservative condemnation of the President. Together, they combined the sadness and fury that must have flowed through all but the most committed Nixon-haters and loyalists alike. 
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- Highlight on Page 522 | Loc. 11698-701  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 03:15 PM

When debate opened at noon on July 26, McClory moved to postpone consideration of the impeachment articles for ten days, if the President assured the committee within twenty-four hours that he would provide the House with the tapes which the Supreme Court had ordered him to submit to Judge Sirica. McClory had no expectation that Nixon would make the materials available. Apparently, he simply wanted to demonstrate that the committee had treated the President fairly and with proper deference. 
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- Highlight on Page 523 | Loc. 11702-5  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 03:16 PM

Brooks, Railsback, and Sandman, representing the three major factions in the committee, rejected the gesture as meaningless and opposed it. McClory’s motion failed, 27–11. By now the President commanded virtually no trust. A Gallup poll released that same day revealed that his disapproval rating had risen to 63 percent, while his support had fallen to 24 percent. 
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- Highlight on Page 523 | Loc. 11722-24  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 03:18 PM

By late afternoon the Democrats had recovered somewhat and had begun to reply effectively to Wiggins and Sandman. Rodino read a staff member’s hurried note citing previous impeachment proceedings in which a body of evidence was provided apart from the articles themselves. 
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- Highlight on Page 524 | Loc. 11730-33  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 03:20 PM

The counterassault by Wiggins and Sandman blistered the pro-impeachment forces. The Republican loyalists had little hope of moving those Democrats who had been firmly convinced by the evidence to vote against the President. Their target was the tenuous, uneasy bloc of approximately six Republicans and three Southern Democrats. Their shock tactics momentarily stunned the coalition and severely tested its mettle. 
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- Highlight on Page 524 | Loc. 11738-40  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 03:20 PM

That night, Democrats Mann and Flowers, and Republicans Cohen, Rails-back, Butler, and Hogan met for dinner and a post-mortem at the Capitol Hill Club. Some blamed Doar and poor staff communication for their own weak reply to Wiggins and Sandman. Flowers complained that the Democratic majority had not made the case. Cohen disagreed. “The members had got stung and they didn’t really know what to do,” he later recalled. 
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- Highlight on Page 524 | Loc. 11743-49  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 03:21 PM

Butler and Mooney remembered the “state of panic” and chaos that pervaded the group that evening. Flowers said that Sandman was the biggest hero in his Alabama district. The “specificators” had “licked us,” he complained. Meanwhile, ever politic, he suggested that the group maintain its image of neutrality. But the time for neutrality had passed. The coalition only bent; it did not break. The members had decided, and they were committed. Cohen deplored the label “fragile coalition.” He had reached the point where it didn’t really matter to him whether others “stayed in or stayed out,” as he had made his resolve. And so had his colleagues. The bloc remained intact, and despite Flowers, a number of them eagerly responded to the challenge of the President’s defenders. 
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- Highlight on Page 525 | Loc. 11759-63  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 03:23 PM

Sandman sometimes appeared a man who could not put the trees together to form a forest, but by Saturday afternoon, July 26, he knew the count. He saw no need to “bore the American public with a rehashing” of material and acknowledged that the votes were there to pass the article. Wiggins, too, sensed the futility of the situation. The glue holding together the coalition—in Wiggins’s opinion, self-interest and an erroneous understanding of constitutional responsibility—proved strong enough. 
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- Highlight on Page 525 | Loc. 11769-70  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 03:23 PM

Flowers then briefly yielded to allow Fish to speak to his “friends and supporters” in New York who supported Nixon. “There was no smoking gun,” Fish noted. “The whole room was filled with smoke.” 
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- Highlight on Page 525 | Loc. 11771-77  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 03:24 PM

Suddenly, dramatically, Rodino asked for a vote on the Sarbanes substitute Article I that the coalition had prepared. Choruses of “ayes” and “noes” responded. But Rodino called the roll, and thirty-eight members recorded their vote. The afternoon pattern held firm, and by a 27–11 vote, the committee adopted one article of impeachment against Richard Nixon. Six Republicans—Butler, Cohen, Fish, Froehlich, Hogan, and Railsback—joined the twenty-one Democrats. 23 The bipartisan vote, transcending ideological alliances as it did, belied charges that the committee’s proceedings were a partisan vendetta. Richard Nixon had brought the committee together, as he was to bring the nation together—though clearly not the way he had intended in 1968. It was fourteen years to the day since he had first been nominated for the presidency. 
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- Highlight on Page 527 | Loc. 11780-84  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 03:25 PM

Richard Nixon received the news of his own “Saturday Night Massacre” in his San Clemente beach trailer; it was, he said, “exactly” what he had “feared.” He realized a sense of historical shame—the “first President in 106 years to be recommended for impeachment.” Not the kind of first on which he usually prided himself. Compounding his anguish, the June 23 tape, in which he had discussed using the CIA to cover up the Watergate break-in, was, he knew, “like slow-fused dynamite,” waiting to explode. 
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- Highlight on Page 527 | Loc. 11787-92  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 03:26 PM

Returning to Washington on July 29, Nixon found the White House “cloaked in gloom,” the staff’s confidence “shattered.” St. Clair had returned from a long weekend at Cape Cod and learned the contents of the June 23 tape. According to Nixon, his “breezy optimism” had evaporated. Now, St. Clair expressed concern for his own liability as a party to obstruction of justice. 1 The House Judiciary Committee resumed deliberations on July 29. In three sessions that day, and three the following day, the members considered four more articles of impeachment. 
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- Highlight on Page 528 | Loc. 11793-94  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 03:26 PM

Many of the issues raised during the debate over Article I remained apparent when the members discussed the abuses of power charged in Article II. 
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- Highlight on Page 529 | Loc. 11816-19  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 03:31 PM

The Republican loyalists proposed various motions to strike Hungate’s substitute article, but this time their opponents were better prepared. For example, when Wiley Mayne insisted that the Plumbers had a national-security purpose, Hamilton Fish had Albert Jenner read the relevant evidence pointing to the conclusion that the Plumbers’ goal was to cultivate public relations, not to protect national security. 
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- Highlight on Page 529 | Loc. 11823-24  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 03:31 PM

The voting lines held. McClory crossed over to the majority, and the committee approved Article II, 28–10. 
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- Highlight on Page 529 | Loc. 11833-34  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 03:32 PM

McClory picked up only one Republican vote (Hogan’s) and lost two southerners; nevertheless, the article passed, 21–17. 
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- Highlight on Page 530 | Loc. 11841-44  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 03:34 PM

First, John Conyers introduced an article condemning the President for his taking “unilateral” military actions against Cambodia without informing Congress and for insisting that he had not done so. Edward Mezvinsky then submitted a fifth article, charging the President with willfully evading income taxes and with receiving compensation in the form of excessive government expenditures for his estates. Both articles failed, 26–12. 
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- Highlight on Page 531 | Loc. 11872-78  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 03:40 PM

On July 30, as the committee debate ended, the Nielsen Company informed White House aides that the debate had an estimated audience of 35–40 million—extraordinarily high numbers. A few days later, Nielsen reported that the average household watched 1.9 days of a possible four of the debates, for an average of 3 hours and 43 minutes. The viewing audience translated into double the American population of 1868, the year the House impeached Andrew Johnson. Only 10 percent of U.S. adults heard none of the House committee proceedings on television or radio. A Louis Harris poll taken on August 2, a week after the first vote, showed public opinion favoring impeachment 66–27 percent. Pro-impeachment sentiment had risen 13 percent in one week. 
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- Highlight on Page 532 | Loc. 11884-90  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 03:41 PM

After the final committee vote, the President spent a restless night. Early the next morning, he wrote out his options: resign immediately; resign if the full House voted impeachment; or fight through the Senate trial. Nixon’s “natural instinct” prevailed over any reasoned approach to the options, for at the end of his notes, he wrote: “End career as a fighter.” The only other real alternative was to set a precedent for resignation—and that was “far worse,” he thought. But hours later, according to Nixon, Haig read the June 23, 1972, tape transcript “for the first time” and agreed with Buzhardt and St. Clair: “I just don’t see how we can survive this one,” Haig told the President. The next day, August 1, Nixon told Haig that he intended to resign. 
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- Highlight on Page 533 | Loc. 11925-27  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 03:45 PM

Nixon’s traditional support eroded. On July 29 Howard Phillips called for the President’s removal, either by resignation or impeachment. He announced the creation of “CREEP 2”—Conservatives for the Removal of the President. 
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- Highlight on Page 533 | Loc. 11927-30  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 03:46 PM

Just after the impeachment vote, Federal Judge Gerhard Gesell sentenced John Ehrlichman to a twenty-month-to-five-year jail term for his role in the Fielding break-in, and two days later, John Dean received a one-to-four-year sentence for obstructing justice. The emergence of new enemies and painful reminders of “White House horrors” only reinforced the image of a totally discredited Administration. 
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- Highlight on Page 534 | Loc. 11931-33  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 03:46 PM

Ford’s enduring faith must have shattered on August I when Haig told him that the situation had so deteriorated that “the ball game” might be over, and Ford should start “thinking about a change” in his life. 
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- Highlight on Page 534 | Loc. 11936-43  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 03:47 PM

Anger was a mild word to describe the feelings of presidential supporters four days later when the President released the June 23, 1972 tape transcript, destined to be known as the “smoking gun.” At the President’s first meeting that day, more than two years earlier, Haldeman told the President that “we’re back in the problem area,” because Pat Gray did not have the FBI under control. The FBI’s investigation had led into some “productive areas,” where “we don’t want it to go,” he said. Haldeman had talked to Mitchell and Dean, who agreed on the need to maintain a cover-up of the Administration’s role in the Watergate break-in. Mitchell’s recommendation that Deputy CIA Director Vernon Walters call Gray and tell him to “stay the hell out of this” was the fateful instruction. Didn’t Gray want to stay out of it? the President asked. Yes, Haldeman responded, but he needed a reason, and the CIA could provide him with one. Haldeman thought the story might be plausible, because the FBI investigation allegedly had been tracing money to some CIA connections. 
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- Highlight on Page 534 | Loc. 11947-51  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 03:48 PM

The conversation shifted to various legislative and policy matters. But abruptly, Nixon returned to the Watergate problem. Call in the CIA people, he said, and tell them that further inquiry might lead to “the whole Bay of Pigs thing”; “don’t lie to them to the extent to say there is no involvement, but just say this is a comedy of errors,” Nixon said. The CIA should call in the FBI and say, ‘Don’t go further into this case[,] period’ !” 
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- Highlight on Page 535 | Loc. 11954-56  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 03:48 PM

When the two men resumed their conversation later that afternoon, the President urged caution lest the CIA and FBI leaders have “any ideas we’re doing it because our concern is political.” Instead, he underlined an anxiety that any revelations might “blow the whole, uh, Bay of Pigs thing.” 
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- Highlight on Page 535 | Loc. 11960-62  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 03:49 PM

The June 23 tape offered a definitive answer to Howard Baker’s question, put just over a year earlier: the President knew. He knew that he had instigated a cover-up and thus had participated in an obstruction of justice almost from the outset of events. 
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- Highlight on Page 536 | Loc. 11993-96  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:01 PM

But after they learned of the June 23 tape, Republicans, like cuckolded mates, refused to accept Nixon’s expressions of regret for withholding the information. Some wanted him simply to resign; others wished to vent their fury on him. As the news spread through Washington, House Republicans reacted with dismay, sorrow, or anger; whether by impeachment or by resignation, they concluded, the President had to go. 
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- Highlight on Page 537 | Loc. 12008-13  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:05 PM

The President desperately tried to insert exculpatory material into his August 5 statement on his release of the tape. At the last moment, he drafted a notation that he had told Pat Gray to press forward two weeks after the June 23 conversation, once he had determined that there was no national-security matter at stake. But the statement would have to wait for his memoirs. Haig told him that St. Clair and the lawyers would leave unless the prepared statement remained intact. “The hell with it,” Nixon said. “Let them put out anything they want. My decision has already been made.” 
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- Highlight on Page 539 | Loc. 12050-53  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:12 PM

The President, with some urging from Burch, called in the Republican leaders on August 7. Goldwater’s presence was a measure of his untitled stature within the Republican Party and the nation. Burch knew his friend would be blunt and honest. Given the Senator’s significant national constituency, and the growing respect of old adversaries, Burch also realized that Nixon could not lightly reject any counsel Goldwater gave him. 
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- Highlight on Page 539 | Loc. 12056-61  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:13 PM

Accompanied by Hugh Scott and John Rhodes, Goldwater met the President. According to several accounts, including his own, he never directly told Nixon to resign, indicating instead that he had no significant support in Congress. He informed Nixon that he had at most ten supporters in the Senate, six of whom really were undecided, including himself. Goldwater left the meeting with no doubt as to the outcome: the President “would resign.” When the three met reporters late in the afternoon of August 7, Goldwater told them that no decision had been made and that they had visited the President to describe the situation in Congress. 
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- Highlight on Page 539 | Loc. 12063-66  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:14 PM

Nixon remembered Goldwater’s telling him that he leaned toward voting for Article II. He also recalled saying to Scott as they ended their discussion: “Now that old Harry Truman is gone, I won’t have anybody to pal around with.” Truman had had monumental contempt for Nixon, and the President knew it. Nixon’s remarks to Scott displayed his typical awkwardness and perhaps offered some indication of a momentary flight from reality. 
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- Highlight on Page 540 | Loc. 12092-95  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:17 PM

Meanwhile, Ford delivered Agnew-style speeches—written in the White House—assailing the President’s critics and blithely assuring his audience of Nixon’s innocence. “Throughout my political life, I always believed what I was told,” Ford later wrote. And he believed that Nixon had told him the truth. When he saw the experts’ report on the 18½-minute tape gap, he began to suspect he was being used, yet he dutifully continued to defend the President for months to come. 
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- Highlight on Page 541 | Loc. 12115-21  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:22 PM

He reminded his lieutenants that the presidency had experienced enormous trauma in the past decade, with the assassination of Kennedy and with Johnson “literally hounded from office.” The institution, he said, must not sustain another “hammer blow” without a defense. Consequently, he would not resign, and would let the constitutional process run. This, he insisted, would be in the “best interests of the Nation”; he would not “desert the principles which give our government legitimacy.” To do otherwise, he continued, “would be a regrettable departure from American historical principles.” He offered nothing in the way of personal defense aside from past diplomatic triumphs; instead, he wrapped himself in the mantle of the presidency—claiming 
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- Highlight on Page 542 | Loc. 12122-25  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:22 PM

With that, Nixon turned to a discussion of economic problems, projecting policies for six months in the future. Attorney General William Saxbe was dumbfounded by Nixon’s bravado. “Mr. President, don’t you think we should be talking about next week, not next year?” he asked. According to Saxbe, Nixon looked around the table, no one said a word, and with that he picked up his papers and left the room. 
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- Highlight on Page 541 | Loc. 12112-13  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:23 PM

President Nixon appeared for his last Cabinet meeting on Tuesday, August 6. 
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- Highlight on Page 542 | Loc. 12133-34  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:24 PM

Resignation offered only short-term benefits, Butler thought; more important, he did not want to establish a precedent “for harassment out of office, 
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- Bookmark on Page 544 | Loc. 12165  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:27 PM


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- Highlight on Page 544 | Loc. 12164-68  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:27 PM

Preventing the “death of a thousand cuts” seemed to be the rallying cry for the President’s men. Haig complained, however, that to some White House aides the slogan meant that Nixon should resign rather than suffer such a painful ordeal—the “pussy fire group,” he contemptuously called them, comparing them to Vietnamese who would not stand and fight. Some in the White House felt besieged: “It was us against the world.” Every day, it seemed, brought what Stephen Bull called the “Oh, Shit Syndrome,” meaning another revelation, another disclosure, another indictment. 
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- Highlight on Page 544 | Loc. 12170-72  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:27 PM

Still, Bull knew that the White House atmosphere was different; “things just were not happening,” he recalled, and the blank pages of the presidential logs offer mute testimony to that fact. 
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- Highlight on Page 545 | Loc. 12190-93  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:30 PM

According to McClory, Rodino promised to end the impeachment inquiry as well if Nixon stepped down. Speaker Carl Albert concurred, although he added that he had no influence over the Special Prosecutor’s course of action. The news from McClory undoubtedly had some appeal. If Nixon learned of that development, then he would have done so just prior to his meeting with Goldwater, Rhodes, and Scott. That conversation, taken together with the news from Rodino, might well have been influential. 
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- Highlight on Page 545 | Loc. 12196-99  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:31 PM

That evening Nixon began to work in earnest on his resignation speech and arranged to meet Vice President Ford the next day to discuss a transition. In that meeting, the President recommended that Ford retain Haig; the rest of the meeting was awkward, as both men seemed to understand, yet were unable to express, what was required of each. 
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- Highlight on Page 545 | Loc. 12199-205  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:33 PM

The following night, Nixon saw more than forty longtime, steadfast supporters. “I just hope I haven’t let you down,” he told them. But he said later that he knew he had—as he had “let down the country … our system of government and the dreams of all those young people that ought to get into government…. I … let the American people down, and I have to carry that burden with me for the rest of my life.” Earlier, he met with congressional leaders from both parties. He told them what he would say to the nation that evening: he had “lost his base” in Congress, and he believed the outcome of the impeachment process to be inevitable. Speaker Albert best remembered that Nixon never discussed the question of whether he had done wrong. Perhaps that was asking too much. Instead, the President broke down in tears. 
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- Highlight on Page 545 | Loc. 12206-12  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:34 PM

Nixon’s last full day in office proceeded routinely. He vetoed annual appropriations bills for the Agriculture Department and the Environmental Protection Agency on the grounds that they were inflationary. On a lesser, but far more symbolic note, he nominated a judge to fill a federal court seat in Wisconsin which had been vacant for three years. Nixon had sought unsuccessfully to appoint an old friend, Republican Representative Glenn Davis, but the American Bar Association, as well as state groups, had mounted an intense campaign in opposition. The new appointment on August 8 painfully measured the President’s decline and powerlessness. Later that day, Nixon addressed his simple letter of resignation to the keeper of the seals, the Secretary of State: “I hereby resign the Office of President of the United States.” 
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- Highlight on Page 546 | Loc. 12226-31  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:35 PM

General Brown sent a message on August 8 to various American military commanders in the United States and abroad, advising increased vigilance. Yet he also urged them not to be overly ambitious in implementing the order. The next day, two other messages went to the same commanders over Schlesinger’s name. The first conveyed remarks of President Ford: “I know that I can count on the unswerving loyalty and dedication to duty that have always characterized the men and women of the Department of Defense. The country joins me in appreciation for your steadfast service.” The other communique, signed by Schlesinger, stated: “Mr. Ford will have, consistent with our best traditions, the fullest support, dedication, and loyalty of all members of the Department of Defense.” 
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- Highlight on Page 547 | Loc. 12251-53  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:37 PM

The President spent the afternoon of August 8 correcting and memorizing his resignation speech, to be broadcast that evening. “One thing, Ron, old boy,” he feebly joked to Ziegler, “we won’t have to have any more press conferences, and we won’t even have to tell them that[,] either!” Of course, he had said a similar thing a dozen years earlier in California. 
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- Highlight on Page 548 | Loc. 12253-56  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:37 PM

He also said that he looked forward to writing, noting that it might be done in prison. “Some of the best writing in history has been done in prison. Think of Lenin and Gandhi,” he said. At 9:00 P.M. the thirty-seventh President addressed the nation from the White House for the thirty-seventh time. 
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- Highlight on Page 548 | Loc. 12261-62  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:38 PM

With a hint of defiance, he asserted that he had never been a quitter. To resign was “abhorrent to every instinct” within him. But he would put “the interests of America first.” 
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- Highlight on Page 548 | Loc. 12266-68  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:38 PM

“I regret deeply any injuries that may have been done in the course of the events that led to this decision. I would say only that if some of my judgments were wrong—and some were wrong—they were made in what I believed at the time to be the best interest of the Nation.” It was Richard Nixon’s only moment that approximated contrition. 
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- Highlight on Page 548 | Loc. 12274-75  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:40 PM

“few things in his presidency became him as much as his manner of leaving.” 
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- Highlight on Page 549 | Loc. 12278-79  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:40 PM

Six years earlier, to the day, Nixon had delivered perhaps the best speech of his career as he accepted the Republican presidential nomination. 
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- Highlight on Page 549 | Loc. 12279-81  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:41 PM

He had told the nation that he would restore respect for the law. “Time is running out,” he said at that time, “for the merchants of crime and corruption in American society.” 
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- Highlight on Page 550 | Loc. 12308-10  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:44 PM

His “old man” was “a great man because he did his job,” and every job counted to the hilt, regardless of what happened. His mother, too, was remembered. No books would be written about her, “but she was a saint,” he said, as tears welled up in his eyes. 
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- Highlight on Page 550 | Loc. 12315-18  | Added on Monday, May 26, 2014, 07:45 PM

Nixon quoted a delicate, moving passage from Roosevelt’s autobiography that described her death and his enduring love for her. With her death, Roosevelt wrote, “the light went out from my life forever.” How strange that Nixon should have identified with Teddy Roosevelt’s lament for his inexplicable loss. For after all, Richard Nixon’s cause for grief was all too explainable. 
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- Highlight on Page 553 | Loc. 12324-28  | Added on Wednesday, May 28, 2014, 10:56 AM

On Sunday morning, September 8, President Gerald R. Ford attended St. John’s Church, across from Lafayette Park. Afterward, he invited a pool of reporters and photographers into the Oval Office, where he read a brief statement and then signed a proclamation granting Richard Nixon a “full, free, and absolute pardon” for any crimes “which he, Richard Nixon, has committed or may have committed” during his presidency. The time had come, the President said, to end this “American tragedy” and restore “tranquility.” 
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- Highlight on Page 554 | Loc. 12343-45  | Added on Wednesday, May 28, 2014, 10:58 AM

Alexander Hamilton in Federalist74 warmly endorsed its discretionary aspect. There would be, he said, “seasons of insurrection or rebellion,” or “critical moments, when a well-timed offer of pardon … may restore the tranquility of the commonwealth; and which, if suffered to pass unimproved, it may never be possible afterwards to recall.” 
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- Highlight on Page 554 | Loc. 12347-48  | Added on Wednesday, May 28, 2014, 10:58 AM

“Our long national nightmare of Watergate” was over, he said as he took his oath of office. 
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- Highlight on Page 555 | Loc. 12361-63  | Added on Wednesday, May 28, 2014, 11:00 AM

It is clear, however, that Ford believed the nightmare still haunted the nation, and that he had an antidote. The new President’s cure had substantial merit; unfortunately, he fumbled its application, with costly short-run effects for him and for the nation. 
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- Highlight on Page 555 | Loc. 12366-69  | Added on Wednesday, May 28, 2014, 11:01 AM

So much of the affair of the past two years had been extraordinary; its denouement was no exception. We have differing versions of when a pardon for Richard Nixon first received serious consideration. Seymour Hersh’s 1983 article on the subject in the Atlantic contended that Nixon selected Ford as his Vice President in October 1973 because “he thought that he could rely on Ford to pardon him.” 
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- Highlight on Page 555 | Loc. 12369-70  | Added on Wednesday, May 28, 2014, 11:02 AM

Ford himself testified that on August 1, 1974, Haig told him that a pardon for Nixon, if he resigned, should be a possibility. 
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- Highlight on Page 555 | Loc. 12378-79  | Added on Wednesday, May 28, 2014, 11:03 AM

Buzhardt later insisted that he never proposed any discussion of a Ford pardon of Nixon, yet he drafted a pardon proclamation in Gerald Ford’s name, dated August 6, 1974, three days before Nixon’s eventual resignation. 
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- Highlight on Page 556 | Loc. 12390-91  | Added on Wednesday, May 28, 2014, 01:44 PM

Less than a week after Nixon returned to San Clemente, John Ehrlichman’s lawyers subpoenaed the former President as a witness in the forthcoming trial of Nixon’s former aides. 
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- Highlight on Page 556 | Loc. 12396-99  | Added on Wednesday, May 28, 2014, 01:46 PM

Near the end of the month, Nixon received a subpoena to give a deposition for a pending civil trial related to Watergate. From his San Clemente exile, the law’s long arm seemed menacing to Richard Nixon. “Do you think the people want to pick the carcass?” he said in a telephone call to a Republican congressman on August 26, adding that “We’ve got problems with that fellow …”—meaning Jaworski. 
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- Highlight on Page 557 | Loc. 12424-27  | Added on Wednesday, May 28, 2014, 01:48 PM

On August 20, Ford nominated Nelson A. Rockefeller, Nixon’s old rival, for the vice-presidency. Reporters questioned the former New York governor regarding Nixon’s future. He already had been “hung,” Rockefeller said, and added that he need not “be drawn and quartered.” He proposed that Nixon be given “immunity from prosecution.” 
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- Highlight on Page 557 | Loc. 12427-28  | Added on Wednesday, May 28, 2014, 01:48 PM

That same day, by a 412–3 vote, the House of Representatives accepted the Judiciary Committee’s report on its impeachment inquiry. 
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- Highlight on Page 558 | Loc. 12434-35  | Added on Wednesday, May 28, 2014, 01:50 PM

But public sentiment was skeptical: a Gallup poll, conducted between August 16 and 19, showed that 56 percent of the respondents favored a criminal trial for the ex-president. 
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- Highlight on Page 559 | Loc. 12454-57  | Added on Wednesday, May 28, 2014, 01:52 PM

Conveniently—perhaps too conveniently—the first question raised at Ford’s press conference that day, August 28, was whether he agreed with Rockefeller on immunity for Nixon and whether he would use his pardon authority. Ford thought that Rockefeller’s statement “coincided” with the “general view” of the American people. A bit elliptically, he added that “in this situation I am the final authority,” and then pointedly declared that a pardon was a “proper option.” 
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- Highlight on Page 559 | Loc. 12466-69  | Added on Wednesday, May 28, 2014, 01:55 PM

But he insisted that the nation’s health most concerned him, and he quoted one of his military aides: “We’re all Watergate junkies. Some of us are mainlining, some are sniffing, some are lacing it with something else, but all of us are addicted. This will go on and on unless someone steps in and says that we, as a nation, must go cold turkey. Otherwise, we’ll die of an overdose.” 
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- Highlight on Page 560 | Loc. 12477-80  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 05:10 PM

On September 4, Jaworski told Buchen that Nixon could not be tried for at least nine months to two years. He added that the forthcoming trial of Mitchell, Haldeman, and Ehrlichman would generate unfavorable, prejudicial publicity, precluding any fair trial for Nixon. Jaworski also had no intention of including Nixon as a co-defendant, believing that the former President’s condemnation in the impeachment process might well prejudice the cases of the other defendants. 
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- Highlight on Page 560 | Loc. 12492-93  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 05:11 PM

Ford had made his decision firm by September 4, perhaps sooner. But for the next few days, he carried out a bargaining charade with his predecessor. 
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- Highlight on Page 562 | Loc. 12535-40  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 05:20 PM

After all the hard bargaining, bargaining in which Nixon did not deal personally with Ford’s emissary, Benton Becker had a brief audience with Nixon. He claimed that he told Nixon the White House would stand by prevailing legal doctrine that acceptance of a pardon acknowledged guilt. Nixon seemed uninterested. Becker remembered the conversation as unfocused and depressing. He found Nixon to be “an absolute candidate for suicide; the most depressed human being I have ever met, and I didn’t think it was an act.” Becker duly conveyed that impression to President Ford. Whatever Nixon’s mood when he met with Becker, less than three weeks later he signed a contract for a two-million-dollar advance for his forthcoming memoirs. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 563 | Loc. 12554-63  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 05:25 PM

Becker brought back an agreement on the Nixon records subsequently known as the Nixon-Sampson Agreement, named after the Administrator of the General Services Administration, and announced the same day as the pardon. The agreement required the former President to deposit his papers in the National Archives, yet gave him “all legal and equitable title” to those materials, as well as the right to control access and to withdraw any of them after three years. Nixon was also assured that his tape recordings would be destroyed upon his death or in 1984, whichever came first. Buchen later defended the agreement because he considered the recordings as “so offensive and contrary” to personal privacy. For his part, Becker claimed that Ford was not going to be a party to the “final cover-up” of Watergate by giving Nixon possession of his papers—a statement that somehow ignored the fact that giving him unequivocal control over their use was a complete victory for Nixon. Within weeks, Congress abrogated the Nixon-Sampson Agreement when it passed the Presidential Recordings and Materials Preservation Act of 1974, giving the National Archives custody of the Nixon records and the authority to determine their use. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 564 | Loc. 12581-82  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 05:27 PM

The White House received nearly 270,000 written communications following the pardon, almost 200,000 of which opposed Ford’s act. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 566 | Loc. 12617-19  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 05:30 PM

Charles Colson later claimed Nixon had promised him that he would not leave office “without wiping the slate clear” for everyone, and that there had been a deal for Ford to pardon all Administration defendants until the subsequent storm over the Nixon pardon. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 566 | Loc. 12620-23  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 05:31 PM

Nixon telephoned Ford about a week after the pardon, apologizing for the political embarrassment he had caused and expressing his gratitude. It was small comfort for Ford, however. The image of goodwill and honesty he had so assiduously fostered now dissipated. The President’s Gallup poll approval rating plunged in a month from 71 percent to 49 percent, and would eventually drop even more. Within two days, the White House reported that mail and telegrams ran five to one against Ford, an extraordinary admission. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 566 | Loc. 12627-31  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 05:33 PM

In a completely cynical vein, William Buckley’s National Review stated that conservatives were happy with the pardon, for, at last, it had exposed Ford to liberal criticism. The President, the magazine remarked, had “burned his bridges to the great organs of liberal opinion,” preparing the way for “the real battle” in American politics. Charles Colson, now a “born-again” Christian, delivered his own innuendoes, and denied the President any comfort in his struggle with conservatives, when he reiterated that Nixon never would have resigned unless he had reason to believe Ford would pardon him. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 567 | Loc. 12652-58  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 05:38 PM

What went wrong was that Ford failed to prepare the country for what he must have known he would do, certainly as early as the end of August. He apparently consulted with no political leaders; furthermore, his lack of desire—or his inability—to get that measure of contrition from Richard Nixon that the national mood may well have demanded was a serious miscalculation. In deciding to pardon Nixon, Ford relied on only a few advisers. Given his congressional experience, Ford must certainly have understood the virtue and indispensability of consultation. Yet he made no effort to touch the necessary political bases in this momentous case. Ford made a brave decision; he need not have made one amid such “splendid isolation.” 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 568 | Loc. 12659-61  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 05:39 PM

Imagine if Ford had asked former congressional colleagues from across the political spectrum—Mansfield, Scott, Goldwater, Albert, Rhodes, and O’Neill—to stand with him as he delivered his announcement. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 569 | Loc. 12695-97  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 05:47 PM

On September 16 Congresswoman Bella Abzug (D–NY) introduced a resolution requesting that the President respond to ten questions relating to the pardon. A week earlier, she had written to Jaworski, contending that the pardon was unconstitutional and that he should proceed with an indictment. No reply was sent. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 570 | Loc. 12702-3  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 05:47 PM

The White House reply came on September 30 with dramatic suddenness: the President himself would appear to answer questions. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 570 | Loc. 12705-8  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 05:48 PM

October 17, Elizabeth Holtzman carried the burden of the questioning, mainly repeating the questions that Abzug and Conyers had stipulated in their resolutions. But she launched them in rapid-fire succession, hardly allowing Ford time to answer. Finally, he interrupted: ‘[T]here was no deal, period, under no circumstances.” 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 573 | Loc. 12771-73  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 07:22 PM

The framers of the Constitution debated granting pardon only after conviction. They decided otherwise, in the belief that a pardon might be used as a means of obtaining cooperation from an accused individual. But Richard Nixon provided nothing toward resolving Watergate.35 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 575 | Loc. 12798-800  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 07:27 PM

In 1986, Richard Nixon, serenely confident that he had been “rehabilitated,” suddenly found Watergate alive and well, hauntingly compared to the Iran-Contra affair that erupted that fall. Watergate proved to be more than the “dim and distant curiosity” that one historian described. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 575 | Loc. 12805-12  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 07:29 PM

Donald Segretti pleaded guilty on October 1, 1973, to three counts of distributing illegal campaign literature and eventually served four months. Dwight Chapin was indicted on November 29, 1973, on four counts of perjury relating to his ties to Segretti. After a five-day trial, he was convicted on two counts on April 5, 1974, and sentenced to ten to thirty months in prison. John Dean pleaded guilty on October 19, 1973, to one count of obstructing justice, but the court delayed his sentence until August 2, 1974, to ensure his continuing cooperation. Judge John Sirica ordered a jail term of one to four years, but Dean served only four months, as Sirica ordered him released following the conviction of Nixon’s closest associates. Dean spent the entire time at Fort Holabird in Maryland, conveniently available foralmost daily questioning in preparation for the Mitchell-Haldeman-Ehrlichman trials, in which he appeared as the principal witness for the prosecution. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 575 | Loc. 12812-15  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 07:29 PM

Jeb Magruder offered a guilty plea in August 1973 and received a penal term of one to four years. He, too, appeared as a witness against his former associates and had his sentence reduced. Herbert Kalmbach pleaded guilty in February 1974 to several campaign violations, and in return for his testimony, all other charges were dropped. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 576 | Loc. 12818-20  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 07:30 PM

Charles Colson pleaded guilty to a charge of obstructing justice by scheming to defame and destroy the reputation of Daniel Ellsberg and thereby influence Ellsberg’s trial. Other charges for his role in obstructing justice in the Watergate burglary were dropped, and on June 3, 1974, Judge Gerhard Gesell sentenced Colson to one to three years. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 576 | Loc. 12823-25  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 07:31 PM

Ehrlichman was sentenced to concurrent prison terms of twenty months to five years. Liddy received a jail sentence to run simultaneously with the one he was then serving in connection with the Watergate burglary. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 576 | Loc. 12825-27  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 07:31 PM

The trial of Mitchell, Haldeman, Ehrlichman, Robert Mardian, and Kenneth Parkinson for various charges of conspiracy, obstruction of justice, and perjury began on October 1, 1974. After three months, the jury returned guilty verdicts against all but Parkinson. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 576 | Loc. 12828-30  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 07:32 PM

On February 21, 1975, Richard Nixon’s closest advisers—Mitchell, Haldeman, and Ehrlichman—received sentences of 2½-8 years for their crimes. For many, the verdict represented a conviction of the former president in absentia. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 577 | Loc. 12851-54  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 07:35 PM

As President Ford continued the same policies, conservatives refused to submit to party loyalty and offer affection for an incumbent they had once admired. In May 1975 Ronald Reagan condemned Ford for a projected $51-million budget deficit. Conservative Digest reported a poll in June 1975 claiming that 71 percent of its readers thought Ford was doing a “poor” job, and 91 percent opposed his nomination for the 1976 election. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 578 | Loc. 12866-69  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 07:39 PM

Richard Nixon’s Republican opponents finally enjoyed a measure of revenge. Fifteen years after he left the presidency, Nixon found himself out of the mainstream of his own party. Periodically, he invoked conservative slogans and labels, but he remained a distrusted and embarrassing figure. The former President had the unique distinction of not appearing at the four presidential nominating conventions of his party that followed his leaving the White House. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 579 | Loc. 12890-91  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 07:42 PM

Three consecutive presidential defeats left the Democrats floundering in search of their identity as a party. Perhaps that identity might have been found nearly two decades earlier, had Watergate not diverted the party from the quest. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 580 | Loc. 12923-28  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 08:08 PM

The 1974 law regulated both contributions and expenditures. But in Buckley v. Valeo (1976), the Supreme Court held that expenditure limits violated the First Amendment, except for those imposed on grants of public funds. The Court ruled nine years later that PAC expenditures, if made independently of the candidate, could not be constitutionally limited. The net effect of the judicial decisions was to stimulate the flow of special-interest money. Increased use of the media, involving legions of “creative and support” staff, as well as expanded roles for pollsters and political consultants, made campaigning more expensive, which made the demands for increased campaign funds circular and even more extravagant. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 581 | Loc. 12933  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 08:09 PM

Sociologist Robert Nisbet observed that “unethical” might well be the most difficult word to define in the American language. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 582 | Loc. 12951-56  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 08:12 PM

1978 law first required the Attorney General to investigate such allegations and then to report to a three-judge panel within ninety days on whether the charges were unfounded or whether the judges should appoint a special prosecutor. The judges defined the prosecutor’s jurisdiction. Once selected, the prosecutor had authority to perform the investigative and prosecutorial functions of Justice Department officials. Finally, the prosecutor could not be removed, except by impeachment or conviction of a crime, or by the Attorney General in the event of extraordinary impropriety or physical incapacity. The Attorney General must justify such action to the Senate Judiciary Committee; moveover, the prosecutor might appeal to the courts for review. The Ethics Act institutionalized the memory of the Saturday Night Massacre. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 583 | Loc. 12976-79  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 08:16 PM

Two years of wrangling produced a series of amendments to the Ethics Act in 1983. The changes renamed the Special Prosecutor an “Independent Counsel” (a less “inflammatory” title, one Senator suggested), gave the Attorney General more discretion in the decision to name a counsel, reduced the list of officials who might be investigated, provided for reimbursement of attorney’s fees for the subject of an investigation if no indictment were brought, and allowed the Attorney General to remove the counsel for “good cause.” 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Bookmark on Page 584 | Loc. 13003  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 08:20 PM


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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 584 | Loc. 13003-6  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 08:20 PM

Independent Counsel Whitney North Seymour complained that the Ethics in Government Act had too many loopholes and exemptions. Whatever its inadequacies, the law nevertheless remained imperative, he said, because there was “too much loose money and too little concern in Washington about ethics in government.” Seymour struck particularly at the Reagan Administration’s failure to instill an ethical sense throughout the government. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 585 | Loc. 13020-26  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 08:33 PM

The Supreme Court put its imprimatur on the independent-counsel statute in a surprisingly firm and broad decision. Reversing the appellate court, Chief Justice William Rehnquist led the Court in rebuffing the Administration. The Justices found no violation of separation-of-powers doctrine. The Court held that the Ethics Act in no way inhibited the President from performing his constitutionally assigned duties. Further, unlike the lower court, Rehnquist rejected any notion that the law constituted “Congressional usurpation” of executive functions. In a lone dissent, Justice Antonin Scalia bitingly referred to “our former constitutional system,” as he lamented the Court’s refusal to uphold what he believed to be a proper and absolute scheme of separation of powers. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 587 | Loc. 13076-79  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 08:43 PM

Helms dismissed Nixon’s lament as hypocritical and misguided, for he had “no doubt that the whole Watergate business fueled” the CIA’s difficulty with Congress. Nixon’s attempt to entangle the CIA in Watergate, Helms contended, had been “the battering ram” for the subsequent congressional inquiry. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 588 | Loc. 13094-101  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 08:49 PM

Executive orders are subject to new executive orders, however; relations between the CIA and the Attorney General are subject to the compatibility of their interests; and congressional oversight is dependent, first, on what information the CIA or the President chooses to provide, and second, on the extent of Congress’s own vigilance and interest. President Reagan’s Executive Order 12333 of December 4, 1981, substantially weakened Carter’s 1978 directives and restored a large measure of discretion to CIA activities. (That order also upset the Levi guidelines on the FBI and, in general, “unleashed” the intelligence agencies, as the President noted.) The Iran-Contra affair in 1986–87 demonstrated that the CIA and the Administration had acted without congressional consultation and hence lacked that degree of consent that might have provided some cover of legitimacy to what clearly was a dubious enterprise. The result was predictable; renewed demands to force full CIA disclosure of its activities were followed by expressions of concern that the CIA not be inhibited or compromised in its activities. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 588 | Loc. 13108-12  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 08:51 PM

The charges leveled against President Nixon’s misuse of executive agencies touched developing concerns for the right of privacy. Interest in the problem erupted in the 1960s, partly in response to a concern over the government’s increasing surveillance of the civil rights movement and of opponents of the Vietnam war, and partly in recognition that sophisticated new technology-including computers and the establishment of centralized computer data banks—threatened freedom of private activities and information. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 589 | Loc. 13122-26  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 08:53 PM

The result was the Privacy Act of 1974, passed four months after Nixon resigned. The new law permitted individuals to see information in their federal agency files and to correct or amend the information. Agencies were prohibited from making files available to other agencies without permission. They also could not maintain records describing a person’s exercise of First Amendment rights unless the action fell within the scope of official law-enforcement activities—a loophole that specifically exempted the FBI, the CIA, the Secret Service, and other agencies from the law. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 589 | Loc. 13127-30  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 08:54 PM

Nowhere was the privacy issue more sensitive than with regard to tax information. Revelations that Nixon and his advisers had used IRS data sensationalized the White House’s war against its “enemies.” John Caulfield’s testimony to the Ervin Committee in 1973, and Nixon’s well-known searches for a politically pliable IRS Commissioner, made prophets of the Nixon Administration’s critics. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 590 | Loc. 13135-39  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 08:55 PM

Congress apparently was not content to leave compliance entirely to presidential and IRS discretion. As part of the Tax Reform Act of 1976, it provided that presidential requests for information must specify the reason for any request and that the President must submit a quarterly report to the Joint Congressional Committee on Taxation, describing the returns requested and the reasons for seeking them. Two years later, Congress passed the Financial Privacy Act of 1978, a law designed to bar government agencies from gaining bank records without knowledge of the person under investigation, except in rare circumstances. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 591 | Loc. 13161-63  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 08:59 PM

That enterprise, combined with the Watergate environment, fostered substantial additions to the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) of 1966, the landmark law that provided an opportunity to scrutinize behind-the-scenes activity in the executive branch (if not the legislative). 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 591 | Loc. 13169-72  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 09:01 PM

When the Supreme Court ruled in 1973 that the original law did not give courts the right to review bureaucratic decisions, the Watergate context inspired a congressional movement to revise the law. The House passed new provisions in March 1974, followed by Senate action in May. A conference version finally emerged in November. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 592 | Loc. 13194-96  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 09:05 PM

The PRMPA specifically addressed itself to the problem of Watergate. It noted that the Archives regulations should recognize “the need to provide the public with the full truth, at the earliest reasonable date, of the abuses of governmental power popularly identified under the generic term ‘Watergate.’” 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 593 | Loc. 13200-13203  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 09:05 PM

Furthermore, the Justices noted that “the expectation of the confidentiality of executive communications … has always been limited and subject to erosion” after a president left office. Nixon must yield, the Court concluded, to the legitimate and desirable congressional purpose of “preserving the materials and maintaining access to them for lawful governmental and historical purposes.” 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 593 | Loc. 13203-4  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 09:06 PM

In a concurring opinion, Justice John Paul Stevens argued that Nixon’s behavior properly placed him in a different class from all other presidents; that behavior, he said, justified the 1974 law that “implicitly condemns [Nixon] as an unreliable custodian of his papers.” 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 593 | Loc. 13210-13  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 09:06 PM

Following the mandate of the 1974 law regarding Watergate, the National Archives processed more than two million Watergate documents. By 1986, the Archives had, pursuant to the PRMPA, promulgated five sets of regulations governing the use of the documents, each challenged by Nixon or his aides, or by Congress, or by the courts. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 593 | Loc. 13220-22  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 09:08 PM

Just prior to leaving office, however, Reagan revealed his self-concern by issuing an executive order that ignored Silberman’s ruling and passed executive privilege on to former presidents. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 594 | Loc. 13222-26  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 09:08 PM

Despite the controversy over executive privilege, the National Archives opened the Nixon Papers in 1987, first with assorted materials pertaining to policy matters, and then with successive releases of the Watergate “Special Files.” The 1974 law had provided that the Archives do so “at the earliest reasonable date.” By 1978, the archivists had complied with that dictate, but Nixon’s resistance prevented public access to these files for nearly a decade. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 594 | Loc. 13229-31  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 09:09 PM

Richard Nixon always realized the stakes, knowing that the documentary and audiotaped record would shape history’s final judgments of him and his presidency. Perhaps, too, he knew the Orwellian dictum: “To control the present is to control the past. To control the past is to control the future.” 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 594 | Loc. 13240-45  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 09:11 PM

The Budget and Impoundment Act of 1974 represented an attempt of Congress to assert its rightful powers, and at the same time to respond to perceived excesses of the Nixon Administration. The law reflected in equal measures the Democrats’ concern that Nixon had excessively impounded appropriated funds, especially as an instrument of his own policy preferences, and the concerns of Republicans to reform the budget process in order to get spending under control, and so lessen the need for impoundment. The act established budget committees in both houses, a Congressional Budget Office with experts to analyze the budget, and authority to enact a budget resolution to guide, yet not bind, the appropriations process. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 596 | Loc. 13278-82  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 09:16 PM

“We won the war in Vietnam, but lost the peace. All that we had achieved in twelve years of fighting was thrown away in a spasm of congressional irresponsibility,” the former President wrote, as he linked Watergate and the collapse of South Vietnam. “As a matter of fact, the Congress lost it,” he said in a television interview, implying that Congress proved to be irresponsible in using the power newly gained at executive expense. On occasion, too, Nixon turned the argument around, blaming his preoccupation with the war for the negligence that allowed Watergate to happen. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 596 | Loc. 13283-88  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 09:17 PM

For Henry Kissinger, the historical stakes were equally great, for as a result of Watergate, he said, “I, a foreign-born American, wound up in the extraordinary position of holding together our foreign policy and reassuring our public.” Even some Kissinger critics acknowledged that he was “nearly the sole figure who legitimized or redeemed the government.” But Kissinger offered his own maze of contradictions, as he admitted that Nixon resented his Nobel Prize and the adulation of the media for his role in the peace process. “Had Watergate not soon overwhelmed [Nixon], I doubt whether I could have maintained my position in his Administration,” Kissinger wrote, taking a position opposite to his usual disdain toward Watergate. 
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The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon (Stanley I. Kutler)
- Highlight on Page 597 | Loc. 13304-6  | Added on Friday, May 30, 2014, 09:20 PM

The Nixon-Kissinger search for a scapegoat in the loss of Vietnam had a sinister resemblance to the Nazi revisionism that blamed Germany’s defeat in 1918 on a “stab in the back” delivered by domestic subversives. 

July


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Building Wireless Sensor Networks: with ZigBee, XBee, Arduino, and Processing (Robert Faludi)
- Bookmark Loc. 1658  | Added on Tuesday, July 22, 2014, 12:04 AM


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Building Wireless Sensor Networks: with ZigBee, XBee, Arduino, and Processing (Robert Faludi)
- Highlight Loc. 1960-63  | Added on Wednesday, July 23, 2014, 10:45 AM

ATIC Configures the digital I/O pins to monitor for changes in state, using a binary value to set for each pin. The pin(s) would also need to be configured as digital inputs. When change-detection is enabled, a sample is sent immediately any time a pin shifts from low to high or vice versa. This is useful if you are monitoring a switch, and care about triggering a transmission only when a button is pressed or released. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 315-17  | Added on Thursday, July 31, 2014, 10:04 AM

“ There is quite a deal of hysteria in the country about German spies. If you will kindly box up and send me from one to a dozen I will pay you very handsomely for your trouble. We are looking for them constantly, but it is a little difficult to shoot them until they have been found.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 376-80  | Added on Thursday, July 31, 2014, 10:10 AM

As the Senate’s alarm at the Red threat increased, the fighting spirit mustered for the world war festered. Nine million American workers in war industries were being demobilized. They found new jobs scarce. The cost of living had nearly doubled since the start of the war. As four million American soldiers started coming home, four million American workers went out on strike. The United States never had seen such confrontations between workers and bosses. The forces of law and order felt the Reds were behind it all. 

August


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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 464-76  | Added on Sunday, August 03, 2014, 02:01 PM

The president appeared as a prophet of doom. Wheezing, coughing, seeing double, blinded by headaches, Wilson delivered an apocalyptic vision to the American people. He foresaw the nation and the world under the never-ending threat of war. He spoke of the Russian Revolution as if it were a gigantic cloud of deadly gas, floating west across the Atlantic, bringing “the poison of disorder, the poison of revolt, the poison of chaos” to America. “Do you honestly think, my fellow-citizens, that none of that poison has got in the veins of this free people?” the president asked. “Men look you calmly in the face in America and say they are for that sort of revolution, when that sort of revolution means government by terror.” Without peace, “that poison will steadily spread, more and more rapidly until it may be that even this beloved land of ours will be distracted and distorted by it.” He warned that the United States would have to be ready to fight “in any part of the world where the threat of war is a menace.” The enemies of the United States would not rest: “You have got to watch them with secret agencies planted everywhere.” The nation would have to keep a great standing army and navy in a constant state of high alert. “And you can’t do that under free debate,” the president said. “You can’t do that under public counsel. Plans must be kept secret. Knowledge must be accumulated under a system which we have condemned, because we have called it a spying system. The more polite call it a system of intelligence.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 476-77  | Added on Sunday, August 03, 2014, 02:01 PM

As the president whistle-stopped westward across the Great Plains, a new American intelligence system was taking shape in Washington. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 725-28  | Added on Sunday, August 03, 2014, 02:21 PM

“Real Americans, men who believe in law, order, liberty, toleration of others’ views on political and religious subjects, are not given to advertising themselves and their patriotism. They have too much respect for Americanism and for patriotism to disgrace these fine words as they are being daily disgraced by those using them for personal or political notoriety.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2045-49  | Added on Sunday, August 03, 2014, 07:54 PM

Biddle had to find a way around that ruling. He told the president to appoint a special military commission. It would run a secret trial against the saboteurs under military law. When this decision came to the Supreme Court for a review, as it inevitably would, Biddle would argue that enemy combatants, waging a secret war against America, could be tried and punished by a military tribunal under the laws of war. The same argument would be raised in America’s twenty-first-century war on terror. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2423-27  | Added on Wednesday, August 06, 2014, 12:19 AM

American and British warplanes had bombed most of Berlin to rubble and the Soviets had crushed what remained. On July 16, a motorcade took Truman through the city. The ruins stank of death. Corpses rotted in the rubble and wild dogs scavenged their bones. A civilization lay in a state of collapse. “I thought of Carthage, Baalbek, Jerusalem …,” Truman wrote in his diary. “I hope for some sort of peace—but I fear that machines are ahead of morals by some centuries and when morals catch up there’ll be no reason for any of it.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2631-35  | Added on Wednesday, August 06, 2014, 01:29 PM

Ten years before he came to Washington to be sworn in to the House of Representatives, while he was still in law school, Nixon had applied for a job at the FBI. He never heard back. But he would make the most of his contacts with the Bureau for the next quarter of a century. In February 1947, Father Cronin helped him make the first of those connections. He personally briefed Nixon on the FBI’s investigations into American communism and Soviet espionage, introduced him to agents who specialized in Red-hunting, and became Nixon’s back-channel liaison with the Bureau. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2683-85  | Added on Wednesday, August 06, 2014, 01:37 PM

“Espionage is as old as man,” Hoover began. “We have always had it and we will continue to have it until the brotherhood of man becomes a reality as well as an ideal.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2680-86  | Added on Wednesday, August 06, 2014, 01:37 PM

National Security Act in the spring and summer of 1947. The bill proposed to unify the American military services under the aegis of the Pentagon; to create a secretary of defense to oversee the army, the navy, and a nuclear-armed air force; to form a new National Security Council to coordinate military, intelligence, and diplomatic powers at the White House; and to establish the first permanent peacetime American espionage service. “Espionage is as old as man,” Hoover began. “We have always had it and we will continue to have it until the brotherhood of man becomes a reality as well as an ideal.” Until then, the United States had to have a permanent and professional spy service established under law. He said no one was better qualified to run it than he himself. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Bookmark Loc. 2686  | Added on Wednesday, August 06, 2014, 01:38 PM


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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2702-4  | Added on Wednesday, August 06, 2014, 01:40 PM

Hoover capped his secret briefing by playing on the president’s fears of a secret police. “Luckily for us,” he said, “there is no more horrible example of what can happen through the creation of one vast central superstructure that both investigates and judges than the German Gestapo.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Bookmark Loc. 2706  | Added on Wednesday, August 06, 2014, 01:43 PM


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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2706-9  | Added on Wednesday, August 06, 2014, 01:43 PM

Hoover was surpassed by a rival whose rhetoric flew higher. Allen Dulles was Wild Bill Donovan’s leading protégé, a star at Donovan’s Wall Street law firm, and the brother of John Foster Dulles, the Republican Party’s shadow secretary of state. Puffing on his pipe, he gave suave, sophisticated, and factually slippery testimony to a closed congressional hearing on the National Security Act on June 27, 1947. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2714-16  | Added on Wednesday, August 06, 2014, 01:45 PM

One month later, on July 26, President Truman signed the National Security Act. The FBI was given no new powers to prosecute the Cold War. The director of Central Intelligence was given many. Hoover began spying on the CIA from that day forward. He started wiretapping CIA officers suspected of Communist sympathies or homosexual tendencies. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2721-25  | Added on Wednesday, August 06, 2014, 01:45 PM

Hoover’s political warfare intensified month by month. “It strikes me as a waste of time to cultivate this outfit,” he wrote after offering CIA officials a tour of the FBI’s training academy. He furiously rejected an aide’s draft of a polite letter to the director of Central Intelligence: “Please cut out all of the slobbering palaver. We know they have no use for us & I don’t intend to do a Munich.” When the CIA asked the FBI what it knew about the Comintern, Hoover swatted down the request: “Waste no time on it. We have more pressing matters.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2754-58  | Added on Wednesday, August 06, 2014, 06:36 PM

But now he had witnesses. The Bureau had been running a double agent inside the Party for five years. He was a middling and mild-mannered Communist functionary who delivered devastating testimony to the grand jury and at the trial of the eleven leaders. In time, his story became a classic black-and-white television show called I Led Three Lives, with an introduction instantly familiar to a generation of Americans: “This is the story, the fantastically true story, of Herbert A. Philbrick … Average citizen, high-level member of the Communist Party, counterspy for the Federal Bureau of Investigation.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2782-85  | Added on Wednesday, August 06, 2014, 06:41 PM

Venona was one of America’s most secret weapons in the Cold War—so secret that neither President Truman nor the CIA knew about it. On the occasions that Hoover sent intelligence derived from Venona to his superiors, it was scrubbed, sanitized, and attributed only to “a highly sensitive source.” Hoover decreed: “In view of loose methods of CIA & some of its questionable personnel we must be most circumspect. H.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2858-68  | Added on Wednesday, August 06, 2014, 06:50 PM

Almost two years passed before Hoover formally briefed the White House and the National Security Council: “For some months representatives of the FBI and of the Department of Justice have been formulating a plan of action for an emergency situation wherein it would be necessary to apprehend and detain persons who are potentially dangerous to the internal security of the country.” The detentions would begin in time of war, an emergency, a national crisis, a “threatened invasion” or a “rebellion.” Under the plan, the president would sign an emergency order suspending the writ of habeas corpus and instructing the FBI to begin the nationwide roundup. The attorney general would send the president a “master warrant” attached to the FBI’s Security Index, whose existence Hoover finally revealed to the president. “For a long period of time the FBI has been accumulating the names, identities and activities of individuals,” Hoover wrote. “The index now contains approximately twelve thousand individuals, of which approximately ninety-seven per cent are citizens of the United States.” That number eventually would double. “The plan calls for a statement of charges to be served on each detainee and a hearing be afforded the individual,” Hoover advised the White House. “The hearing procedure will not be bound by the rules of evidence.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2868-70  | Added on Wednesday, August 06, 2014, 06:50 PM

Hoover made plans to fill the detention centers in a time of national emergency, and Congress secretly financed the creation of six of these camps during the 1950s. But no Cold War president seriously considered the mass incarceration of suspected subversives. It took the first president of the twenty-first century to do that. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2871-82  | Added on Thursday, August 07, 2014, 06:16 PM

Dewey, would be elected president in November 1948. Dewey, who had made his name as a crime-fighting prosecutor, would be the first conservative in the White House in a generation. Hoover was working behind the scenes to support Dewey, who shared Hoover’s views on the national emergency that confronted the United States. Hoover had hoped that a new president would grant him new powers, perhaps making him the attorney general while allowing him to retain command over the FBI. Truman looked powerless and politically spent as the election approached. Crossing through Indiana by train on a long whistle-stop campaign, with the election four weeks away, Truman caught a glimpse of a Newsweek magazine poll of America’s fifty most prominent political reporters. Their unanimous prediction: Dewey defeats Truman. Every poll and every pundit said the same. Hoover went to sleep on election night confident in that outcome. At 11:14 A.M. on Wednesday, November 3, 1948, the bulletin went out across the world: Truman had won the biggest upset in the history of the American presidency. A shift of only 33,000 voters in California, Illinois, and Ohio would have given Dewey victory. When Hoover heard the news, he left his desk at FBI headquarters and did not come back for two weeks. His public relations office told the press that Hoover had pneumonia. He simply disappeared. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2922-23  | Added on Thursday, August 07, 2014, 06:30 PM

Coplon was found guilty, but the verdict would not stand. Judge Learned Hand, who heard Coplon’s appeal, overturned her twenty-five-year sentence. He publicly rebuked Hoover—a rare event in American jurisprudence. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2943-45  | Added on Thursday, August 07, 2014, 06:32 PM

On September 20, the CIA issued a report saying the Soviets probably would not produce an atomic weapon for four more years. Three days later, President Truman announced to the world that Stalin had the bomb. American planes had picked up the radioactive fallout from the secret Soviet test. The balance of terror shifted. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2959-64  | Added on Thursday, August 07, 2014, 06:35 PM

Hoover discovered, to his intense chagrin, that the FBI had overlooked its own records on Klaus Fuchs for four years. They were English translations of captured German army documents, and they had been in the FBI’s possession since shortly after the end of World War II, when Fuchs was still spying for the Soviets in the United States. They revealed that Fuchs was well-known as a “communist of relatively important character.” The fault lay with a brilliant but erratic FBI counterintelligence supervisor named William K. Harvey. Hoover had fired him for alcoholism in 1947; he had then joined the CIA. The evidence went unseen until after Fuchs confessed. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 2984-92  | Added on Thursday, August 07, 2014, 06:38 PM

The secret National Security Agency history picks up the story. “The FBI began piecing together information” on why Venona had gone dark. The Bureau “was aghast to learn in 1950 that Weisband was employed at Arlington Hall” as a section chief working on the Soviet cables. He was arrested, but he never talked. He served a year in prison for contempt of court after he refused to testify before a federal grand jury. He worked in and around Washington selling cars and tending apartments for sixteen years before he died. The penetration paralyzed the progress of Venona. For the next three decades, the United States could not read the Soviets’ most secret messages. It could only look backwards, trying to decipher old cables from the 1940s. The FBI never found out what Weisband told the Soviets. The National Security Agency history concludes: “His case instilled a certain paranoia within the profession.” That paranoia afflicted the FBI. Hoover insisted that the FBI would create and control its own system for secret communications. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3002-5  | Added on Thursday, August 07, 2014, 06:39 PM

Philby moved freely through the corridors of the Pentagon, an institution still in a state of upheaval six months after the suicide of Secretary of Defense James Forrestal, who had suffered a psychotic breakdown and jumped from his high window at the Bethesda Naval Hospital. Forrestal had been Hoover’s strongest ally in the government of the United States. His death contributed to Hoover’s deepening despair over American intelligence and its ability to meet the growing Soviet threat. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3006-7  | Added on Thursday, August 07, 2014, 06:41 PM

While Philby started ransacking American secrets, Hoover was fighting a rearguard action against the future director of Central Intelligence, Allen Dulles. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3007-11  | Added on Friday, August 08, 2014, 09:30 AM

Still a lawyer in private practice, Dulles had been commissioned by the Pentagon to conduct a top-secret study of the shoddy state of American spying. He intended to use his report to the president as a fulcrum to elevate himself to the command of the CIA. Dulles had not consulted Hoover or the FBI during his yearlong investigation, a deliberate snub. When Hoover wrangled a draft copy of the report from the Pentagon, he saw that Dulles did not recognize Hoover’s presidentially mandated authority in matters of national security. “It is outrageous that FBI should be excluded,” Hoover wrote. Dulles did not respond. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3020-24  | Added on Friday, August 08, 2014, 09:31 AM

On July 24, 1950, just a month after the Korean War began, Hoover won a formal statement from President Truman expanding the FBI’s authority to investigate “espionage, sabotage, subversive activities and related matters” affecting American national security, a mandate even broader than FDR’s wartime directives to the FBI. Hoover sought to justify his enhanced powers with a truly frightening top secret report to the president on August 24. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3048-50  | Added on Friday, August 08, 2014, 09:35 AM

On September 23, Congress passed the Internal Security Act of 1950. It contained provisions Hoover had been demanding for a decade. The laws defining espionage and sabotage were expanded and strengthened. Subversive citizens now were subject to political imprisonment. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3054-59  | Added on Friday, August 08, 2014, 09:36 AM

The year 1950 brought many bleak days for President Truman. None was darker than November 1. In the morning, the new director of Central Intelligence, General Walter Bedell Smith, delivered a bulletin: Communist Chinese soldiers had entered the Korean War. The CIA’s reporting gravely underestimated the size of the attack. Three hundred thousand Chinese soldiers struck in a human avalanche that killed thousands upon thousands of American soldiers. They came close to driving the Americans from the mountains into the sea. Behind them stood the new dictator of China, Chairman Mao Tse-Tung. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3059-64  | Added on Friday, August 08, 2014, 09:38 AM

In the afternoon, a freakish heat wave engulfed Washington; the mercury hit eighty-five degrees. Truman lay down for a nap at Blair House, across the street from the White House; the executive mansion was in a state of collapse and undergoing renovation. On the sidewalk, at the Blair House door, stood two Puerto Rican nationalists, one armed with a German Luger, the other with a German Walther, carrying sixty-nine rounds of ammunition between them. They tried to shoot their way into Blair House and kill the president in the name of Puerto Rican independence. One of them died, as did a Secret Service agent. The second assassin was arrested, convicted, and sentenced to death. Truman commuted the sentence to life. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3069-71  | Added on Friday, August 08, 2014, 09:40 AM

“It looks like World War III is here,” Truman wrote in his diary on December 9. “I hope not—but we must meet whatever comes—and we will.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3086-93  | Added on Friday, August 08, 2014, 09:42 AM

His flight to Moscow brought the chief of British foreign intelligence, Sir Percy Sillitoe, to Washington. Sir Percy carried an attaché case bulging with dossiers on Philby, Maclean, and Burgess, and he shared the contents with Hoover and the FBI. The three Britons were friends of twenty years’ standing, going back to their days at Trinity College, Cambridge. In the 1930s, all three had been Communists or socialists. The dossiers held more open secrets: Burgess was famous for his promiscuous homosexuality, Maclean was a closet case, and Philby had married an Austrian Communist and Soviet agent. All three were alcoholics. All this was known by their superiors, yet they were protected and promoted. Maclean and Burgess were in Moscow now; Philby had been recalled to London. Hoover argued that Philby clearly was a Soviet agent, and that he had enabled Moscow to penetrate the CIA and the Pentagon at the highest levels. Sir Percy politely disagreed, unwilling to accept that a man of Philby’s rank and breeding could be a traitor. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3096-98  | Added on Friday, August 08, 2014, 09:43 AM

Communists and homosexuals both had clandestine and compartmented lives. They inhabited secret underground communities. They used coded language. Hoover believed, as did his peers, that both were uniquely susceptible to sexual entrapment and blackmail by foreign intelligence services. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3109-13  | Added on Friday, August 08, 2014, 09:47 AM

The Responsibilities Program began feeding governors, mayors, and other state and local leaders ammunition to attack subversives at home. The local special agent in charge of FBI regional offices served as the go-between for Hoover and the nation’s political officials. For the next four years, the Responsibilities Program served as a tool for purging the faculties of state universities, colleges, and public schools of hundreds of suspect leftists, until its secrecy was breached by a publicity-hunting state education commissioner. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3115-18  | Added on Friday, August 08, 2014, 09:48 AM

Eisenhower’s chief of staff throughout World War II. General Smith had earned a reputation as Ike’s hatchet man, the sharp teeth behind Ike’s warm grin. He had served as Truman’s ambassador to the Soviet Union; he had gone eyeball-to-eyeball with Stalin. He was a man of great force and short temper, intolerant of imperfection. He and Edgar Hoover hit it off. They had a lot in common. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3155-58  | Added on Friday, August 08, 2014, 09:53 AM

The election of Eisenhower and Nixon in November 1952, along with a Republican sweep of the House and the Senate, ended two decades of Democratic dominance in Washington—the era that Senator Joseph McCarthy called “twenty years of treason.” At the start of those twenty years, Hoover had led a small, weak organization with 353 special agents and a budget well under $3 million. He now led an anti-Communist army of 6,451 men with 8,206 support staff and $90 million to spend. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3166-69  | Added on Friday, August 08, 2014, 09:56 AM

As Hoover reported to the newly inaugurated president on January 26, 1953, FBI agents now worked “day-to-day and person-to-person” at the White House, the Pentagon, the Office of the Secretary of Defense, the Joint Chiefs of Staff, the National Security Agency, the CIA, the State Department, Congress, six American embassies, army intelligence bases in Germany and Austria, and a dozen more centers of America’s global power. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3173-75  | Added on Friday, August 08, 2014, 09:57 AM

American anticommunism came to full power under Eisenhower. Hoover’s men investigated nominees for posts ranging from foreign ambassador to congressional aide. They oversaw internal security purges throughout the government, destroying lives and careers over suspicions of disloyalty or homosexuality. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3193-96  | Added on Friday, August 08, 2014, 08:36 PM

The White House read Hoover’s reports on the Soviets as the most authoritative in the government. Attorney General Brownell said: “ The FBI reported to me one of the results of their counterintelligence work against the communist conspiracy. They had learned that Stalin was ill and Malenkov was acting for him and would succeed him if Stalin died. Stalin did die on March 3, 1953, and it is now history that Malenkov succeeded him.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3197-3200  | Added on Friday, August 08, 2014, 08:36 PM

By contrast, the United States had no ambassador in Moscow when Stalin died, and the CIA had no spies inside the Soviet Union. The first CIA officer dispatched to Moscow was seduced by his Russian housekeeper—she was a KGB colonel —photographed in the physical act of love, blackmailed, and fired by the Agency for his indiscretions in 1953. His replacement was caught in the act of espionage, arrested, and deported shortly after he arrived. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3204-6  | Added on Friday, August 08, 2014, 08:37 PM

A cop confronting an evildoer wants to string him up. A spy wants to string him along. Waiting and watching required a terrible patience. Hoover had it. After twenty years of attack and a decade of counterattack, the FBI was starting to understand the scope of the KGB’s operations in America. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3241-43  | Added on Friday, August 08, 2014, 08:43 PM

Like his colleagues in Congress, the senator regularly paid fealty to Hoover in public and in private. “No one need erect a monument to you,” McCarthy wrote to the director in one typical tribute. “You have built your own monument in the form of the FBI—for the FBI is J. Edgar Hoover and I think we can rest assured that it always will be.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3248-49  | Added on Saturday, August 09, 2014, 12:46 AM

On June 19, 1953, came the execution day. Even Hoover had doubts about the political wisdom of putting Ethel Rosenberg to death. But the FBI had made the case. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3254-58  | Added on Saturday, August 09, 2014, 12:47 AM

Hoover understood McCarthy. He told a newspaper reporter: “McCarthy is a former Marine. He was an amateur boxer. He’s Irish. Combine these, and you’re going to have a vigorous individual who’s not going to be pushed around.… I never knew Senator McCarthy before he came to the Senate. I’ve come to know him well, officially and personally. I view him as a friend, and I believe he so views me. Certainly, he is a controversial man. He is earnest and honest. He has enemies. Whenever you attack subversives of any kind, Communists, Fascists, even the Ku Klux Klan, you are going to be the victim of the most extremely vicious criticism that can be made. I know.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3270-76  | Added on Saturday, August 09, 2014, 12:49 AM

Many of McCarthy’s charges were drawn directly from the FBI’s raw and uncorroborated reporting, including third-hand hearsay. Wary about the wholesale disclosure of the FBI files, Hoover sent word to the senator to slow down. Instead, McCarthy reloaded and took fresh aim. On October 12, 1953, the senator began a week of closed-door hearings into suspicions of Soviet espionage at the Army Signal Corps center at Fort Monmouth, New Jersey, where Julius Rosenberg had worked. Rosenberg had been an electrical engineer at the Signal Corps when the FBI first learned that he was a secret Communist. Seven engineers who worked on Signal Corps radars and radios were suspected members of the atomic spy ring—and four of them were still at large the day the Rosenbergs died. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3299-3303  | Added on Saturday, August 09, 2014, 12:53 AM

On June 9, 1954, McCarthy fell. The subject of the day was his futile search for spies at Fort Monmouth. McCarthy’s counsel, Roy Cohn, confronted the army’s lawyer at the hearing, Joe Welch. Welch was making mincemeat of him. Cohn looked like a toad in the talons of an eagle. McCarthy, burned out and hungover, came to Cohn’s defense. He had cut a deal with Welch: if the army did not ask how Cohn had avoided military service in World War II and Korea, a question without a good answer, McCarthy would not bring up the issue of Fred Fisher. Welch had kept his word. McCarthy now broke it. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3311-13  | Added on Saturday, August 09, 2014, 12:54 AM

McCarthy, censured by the Senate, descended into self-destruction. He drank himself to death three years later. Hoover went to his funeral. So did the young Democrat who had served as the committee’s minority counsel, Robert F. Kennedy. It was a fitting moment for the two to meet. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3377-78  | Added on Saturday, August 09, 2014, 12:01 PM

The threat of a nuclear attack haunted Eisenhower every day. He asked Hoover what the FBI was doing to guard against the danger. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3377-80  | Added on Saturday, August 09, 2014, 12:02 PM

The threat of a nuclear attack haunted Eisenhower every day. He asked Hoover what the FBI was doing to guard against the danger. “Sometimes it is necessary to make a surreptitious entry where on occasion we have photographed secret communist records,” Hoover told the president. Everyone in the room understood that “surreptitious entry” was against the law. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3377-83  | Added on Saturday, August 09, 2014, 12:02 PM

The threat of a nuclear attack haunted Eisenhower every day. He asked Hoover what the FBI was doing to guard against the danger. “Sometimes it is necessary to make a surreptitious entry where on occasion we have photographed secret communist records,” Hoover told the president. Everyone in the room understood that “surreptitious entry” was against the law. Hoover explained that the FBI’s reports based on illegally gathered intelligence would be sanitized to guard their secrecy, and to protect the president and the attorney general. The reports would be scrubbed of any references to break-ins and bugs; the intelligence would be attributed to “confidential sources.” The president commended Hoover. The minutes of the meeting record no more questions about the FBI’s methods. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3388-91  | Added on Saturday, August 09, 2014, 12:03 PM

These men tacitly understood the code of silence Hoover required. Eisenhower had run the D-day invasion, the biggest secret operation of World War II. Nixon had been steeped in raw FBI reports from his first days in Washington. Brownell knew more about secret intelligence than any of his predecessors: he had chaired the committee that created the electronic-eavesdropping, code-making, and code-breaking behemoth of the National Security Agency in 1952. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3398-3401  | Added on Saturday, August 09, 2014, 12:05 PM

The FBI’s budget had doubled since the end of World War II. The Intelligence Division was now the most powerful force within the Bureau, commanding the most money, the most manpower, and the most attention from the director. The division conducted uncounted break-ins and buggings in the Eisenhower years; the routine destruction of FBI files ensured that no accurate count existed. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3408-11  | Added on Saturday, August 09, 2014, 12:06 PM

“The clothing that we wore fit the scene,” he said. “We were dressed in old clothes. Some of the guys let their hair grow a little bit. Didn’t shave all the time. We fit in with the neighborhoods that we were following these people through … We knew what they were doing before some of them knew what they were doing. The placing of informants and the related techniques gave us an inside view of the whole Communist Party underground apparatus.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3430-35  | Added on Saturday, August 09, 2014, 12:08 PM

In Cleveland, the eighth-largest city in America in the mid-1950s, the FBI found six leading Communist figures to arrest and prosecute under the Smith Act, which had effectively outlawed membership in the Communist Party. All were found guilty. But each of those convictions was overturned. The courts were starting to question the legal basis for the FBI’s national security investigations. The Supreme Court, in a series of decisions starting in 1955 and 1956, voided dozens of Smith Act convictions, undercut the FBI’s use of paid informers as witnesses against the Communist Party, and upheld the right of defense lawyers to see evidence gathered through FBI surveillance. Each decision was a blow to Hoover. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3450-54  | Added on Saturday, August 09, 2014, 12:12 PM

On May 18, 1956, the new plan of attack began taking shape, the brainchild of the FBI Intelligence Division chief Al Belmont and his trusted aide, William C. Sullivan. They called the plan COINTELPRO, short for counterintelligence program. Counterintelligence, formally defined, is the work of preventing spies from stealing your secrets. COINTELPRO was more than that. Hoover and his men aimed to subvert America’s subversives. Their stratagems were sharpened at the suggestion of agents in the field, toughened by Sullivan, and ultimately approved by Hoover. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3457-59  | Added on Saturday, August 09, 2014, 12:12 PM

The idea was to instill hate, fear, doubt, and self-destruction within the American Left. The FBI used Communist techniques of propaganda and subversion. The goal was to destroy the public lives and private reputations of the members of the Communist Party and everyone connected with them. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3475-79  | Added on Saturday, August 09, 2014, 12:15 PM

Hoover’s talented political hatchet man and trusted deputy, Cartha “Deke” DeLoach, painted a matching portrait of Sullivan: “Brash, brilliant, brimming over with self-esteem, something of a bantam rooster, Sullivan had more ambition than was good for a man, combined with a slight deficiency in principle. For years COINTELPRO was his special domain. He ruled it with skill and daring most of the time, but occasionally with reckless abandon.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3481-84  | Added on Saturday, August 09, 2014, 12:15 PM

Sullivan’s quicksilver talents for palace intrigue and his political cunning were primal forces that shaped the Bureau, the national security of the United States, and the American presidency for two decades. He came within a hair’s breadth of succeeding Hoover after the director’s death—a very close call made by President Nixon, whose downfall Sullivan then secretly helped ensure. At the end of his era, Sullivan talked in a closed Senate chamber about the thinking that drove the FBI and COINTELPRO onward. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3485-89  | Added on Saturday, August 09, 2014, 12:16 PM

“This is a rough, tough, dirty business, and dangerous. It was dangerous at times. No holds were barred,” Sullivan said. And the law was not at issue: “Never once did I hear anybody, including myself, raise the question: ‘Is this course of action which we have agreed upon lawful? Is it legal? Is it ethical or moral?’ We never gave any thought to this realm of reasoning, because we were just naturally pragmatists. The one thing we were concerned about was this: will this course of action work, will it get us what we want?” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3497  | Added on Saturday, August 09, 2014, 12:16 PM

Hoover spent his career convinced that communism was behind the civil rights movement in the United States from the start. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3516-18  | Added on Saturday, August 09, 2014, 12:18 PM

Three years before, in Brown v. Board of Education, the Supreme Court had cracked the façade of the American way of life by ordering the integration of public schools. Hoover advised Eisenhower that Communists at home and abroad saw the Brown decision as a victory, and that they aimed to “exploit the enforcement of desegregation in every way.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3686-88  | Added on Thursday, August 14, 2014, 01:02 PM

On July 6, he had an audience with Chairman Mao Tse-tung. Was the United States planning to go to war in Southeast Asia? Mao asked. If so, China intended to fight, as it had during the Korean War. “There may be many Koreas in Asia,” Mao predicted. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3691-96  | Added on Thursday, August 14, 2014, 01:03 PM

In January and February 1959, at the Party’s Moscow convention, Morris Childs met Communist leaders from around the world and intelligence officers who oversaw espionage against the United States. Though the trips exhausted him, leaving him a physically broken man, he went abroad two or three times a year over the course of the next two decades. He undertook fifty-two international missions, befriending the world’s most powerful Communists. He controlled the income of the American Communist Party’s treasury and contributed the insights for its foreign policy. His work was undetected by the KGB and kept secret from all but the most powerful American leaders. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3698-3702  | Added on Thursday, August 14, 2014, 01:04 PM

Hoover briefed the cabinet about the Solo mission on November 6, 1958. For the next two years, he sent summaries of his reporting directly to the president, the vice president, the secretary of state, and the director of Central Intelligence. He took pleasure in concealing the source of his intelligence from Allen Dulles and the CIA: “I flatly refuse to disclose the disclosure of the informant irrespective of any ‘fits’ Allen Dulles or anyone else throws. H.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3707-11  | Added on Thursday, August 14, 2014, 01:07 PM

Hoover said Moscow had decided that “the main task of the Communist Party, USA, is to fight for Negro equality and integration.” The FBI noted that the Kremlin had asked Solo to send a copy of Martin Luther King, Jr.’s first book, the newly published Stride Toward Freedom, written with the help of Stanley Levison, King’s close adviser and a former member of the Communist underground. This evidence of ties between international communism and the American civil rights movement was electrifying to Hoover. The idea that they were connected through covert operations was an elemental part of his thinking and his conduct for the rest of his life. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3711-15  | Added on Thursday, August 14, 2014, 01:07 PM

Hoover told the White House that Solo had met with Anibal Escalante, a political leader of the newly victorious revolution in Cuba, a confidant to Fidel Castro, and the most highly regarded Cuban Communist in Moscow. Escalante said that the Cubans knew the United States was planning a paramilitary attack to overthrow Castro. This reporting gave Eisenhower pause as he weighed the CIA’s proposal to invade the island with a force of anti-Castro Cubans undergoing training in Guatemala. He never approved the plan. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3715-21  | Added on Thursday, August 14, 2014, 01:07 PM

Hoover reported directly to Nixon as the vice president prepared to go to Moscow in July 1959, where he would engage Khrushchev in a public discussion on the political and cultural merits of communism and capitalism. Solo had met with the top Communist Party officials responsible for American affairs. Hoover distilled their thinking about the leaders of the United States and the qualifications of the leading candidates in the 1960 presidential election. Moscow liked Ike: he understood the meaning of war and he was willing to risk the chances of peace. The Democrats were less appealing: Senator John F. Kennedy was judged as “inexperienced” and Senator Lyndon B. Johnson was “a reactionary.” As for Nixon himself, the Communists thought he would be a capable president, though he was “cunning” and “ambitious.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3729-31  | Added on Thursday, August 14, 2014, 01:09 PM

The counsel of the world’s top Communist—“Don’t trust anybody”—sounded like wisdom to Hoover as he prepared for the end of the Eisenhower years and the election of the next president of the United States. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3745-52  | Added on Thursday, August 14, 2014, 01:14 PM

Hoover had wanted nothing to do with the Mafia, whose existence as a force in American economic and political life was by now an open secret. In 1959, more than four hundred FBI agents based in New York covered the Communist threat; only four covered the mob. Hoover had argued that crimes like racketeering and extortion were matters for state and local law enforcement. He thought that investigating the Mob would create the risk that agents would be bribed and bought off, recalled the FBI’s Graham Desvernine: “ The ensuing problems and publicity—that would overcome any of the benefits.” Hoover had shied from infiltrating the Ku Klux Klan for fear his agents would be seen as aiding and abetting cross-burning racists. He balked at undercover work against the Mafia on the chance his men would be corrupted. Different reasons, same rationale: Don’t embarrass the Bureau. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3765-71  | Added on Thursday, August 14, 2014, 01:18 PM

On July 13, 1960, the day that JFK won the presidential nomination at the Democratic National Convention, the FBI produced a biographical sketch on the candidate for Hoover. It reported that the senator and Frank Sinatra had socialized in New York, Las Vegas, and Palm Springs during the campaign. The FBI had a long-standing file on Sinatra. The Bureau surmised that the singer was trying to use his influence with the Kennedy clan on behalf of mobsters. Sinatra’s FBI file included his association with Sam Giancana, who was later overheard on an FBI bug boasting that he had influence with the Kennedys. The FBI would soon learn that Sinatra had introduced JFK and Giancana to a woman of easy virtue named Judith Campbell, who had sexually serviced the senator during the Democratic convention and maintained intimate relations with both men. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3814-19  | Added on Thursday, August 14, 2014, 01:29 PM

On October 18, 1960, Hoover wrote a terse memorandum to Richard Bissell, the CIA’s covert operations chief, with copies to the top men at Justice, State, the Pentagon, and the FBI’s chain of command. It concerned Sam Giancana and Fidel Castro. Hoover had read FBI reports that Giancana, while enjoying a meal at La Scala, the best Italian restaurant in New York, had boasted that “Castro was to be done away with very shortly”—by November. The mobster said he had met with the hired assassin three times in Miami. The instrument of death was to be a poison pill. And, as Hoover soon discovered, the CIA was behind the plot. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3822-25  | Added on Thursday, August 14, 2014, 01:30 PM

The FBI learned that Giancana was one among ten members of “the commission,” which oversaw the work of Mafia families in the United States and the Caribbean. Mafia dons aimed to revive Mob-owned casinos in Havana from which they had been expelled by Castro, who had come to power in Cuba on January 1, 1959, by overthrowing the dictator Fulgencio Batista. Failing that, they would move their gambling and graft operations to the Dominican Republic. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3826-29  | Added on Thursday, August 14, 2014, 01:31 PM

The Mob liked Generalissimo Rafael Trujillo, an American ally who had held power in the Dominican Republic since 1930. He ruled by fear and fraud. His wealth, wrung from the soil of the island and the sweat of his subjects, was measured in hundreds of millions of dollars. His crimes included murder and kidnapping on American soil, the bribery and corruption of members of the United States Senate and House, and the subversion of rival Latin American leaders. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3835-38  | Added on Thursday, August 14, 2014, 01:33 PM

Hoover learned through secret intelligence that some of his strongest allies in the Senate had been pocketing bribes from Batista and Trujillo. Hoover had received a report from Angleton, based on a tip from the Cuban consul general in New York, that “Senator Homer E. Capehart has received the sum of $20,000 as a ‘fee’ to effect the entrance and asylum in the United States of Batista.” Capehart, an Indiana Republican, had been one of Hoover’s most vocal supporters in the war on communism in the Senate since 1945. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3846-48  | Added on Thursday, August 14, 2014, 01:33 PM

Hoover never pursued Eastland on charges of corruption; it would have been awkward in the extreme to investigate his favorite senator, the Democratic chairman of the Judiciary Committee and its Internal Security Subcommittee. But Hoover had told President Eisenhower that other members of Congress were in Trujillo’s pocket. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3928-32  | Added on Thursday, August 14, 2014, 01:49 PM

On May 13, 1960, the president summoned Farland and two of his State Department superiors to the White House. The president, according to notes taken by his military aide, told Farland that “he was being bombarded by people who are opposed to Castro and Trujillo”—and that “he would like to see them both sawed off.” President Eisenhower did not get the job done. The Kennedy administration inherited the conspiracies to commit murder in the Caribbean. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3934-36  | Added on Thursday, August 14, 2014, 06:58 PM

HE WAR BETWEEN J. Edgar Hoover and Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy was a scorched-earth campaign that burned throughout the 1960s. It threatened to consume the FBI, the Justice Department, and the White House. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3944-46  | Added on Thursday, August 14, 2014, 06:59 PM

He had not asked to be the attorney general, nor was he his brother’s first choice. But there was logic to it. JFK was the third president in a row to appoint his campaign manager as attorney general; the office had become a political post, requiring loyalty above all. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 3958-61  | Added on Thursday, August 14, 2014, 07:03 PM

The FBI wiretapped the congressional office of House Agriculture Committee chairman Harold Cooley, the home of the committee’s clerk, the Dominican Republic’s embassy and consulates, and the law offices of Trujillo’s lobbyists. As far as can be determined by existing records, it was the first time since the Harding administration that an attorney general had ordered a member of Congress wiretapped. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4059-62  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 10:21 AM

On January 8, 1962, Hoover advised the attorney general in writing that Levison was a secret agent of international communism. RFK remembered the moment he learned about Levison: “When I heard that he was tied up, perhaps, with some Communists, I asked the FBI to make an intensive investigation of him.” Kennedy and Hoover had a telephone conversation the next day about the techniques of wiretapping and bugging. The substance of their conversation remains classified fifty years later. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4069-73  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 10:22 AM

The FBI had two hundred agents keeping an eye on the United Nations. Telephone taps on UN offices were easy; planting bugs in Soviet and Soviet-bloc offices was hard; black-bag jobs inside the UN were risky and rare. But the Bureau did all three, while keeping a weather eye out for disaffected diplomats who might defect to the United States. The FBI had the UN wired: When the Soviet deputy premier Anastas Mikoyan met with the Soviet delegation at the UN in the wake of the Cuban missile crisis later that year, Hoover sent President Kennedy real-time reports on the closed-door conversations. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Bookmark Loc. 4087  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 10:26 AM


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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4087-89  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 10:26 AM

Hoover never fully explained to the Kennedys why he maintained that Levison was a Communist agent. Protecting Solo was more important, the director wrote to his aides: “Under no circumstances should our informant be endangered.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4094-96  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 10:26 AM

The evidence suggests that Hoover let the president know what he knew about the interplay among the CIA, the attorney general, the continuing plots to kill Castro, the participation of the Mafia boss Sam Giancana, and the president’s dalliance with Giancana’s mistress, Judith Campbell. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4098-4102  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 10:27 AM

On May 9, Hoover recorded, with evident satisfaction, his face-to-face meeting on the Castro assassination plots with Robert Kennedy. They discussed “the ‘gutter gossip’ ” surrounding the CIA and Giancana. “I expressed astonishment at … the horrible judgment in using a man of Giancana’s background,” Hoover wrote. RFK scribbled a note to his FBI liaison: “Courtney I hope this will be followed up vigorously.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4102-6  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 10:28 AM

Hoover followed up. It was evident to him that the mobster’s girlfriend had been having sex with the president (as were, by the FBI’s count, five other women not his wife). Hoover also knew that Robert Kennedy was overseeing new plots to eliminate Castro. Hoover’s knowledge of JFK’s private conduct and RFK’s political conspiracies were potentially lethal political weapons. He brandished them now. He let the president and the attorney general know that he knew they had committed mortal sins. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4146-49  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 10:34 AM

The FBI relentlessly recorded Martin Luther King planning the August 1963 March on Washington, which brought 250,000 demonstrators to the capital in the largest public protest in American history. And in the months before the march, RFK and his aides personally warned King against his associations with Communists. So did the president of the United States. King became more circumspect about his relationship with Levison, but he kept him close. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4155-58  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 01:03 PM

Sullivan kowtowed, the day after the “I Have a Dream” oration: “In the light of King’s powerful demagogic speech.… We must mark him now, if we have not done so before, as the most dangerous Negro of the future in this Nation from the standpoint of communism, the Negro and national security.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4167-68  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 01:04 PM

The FBI placed a total of eight wiretaps and sixteen bugs on King. The transcripts are sealed under judicial order until 2027. But their essence is an open secret. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4188-90  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 01:07 PM

The Warren Commission’s official investigation was a wearisome sideshow for Hoover. He distrusted its leader, Chief Justice Earl Warren, and he kept close tabs on its work through a confidential informant who served as a member of the commission: Congressman Gerald R. Ford, the future president of the United States. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4195-98  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 01:08 PM

Both Hoover and Allen Dulles, the CIA’s director from 1953 to 1961 and a member of the Warren Commission, made sure that no one breathed a word about American plans to kill Fidel Castro. If there had been a Communist plot to assassinate the president in revenge, if the Soviets or the Cubans had ordered President Kennedy killed, and if the United States had a shred of evidence to prove the case, it would have been the opening shot of a new world war. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4220-22  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 01:10 PM

The new president pledged his allegiance to Hoover. “You’re my brother,” Johnson told Hoover a week after John Kennedy was killed. “You have been for twenty-five, thirty years.… I’ve got more confidence in you than in anybody in town.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4234-36  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 01:17 PM

“One of the troubles with dealing with the President was that he had that goddamned sewer J. Edgar Hoover flowing across his desk,” said the national security adviser McGeorge Bundy, a Kennedy man who served and suffered under LBJ. “Like many extremely skillful politicians, he had a weakness for under-the-rug information.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4393-95  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 01:36 PM

LBJ’s newly declassified diaries and telephone logs show he was in constant contact with Hoover during 1964 and 1965, sometimes two and three times a day, seeking political intelligence on many matters, most of them far from the field of law enforcement. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4416-24  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 10:37 PM

LBJ had joined RFK on the campaign trail five days before the election as Kennedy campaigned for the U.S. Senate. The president began a guarded conversation about the political bombshells that had been kept in Jenkins’s office safe. He told Kennedy that the safe held FBI reports detailing the sexual debauchery of members of the Senate and House who consorted with prostitutes. The president wondered aloud whether they should be leaked selectively, against Republicans, before election day. “He told me he had spent all night sitting up and reading the files of the FBI on all these people,” Kennedy recounted. “And Lyndon talks about that information and material so freely. Lyndon talks about everybody, you see, with everybody. And of course that’s dangerous.” Kennedy had seen some of those files as attorney general. He felt their disclosure could “destroy the confidence that people in the United States had in their government and really make us a laughingstock around the world.” Nor were these the only sex files the FBI shared with the president. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4429-37  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 10:38 PM

The FBI intelligence chief, Bill Sullivan, had run his own COINTELPRO against Martin Luther King. He had a package of the King sex tapes prepared by the FBI’s lab technicians, wrote an accompanying poison-pen letter, and sent both to King’s home. His wife opened the package. “King, look into your heart,” the letter read. The American people soon would “know you for what you are—an evil, abnormal beast.… There is only one way out for you. You better take it before your filthy, abnormal fraudulent self is bared to the nation.” The president knew Hoover had taped King’s sexual assignations. Hoover was using the information in an attempt to disgrace King at the White House, in Congress, and in his own home. DeLoach himself had offered newspaper reporters and editors a chance to hear the sex tapes. When Nicholas Katzenbach, now the acting attorney general of the United States, got wind of these offers to the press, he called DeLoach into his office and confronted him. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4443-45  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 10:39 PM

LBJ’s estimation of Hoover hit an all-time high on March 25, 1965, after the murder of Viola Liuzzo, a white civil rights activist driving from Selma, Alabama, with a black passenger. A car pulled alongside her on a dark highway and a gunman shot her to death. The FBI broke the case immediately. An undercover informer named Gary Thomas Rowe was riding in the car with three fellow Klansmen. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4463-66  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 10:41 PM

“We will not be intimidated by the terrorists of the Ku Klux Klan any more than we will be intimidated by the terrorists in North Vietnam,” Johnson said, surely the first time a president had denounced the cross burners and the Vietcong in the same breath. Hoover stood at LBJ’s right, silent and stony. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4469-71  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 10:41 PM

Hoover and Johnson laughed heartily together, a rare sound in the annals of American history. That moment of mirth ended one of the last free-and-easy conversations the two men ever had. In eleven days Lyndon Johnson would face a crisis that he could not handle. He would have to turn to Hoover to save him. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4487-91  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 10:43 PM

Within those ranks, Wallace F. Estill was unique. He was the special agent in charge of Puerto Rico. Not many men in Hoover’s FBI were as worldly. Born in 1917, Estill had joined the Bureau in 1941. He had investigated Nazi platinum smugglers in Uruguay, gathered intelligence on Russia from Eskimos in Alaska, served as Hoover’s official liaison with the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, and somehow managed through it all to keep his cool, a rare quality after twenty-four years under Hoover. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4507-8  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 10:45 PM

That night, a sleepless president, talking to the duty officer in the White House Situation Room at 3:30 A.M., monitored United States Air Force bombing runs over Vietnam. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4508-12  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 10:45 PM

The following day, April 28, the president swore in a new CIA director, Admiral William F. “Red” Raborn, another fellow Texan, in the Cabinet Room at the White House. Every ranking member of the CIA was present. But when the six-minute ceremony was over, the first thing LBJ did was to retreat to the Oval Office for an eight-minute one-on-one conversation with Hoover. “Mr. Hoover expressed his deep concern for the communistic activities in this hemisphere as well as affecting the Vietnamese war,” according to the president’s daily diary records. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4513-18  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 10:45 PM

As night fell, Johnson ordered four hundred United States Marines to the Dominican Republic, the first landing of American troops in the Western Hemisphere since 1928. At dawn on April 29, the marine guards at the U.S. Embassy in Santo Domingo came under fire from snipers. LBJ ordered one thousand more marines to hit the shores. That afternoon, Hoover came to the White House for a twenty-minute briefing, alone with the president. Hoover saw a global threat: as the Communists were moving in the Caribbean, and the Kremlin was driving the Vietcong, American Marxists and their masters in Moscow were mobilizing the antiwar movement in the United States. What was happening in the Dominican Republic was part of a worldwide pattern, he said. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4545-49  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 10:48 PM

On May 5, LBJ talked to George Mahon, a thirty-year Democratic congressman from Texas. “With all these terroristic techniques that are developing in the world, I’m afraid that the time is coming, just like this thing in Santo Domingo, that they are refining the instruments of terror,” the congressman said. “They could even blow up the Capitol someday.” “No question about it,” LBJ replied. “And we’ve got to meet it head on.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4552-58  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 10:49 PM

The FBI’s Paul Brana was in the first wave of ten agents. “They fly us down in this C-130,” a military transport with master bedrooms in the main compartment, Brana said. “We land the C-130 in the Dominican Republic, and they have helicopters to fly us over. I said, ‘How come they’re flying us over in helicopters? How come we don’t drive over?’ ” A military officer responded: “Well, the enemy has the roads.” “I said, ‘The enemy has the roads?’ Nobody had told us that there was a combat operation going on. So we’re going up in this goddamned helicopter and I see this machine gun fire. I say, ‘Christ, nobody told us we were coming into combat.’ ” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4569-80  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 10:50 PM

On the afternoon of May 17, the top State Department officer for the Dominican Republic, Kennedy Crockett, flew to New York for a hastily scheduled meeting with Balaguer. The White House wanted Balaguer on a 5:00 P.M. flight to Puerto Rico for a meeting with his rival Bosch; the plan was being improvised by LBJ’s lawyer, Abe Fortas. LBJ and Hoover spoke about the anticipated meeting with Balaguer at 3:02 P.M. “I arrived at the Regency Hotel at 3:40 P.M.,” Crockett wrote in a secret memo to the White House. “Balaguer was not there. At 3:50 P.M. he had still not appeared on the scene.” Fortas and Crockett cooled their heels in the plush hotel lobby. “Balaguer turned up at about 3:55 P.M,” Crockett wrote. “I told him time was short—I had a cab standing by—I would brief him on developments since our last meeting as we drove to Kennedy Airport. Balaguer said we would have to wait until 4:00 P.M., as his suitcase was in the car which had dropped him off at the hotel and it would not be back until 4:00 P.M. He suggested we ride out to Kennedy Airport in ‘his car.’ I objected, pointing out that I did not want to have anyone else listening in on our conversation. He said this would not be a problem as ‘his car’ had been provided by the FBI.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4580-82  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 10:50 PM

“ ‘Balaguer’s car’ turned up at 4:00 P.M. sharp,” Crockett wrote. “The senior Special Agent accompanying him was Heinrich Von Eckardt.” Balaguer was now a recruited source for the FBI; Von Eckardt was his handler. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4607-28  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 10:53 PM

Fortas anxiously assured the president he almost had finished the master list of potential Dominican leaders, military and political, making sure they were free of the faintest taint of the left. Then the president cut Fortas off: “I’ve got Hoover waiting on the other line.” Not knowing whom to trust, he wanted Hoover’s help. “Now, Edgar, here’s the play,” he said. “Our State Department, far as I can tell, and I wouldn’t say this to anybody but you, is not worth a damn, they’re a bunch of sissy fellows and they never come up with a solution … “Now, Fortas, I called him in,” said LBJ, ever more intense. “He’s as close to me as you are. He wants to do what I want done if it can be honorably done … “Now!” the president barked. “We want a democracy. We want the will of the people. We want to help influence that will, and help direct it.… But let’s get an anti-communist government.… Most people are anti-American, ’cause we’ve acted such damn fools, throwing our weight around.” “Yes, we have, we have …,” said Hoover. “Now! I’ve got to decide today, I’ve got to decide,” LBJ said. “But I’m not going to decide on anybody that either you or Raborn or somebody responsible doesn’t tell me they’re not a communist.” “Yes, I understand,” said Hoover. “I don’t know, I’m not infallible,” said the president. “Hell, I’ve made mistakes in my life.” “We all do,” said Hoover. “So you get the best men you got to check these names,” LBJ said. “We’re getting on it and checking it now,” Hoover said. “We’ll have that information for you if possible by this evening.” “Check out everybody you can …,” LBJ said. “I don’t want to work a month and make a deal and send in 30,000 soldiers and then piss it off to the communists!” “That’s right,” Hoover said. “And you the man I’m depending on to keep me from pissing it off! Now that’s ugly language, but it’s expressive, and you know what I want.” “We won’t let you down,” Hoover said. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4644-49  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 10:55 PM

four or five candidates could “provide excellent fodder for the Communists.” Hoover warned that perhaps two or three hundred “hard-core, skilled, trained Communists” remained at large on the island, and the provisional government “must identify these Communists and take them out of circulation right away; they have no guts if you pick them up and lock them up.” Hoover noted that the military were “too heavy-handed and ill-trained” for this type of work; a strong national police would better serve the cause. So the FBI would provide training and facilities to help create a new Dominican national intelligence force, a Department of Special Operations, a secret police to combat subversives. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4667-72  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 10:56 PM

The United States proclaimed that a free election between Balaguer and Bosch would take place. But Richard Helms explained the facts of life to Desmond FitzGerald, his covert operations chief at the CIA: “The President,” Helms said, “expected the Agency to devote the necessary personnel and material resources in the Dominican Republic required to win the presidential election for the candidate favored by the United States Government. The President’s statements were unequivocal. He wants to win the election, and he expects the Agency to arrange for this to happen.” The United States provided as much cash as could be safely smuggled into Balaguer’s hands. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4674-75  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 10:56 PM

Balaguer won the vote by a margin of 57 percent to Bosch’s 39 percent—a landslide built on American money, intelligence, and power. The American press universally reported that the vote was free and fair. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4680-83  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 10:57 PM

Hoover had helped install a government led by an FBI informant and run by three dozen FBI-approved ministers, military chiefs, and judges. Joaquín Balaguer, the FBI’s man in Santo Domingo, was one of the last of the old-time Latin American strongmen. He ruled with a heavy hand for twenty-two years. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4685-87  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 11:05 PM

B Y THE SPRING OF 1966, LBJ had sent almost a quarter of a million American soldiers to Vietnam. Thousands of American citizens protested. Hoover watched the marches with growing alarm. He saw long shadows hovering behind the antiwar movement, reaching from Hanoi to Harvard, Beijing to Berkeley. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4693-95  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 11:06 PM

“Most holidays and weekends were taken up with the New Left demonstrating on one side of the road and the Klan and the Nazi Party on the other side of the road.” Like the road to the LBJ Ranch, America was cleft in two. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4696-4701  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 11:07 PM

Hoover and his inner circle saw the protests through the old prism of the international Communist conspiracy. “The demonstrations have been marked by a growing militancy,” Hoover wrote in a letter to all FBI special agents. “With summer approaching, the potentialities for violent outbreaks will increase immeasurably, whether demonstrations are directed at opposition toward United States foreign policy in Vietnam or protests involving racial issues. We must not only intensify and expand our coverage … but also insure that advance signs of such outbreaks are detected.” Hoover told his men: “We are an intelligence agency and as such are expected to know what is going to or is likely to happen.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4702-6  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 11:07 PM

Hoover was becoming cautious about the Bureau’s time-honored techniques of black-bag jobs, break-ins, bugging, wiretapping, and mail openings. He had not lost his will for political warfare. Nor had the president lost his appetite for political intelligence. But the Supreme Court and members of Congress were becoming increasingly suspicious of the power and ubiquity of secret government surveillance. And neither LBJ nor Hoover wanted to be caught spying on Americans. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4710-16  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 11:08 PM

He told Katzenbach that this power had been granted him in perpetuity by Franklin Delano Roosevelt a quarter of a century ago. “I was, frankly, astounded to hear this,” Katzenbach recounted. “I had no illusions that I was going to bring the FBI under my control. But I did think it was possible to institute a more orderly procedure.” He began to demand facts and figures from the FBI; the Bureau slowly disclosed them. Hoover had installed 738 bugs on his own authority since 1960; the Justice Department’s attorneys had been informed about only 158 of them, roughly one in five. Installing bugs in homes, offices, apartments, and hotel rooms generally required breaking and entering, which was illegal. The Bureau had conducted uncounted break-ins and black-bag jobs on Hoover’s say-so. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4722  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 11:09 PM

A purely American protest against authority was inconceivable to him. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4737-41  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 11:14 PM

Senator William Fulbright, Democrat of Arkansas and chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee, was threatening to create a new committee to oversee the FBI’s intelligence work; President Johnson warned Hoover to keep a very close eye on Fulbright, whom he suspected was holding secret meetings with Soviet diplomats. A far less prominent Democratic senator, Edward Long of Missouri, had started a scattershot series of hearings on government wiretapping. “He cannot be trusted,” an FBI intelligence supervisor warned. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4749-57  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 11:15 PM

Hoover used Justice Abe Fortas, newly appointed to the Court by LBJ, as a confidential informant in the case. Deke DeLoach, the FBI’s liaison to the White House, served as the go-between. Over breakfast at his home, Justice Fortas laid out a political strategy to blame the bug on Bobby Kennedy. “He was always willing to help the FBI,” DeLoach wrote, while noting that the justice’s conduct in discussing a case before the Court was “blatantly unethical.” Despite Hoover’s best efforts, the solicitor general of the United States, Thurgood Marshall, revealed the FBI’s conduct to the Court. (Marshall had been a target of FBI surveillance for many years, as the leading lawyer for the NAACP.) The Court overturned the conviction. In months to come, the justices would rule that the FBI’s electronic surveillance of a public telephone booth was unconstitutional, and it would compare government eavesdropping to the “general warrants” used by the British colonialists to suppress the American Revolution. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4758-59  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 11:15 PM

Hoover had always controlled the force of secret information. Now that secrecy was starting to erode, and with it went a measure of his power. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4777-78  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 11:17 PM

Opening mail was so patently illegal that Hoover had never thought to ask any attorney general or any president for that power. Was it worth the risk to the FBI? Hoover thought not. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4779-82  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 11:17 PM

Hoover’s edicts created a furor inside the American intelligence community. The National Security Agency and the CIA had worked with the FBI since 1952 on a worldwide effort to steal the communications codes of foreign nations, friends and foes alike. A crucial element in that program was a gang of FBI and CIA safecrackers and burglars who could steal codebooks from foreign embassies and consulates. The ban on bag jobs threatened to bring breakthroughs in code cracking to a standstill. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4794-97  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 11:19 PM

Hoover’s restrictions on illegal intelligence-gathering methods hobbled the FBI’s spy hunters. The Bureau’s increasingly relentless focus on American political protests drained time and energy away from foreign counterintelligence. The results were evident. For the next decade, from 1966 to 1976, the FBI did not make a single major case of espionage against a Soviet spy. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4811-15  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 11:20 PM

The nation’s cities became war zones in the long hot summer of 1967. Black Americans fought the army and the National Guard as well as the police across the country; the forces of law and order suppressed seventy-five separate riots, sometimes with live ammunition and orders to shoot to kill. Forty-three people died in Detroit, where the army was deployed for eight days of combat and patrols; twenty-six in Newark, where the army was alerted for riot duty. In all, the nation suffered eighty-eight deaths and 1,397 injuries; the police arrested 16,389 people; economic damage was estimated at $664.5 million. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4816-17  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 11:20 PM

As Detroit smoldered on the morning of July 25, 1967, Hoover called the president with some real-time intelligence: the transcript of a wiretapped conversation between Martin Luther King and Stanley Levison, who remained under FBI surveillance. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4827-33  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 11:21 PM

Hoover publicly labeled King along with his more radical counterparts as the leading “rabble-rousers” and “firebrands” inciting black riots. BLACK HATE went hand in hand with the newly created “Ghetto Informant Program.” Within the year three thousand people had been enlisted as FBI sources—many of them respectable businessmen, military veterans, and senior citizens—to keep watch over the black communities of urban America. BLACK HATE and the Ghetto Informant ranks soon doubled in size and scope. In the fall of 1967, the urban riots ebbed but the peace marches grew. The protesters in Washington chanted: “Hey, hey, LBJ, how many kids did you kill today?” The president ordered the FBI, the CIA, and the army to root out the conspiracy to overthrow his government. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4833-35  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 11:22 PM

“I’m not going to let the Communists take this government and they’re doing it right now,” LBJ shouted at Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara, Secretary of State Dean Rusk, and Director of Central Intelligence Richard Helms during a ninety-five-minute Saturday morning meeting on November 4, 1967. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4836-44  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 11:22 PM

On his orders, liberal-minded men—like the new attorney general, Ramsey Clark, and his deputy Warren Christopher, later President Bill Clinton’s secretary of state—commanded the FBI to spy on Americans in concert with the United States Army and the National Security Agency. Some 1,500 army intelligence officers in civilian clothing undertook the surveillance of some 100,000 American citizens. Army intelligence shared all their reports with the FBI over the next three years. The CIA tracked antiwar leaders and black militants who traveled overseas, and it reported back to the FBI. The FBI, in turn, shared thousands of selected files on Americans with army intelligence and the CIA. All three intelligence services sent the names of Americans to the National Security Agency for inclusion on a global watch list; the NSA relayed back to the FBI hundreds of transcripts of intercepted telephone calls to and from suspect Americans. The president had created a concerted effort to organize a secret police. He was trying to synchronize the gears of the FBI, the CIA, and the army to create an all-pervasive intelligence machine that would watch citizens as if they were foreign spies. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4844-51  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 11:23 PM

But the political forces at work in the world in 1968 were too powerful to control. None of the intelligence the president received calmed his troubled mind. By the time of the Tet offensive at the end of January 1968—with 400,000 Communist troops striking almost every major city and military garrison in South Vietnam—LBJ believed that his enemies had encircled him in Washington. He was a haunted man when he spoke to Hoover on February 14, 1968. “I don’t want anybody to know I called you,” LBJ said in a hoarse whisper, breathing heavily, sounding exhausted. “I want you personally to do one big job before you go out,” the president said. What he wanted was an intensified search for spies in Washington. He suspected that American politicians and political aides were serving the Communist cause. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4862-67  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 11:24 PM

“Say to those committee chairmen, ‘The President has ordered us to check everybody.’ “Because when McNamara goes up and testifies before Fulbright that we are breaking the North Vietnamese code and a goddamn Commie sympathizer goes and tells it, they just change their codes.… Chase down every damn lead and see who they saw and who they talked to and when and how … You the only guy in the government that’s watching it. I just want to order you now to be more diligent than you’ve ever been in your life.” “I’ll give it my personal attention, Mr. President,” Hoover said. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4876-83  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 11:25 PM

Four days after LBJ stood down from the presidential election, Hoover wrote to his field agents to be on guard against the forces he had labeled BLACK HATE: “The Negro youth and moderates must be made to understand that if they succumb to revolutionary teaching, they will be dead revolutionaries.” The next evening, Martin Luther King was assassinated in Memphis. The killing unleashed unfettered rage across the country; the flames burned close to the White House. Returning from King’s funeral in Memphis, Attorney General Ramsey Clark looked down upon Washington, D.C., from his airplane. The burning city, aglow as night fell, was in the grip of the most dangerous insurrection since the war of 1812. King’s killer, James Earl Ray, eluded the biggest manhunt in FBI history by taking a bus to Toronto and an airplane to London. A Scotland Yard detective arrested him sixty-six days later as he tried to board a flight for Brussels. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4888-92  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 11:26 PM

More than one hundred campuses across the country had already been hit by student protests. The marches were breaking barricades, and at their fringes were militants willing to toss Molotov cocktails and more. Hoover sent out a fierce call to arms for his special agents in charge across America. “I have been appalled by the reaction of some of our field offices to some of the acts of violence and terrorism which have occurred … on college campuses,” he wrote. “I expect an immediate and aggressive response.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4892-97  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 11:26 PM

Hoover saw a gathering storm unlike anything since the great police, coal, and steel strikes that swept the nation as the American Left rose up after World War I. But the FBI had no answer to the violence and rage that shook America that spring. Robert Kennedy was assassinated in Los Angeles on June 6. Millions of Americans had put their hopes in him. Hoover was more cold-eyed. “He became a kind of Messiah for the generation gap and individuals who were pro-King and still are,” Hoover wrote in a memo to his top aides after RFK’s death. Kennedy’s election would have been the end of Hoover’s power. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4897-99  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 11:26 PM

The murder left the path to the White House open for a man who vowed to restore the rule of law and order. Hoover now had reason to hope for a restoration, a return to Republican verities, and a renaissance for the FBI. His old friend Richard Nixon might be elected president in November. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4904-5  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 11:27 PM

The FBI had detected evidence of a plot to sabotage LBJ’s plans for a cease-fire in Vietnam. The plot appeared to the president to be the work of the Nixon campaign. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4905-12  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 11:27 PM

Three days before the election, LBJ said he was “personally watching the traffic”—telephone calls and telegrams being intercepted at the embassy of South Vietnam by the FBI and the National Security Agency—and that he had detected Nixon’s scheme to torpedo the peace talks. He ordered the FBI to place Anna Chennault, the most famous representative of Chinese anti-communism, under surveillance. LBJ suspected that she was Nixon’s go-between. FBI headquarters sent a top secret message to the president on Monday, November 4, the day before the election: “Anna Chennault traveled in her Lincoln Continental from her residence to the Vietnamese Embassy where she remained for approximately thirty minutes.” After that, the FBI reported, she went to 1701 Pennsylvania Avenue and entered room 205—an unmarked Nixon campaign office. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4915-18  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 11:28 PM

Nixon won the presidency by a very narrow margin: fewer than half a million votes, roughly one-seventh of one percent of the electorate. A peace accord would surely have worked to Humphrey’s advantage. LBJ was convinced that Nixon had cut a secret bargain with the government of South Vietnam to win his victory. The essence was this: Don’t make a peace agreement with Johnson and Humphrey. Wait until I’m elected. I will get you a better deal. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4920-21  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 11:28 PM

Nixon denied it to his dying day. But the conversation left him with the indelible impression that the president of the United States had used the FBI to spy on him. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4926-28  | Added on Monday, August 18, 2014, 11:28 PM

Nixon remembered the president saying: “If it hadn’t been for Edgar Hoover, I couldn’t carry out my responsibilities as Commander in Chief—period. Dick, you will come to depend on Edgar. He is a pillar of strength in a city of weak men.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4955-60  | Added on Tuesday, August 19, 2014, 01:40 PM

Hoover told Nixon that he should be cautious about what he said on the telephone to LBJ during the days of the transition, and careful what he said on the telephone once he took office. He could be taped. Hoover explained that the Army Signal Corps controlled the presidential communications system and monitored all calls patched through the White House switchboard; the way Nixon understood it, a corporal could listen in on the president. The director then pointedly reminded Nixon about the powers of surveillance that were at a president’s command. Years later, Nixon was compelled by an order from Congress to give a formal statement about what Hoover had told him that day. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4960-68  | Added on Tuesday, August 19, 2014, 01:41 PM

Hoover emphasized that the FBI had “ conducted, without a search warrant,” black-bag jobs, break-ins, and bugging for every president since FDR, Nixon said. Its skills included “surreptitious entries and intercepts of voice and non-voice communications.” The Bureau was especially adept at hunting down leakers, Hoover confided. Wiretapping was “the most effective means” it had. Nixon also learned from Hoover how to lie to Congress about wiretapping without being caught. “That was Mr. Hoover’s common practice,” Nixon said in a secret sworn deposition to Watergate prosecutors, unsealed in November 2011. “He told me about it. He said, ‘You know, about a month or so before I ever go up to testify before the Appropriations Committee I discontinue all taps … so that when they ask me the question as to whether we are tapping anybody, I can say no.’ ” Once Hoover was done with his annual appearances in Congress, the FBI would turn the taps back on. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 4981-88  | Added on Tuesday, August 19, 2014, 01:43 PM

students were the ones who worried Nixon the most. Nixon feared that they were a subversive threat as powerful as the Soviets, the Chinese, and the Vietcong. He spoke of the campus uprisings at American universities in one of his first major addresses. “This is the way civilizations begin to die,” he said. He quoted Yeats: “Things fall apart. The center cannot hold. None of us has the right to suppose it cannot happen here.” The correlation of forces was changing in America. Nixon would remake the Supreme Court by appointing right-wing justices. He vowed repeatedly to reestablish respect for the law and the power of the presidency. He had named the deeply conservative John N. Mitchell as attorney general to restore order to the United States, continuing the political tradition of hiring his campaign manager to run the Justice Department. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5012-14  | Added on Tuesday, August 19, 2014, 01:45 PM

Hoover said that the reporter was suspected of spying for the British and Czech intelligence services—and that the FBI had been wiretapping Brandon for years in search of the proof. This planted the seed of an idea in Nixon’s mind: wiretapping reporters was the way to find the leakers and their sources within the White House. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5027-31  | Added on Tuesday, August 19, 2014, 01:47 PM

“I told Mr. Hoover we would go forward with this program,” Nixon remembered. “I called Dr. Kissinger in and indicated to him that he should take the responsibility of checking his own staff.” Kissinger, of course, complied. “Here he was in this room with J. Edgar Hoover, John Mitchell, Richard Nixon,” said Kissinger’s aide, Peter Rodman. “They’re saying: ‘Let’s do some taps.’ And J. Edgar Hoover and John Mitchell say: ‘Yeah, we can do that. Bobby Kennedy did this all the time.’ ” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5018-21  | Added on Tuesday, August 19, 2014, 01:48 PM

Front-page stories on their strategies for dealing with the Soviet Union and Southeast Asia, seemingly taken directly from the minutes of the National Security Council, appeared almost every week. By Kissinger’s account, twenty-one newspaper articles based on leaks about the president’s secret foreign policies were published in the first hundred days of the administration. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5049-52  | Added on Thursday, August 21, 2014, 01:25 PM

In 1968, Congress had passed a law saying the president could authorize wiretaps to protect the United States from foreign spies and subversives. But the targets of these taps were not KGB agents. They were thirteen American government officials and four newspaper reporters. Over the next two years, though the leaks went on, the taps never revealed a shred of incriminating evidence against anyone. But they were the first step down the road to Watergate. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5066-72  | Added on Thursday, August 21, 2014, 01:28 PM

They put him on the four-to-midnight shift listening to members of the Students for a Democratic Society. The SDS formally convened in Chicago three weeks later. One faction declared it would begin an armed struggle against the government of the United States. Over the summer, and into the fall, Dyson listened as the members of the group argued, debated, and plotted. He was witnessing the violent birth of a terrorist gang. “I watched them become the Weathermen! I was with them when they became the Weathermen!” he said. “It was exciting. I was watching history.” Almost exactly fifty years before, in Chicago, in September 1919, J. Edgar Hoover’s agents had spied on the birth of the Communist Party of the United States. Dyson was following in their tradition. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5088-91  | Added on Thursday, August 21, 2014, 01:30 PM

it managed to take credit for a fresh outrage every few months during the Nixon years, taunting the FBI and the White House with wild-eyed communiqués, planting bombs at will in seemingly impenetrable places. A group barely one hundred strong—with a core of a dozen decision takers and bomb makers—began to drive the government of the United States half-mad with fear as the sixties became the seventies. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5094-96  | Added on Thursday, August 21, 2014, 01:31 PM

“They were able to get into the U.S. Capitol, build a bomb into a wall, and blow it up at will,” Dyson said. “They got into the Pentagon.… They were able to call up and say it’s going to go off in exactly five minutes and it would go off in five minutes. They were as good as any terrorist group in the world in terms of their sophistication.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5097-98  | Added on Thursday, August 21, 2014, 01:31 PM

They carried out thirty-eight bombings. The FBI solved none. “We didn’t know how to investigate terrorism,” Dyson said. “We did not have enough intelligence on these people.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5104-7  | Added on Thursday, August 21, 2014, 01:32 PM

“This was going to come and destroy us,” he said. “We were going to end up with FBI agents arrested. Not because what they did was wrong. But because nobody knew what was right or wrong.” Not knowing that difference is a legal definition of insanity. Dyson’s premonitions of disaster would prove prophetic. In time, the top commanders of the FBI in Washington and New York would face the prospect of prison time for their work against the threat from the left. So would the president’s closest confidants. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5177-83  | Added on Saturday, August 23, 2014, 03:13 PM

On Friday, June 5, 1970, Nixon called Hoover and Helms to the White House. They sat alongside Admiral Noel Gayler, director of the National Security Agency, and Lieutenant General Donald Bennett, chief of the Defense Intelligence Agency. “The President chewed our butts,” General Bennett remembered. Nixon was on the warpath abroad and at home. Campuses across the country had exploded after Nixon invaded Cambodia and escalated the war in Vietnam. National Guardsmen had shot and killed four students at Kent State University in Ohio. More than a hundred bombings, arson attacks, and shootings had followed in May. The Weathermen and the Panthers, whose leaders had been to Cuba and Algeria for indoctrination, had shown that they could hit draft boards, police stations, and banks at will. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5183-86  | Added on Saturday, August 23, 2014, 03:13 PM

The president said that “revolutionary terrorism” was now the gravest threat to the United States. Thousands of Americans under the age of thirty were “determined to destroy our society”; their home-grown ideology was “as dangerous as anything they could import” from Cuba, China, or Russia. “Good intelligence,” he said, was “the best way to stop terrorism.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5187-88  | Added on Saturday, August 23, 2014, 03:13 PM

Nixon demanded “a plan which will enable us to curtail the illegal activities of those who are determined to destroy our society.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5203-5  | Added on Saturday, August 23, 2014, 03:15 PM

The plan conformed to the president’s philosophy on national security: Do anything it takes. He knew that opening mail was a federal crime and that black-bag jobs were burglary. But they were the best means of gathering intelligence. And Nixon believed that if a president did it, it was not illegal. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5237-42  | Added on Saturday, August 23, 2014, 03:20 PM

While a growing cohort of his enemies inside the Nixon administration plotted to supplant him, Hoover’s foes on the left mounted a devastating and demoralizing attack on the secrecy and power of the Bureau itself. They pulled a black-bag job on the FBI. On the night of March 8, 1971, a band of thieves broke into the Bureau’s two-man office in Media, Pennsylvania, a placid suburb outside Philadelphia, jimmying the glass-paneled door in an office across the street from the county courthouse. The job was easy; the FBI had no security system to seal the secrets inside of room 204. They stole at least eight hundred documents out of the files. The group, which called itself the Citizens’ Commission to Investigate the FBI, 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5274-80  | Added on Saturday, August 23, 2014, 03:22 PM

On June 17, Haldeman told the president that he thought the Brookings Institution, a think tank in Washington, might have files that could serve as evidence against Ellsberg. Nixon leaped at the idea of stealing them. “Do you remember Huston’s plan? Implement it,” said the president. “Goddamn it, get in and get those files. Blow the safe and get it.” Nixon wanted political intelligence so badly that he created his own secret squad of burglars and wiretappers. He authorized the creation of a secret White House unit that had the capability to conduct those kinds of missions. The group was nicknamed the Plumbers, because in the beginning they sought to plug the leaks that plagued the president. They would carry out black-bag jobs, wiretaps, and disinformation campaigns on his behalf. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5281-87  | Added on Saturday, August 23, 2014, 03:23 PM

Their mastermind was a strange kind of genius named G. Gordon Liddy. He had spent five years in Hoover’s FBI, from 1957 to 1962, rising to the rank of a supervisor at headquarters, where he had learned the dark arts of COINTELPRO. Liddy was installed in a cover job as general counsel for the Committee to Re-elect the President, whose chairman was John Mitchell. He drew up plans, which he presented in person in the office of the attorney general, to spend $1 million on secret agents who would kidnap antiwar leaders and spirit them off to Mexico, entrap liberal politicians with prostitutes working out of bugged houseboats, plant informants inside the campaigns of Nixon’s opponents, and wiretap the Democratic Party apparatus for the 1972 presidential campaign. Mitchell disapproved of kidnapping and blackmail—in retrospect, he said, he should have thrown Liddy out the window—but the espionage elements of the plan survived. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5296-97  | Added on Saturday, August 23, 2014, 03:24 PM

Many of the elements of the bill of impeachment drawn up against Nixon three years later grew out of his frustrations with the FBI, his thirst for the secrets Hoover no longer supplied, and the bugging and burglary that followed. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5342-45  | Added on Saturday, August 23, 2014, 03:27 PM

On July 6, he gave a speech to newspaper and television executives at the great columned building housing the National Archives and the original copy of the Constitution of the United States. “When I see those columns,” he said, “I think of what happened to Greece and Rome.” “They lost their will to live,” he said. “They became subject to the decadence that destroys civilization. The United States is reaching that period.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5354-59  | Added on Saturday, August 23, 2014, 03:28 PM

Dreading the conversation, Nixon invited Hoover to breakfast at the White House at 8:30 on Monday, September 20. The director played it perfectly. “He was trying to demonstrate that despite his age he was still physically, mentally, and emotionally equipped to carry on,” Nixon recounted in his memoirs. “I tried to point out as gently and subtly as I could that as an astute politician he must recognize that the attacks were going to mount.” He was too subtle by half. Hoover replied: “More than anything else, I want to see you re-elected in 1972. If you feel that my staying on as head of the Bureau hurts your chances for re-election, just let me know.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5367-71  | Added on Saturday, August 23, 2014, 03:29 PM

On the day he was forced out, Sullivan was struggling in vain to secure his files, including a copy of the poison-pen letter he had sent to Martin Luther King, among other potentially incriminating documents. In the corridor, he ran into the man Hoover had chosen to supplant him: a tall, suave thirty-year veteran of the FBI named Mark Felt, who was searching without success for the copies of the wiretap summaries that Sullivan had stolen. He was convinced that Sullivan had become a renegade, trying to claw his way to power by “playing on the paranoia and political obsessions of the Nixon administration.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5371-72  | Added on Saturday, August 23, 2014, 03:29 PM

Felt called Sullivan a Judas. They came close to a fistfight. In a rage, Sullivan left the Bureau for the last time. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5405-7  | Added on Saturday, August 23, 2014, 03:31 PM

Nixon had come to the most perilous point of his presidency. He could ill afford to lose Hoover’s loyalty. What might the director do to hold on to his power? The hint of blackmail lingered. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5424-25  | Added on Saturday, August 23, 2014, 03:32 PM

Nixon would return time and again to the thought of making Sullivan the director of the FBI. “We got to get a professional in that goddamn place,” he once muttered. “Sullivan’s our guy.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5448-55  | Added on Saturday, August 23, 2014, 03:34 PM

The president slowly pushed Hoover away from the White House. One last hurrah came at the end of 1971: an invitation to Nixon’s compound at Key Biscayne, Florida, over Christmas week, and a cake to celebrate Hoover’s seventy-seventh birthday aboard Air Force One during the return to Washington on New Year’s Eve. But after that, over the next four months the White House logs record only three telephone calls, lasting a total of eight minutes, between Nixon and Hoover. Silence descended. The last conversation with Hoover that anyone at the FBI recorded for posterity took place on April 6, 1972. Ray Wannall, who had spent thirty years hunting Communists for Hoover, went to the director’s office to receive a promotion. Hoover began a jeremiad, a wail of pain. “That son of a bitch Sullivan pulled the wool over my eyes,” he said. “He completely fooled me. I treated him like a son and he betrayed me.” His lamentation went on for half an hour. Then he said good-bye. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5467-72  | Added on Saturday, August 23, 2014, 03:40 PM

A few minutes after Hoover’s casket left the Capitol, the acting attorney general, Richard Kleindienst, telephoned his most loyal assistant at the Justice Department, L. Patrick Gray. “Pat, I am going to appoint you acting director of the FBI,” he said. “You have to be joking,” Gray replied. Gray was fifty-five years old, and he had never held an authority greater than the command of a submarine. He still had his navy crew cut. He was a bull-headed man with a jutting jaw, a straight-arrow Nixon acolyte. He had known the president for a quarter of a century, and he revered him. He had one qualification: he would do anything Nixon asked. Now the president was entrusting Hoover’s legacy to him. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5473-77  | Added on Saturday, August 23, 2014, 03:40 PM

In a state of awe, Gray came to the White House after Hoover’s burial on May 4. Nixon gave him some sound advice. “Never, never figure that anyone’s your friend,” the president said. “Never, never, never … You’ve got to be a conspirator. You’ve got to be totally ruthless. You’ve got to appear to be a nice guy. But underneath you need to be steely tough. That, believe me, is the way to run the Bureau.” Gray lacked steel. He was a malleable man. He was deeply unsure of how to take control of the FBI. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5480-83  | Added on Saturday, August 23, 2014, 03:41 PM

Thus began the dark ages of the FBI. In a matter of months, the joint conduct of Pat Gray; his new number-two man at the Bureau, Mark Felt; and his intelligence chief, Ed Miller, would come close to destroying the house that Hoover built. “Once Hoover died,” Miller remembered mournfully, “we were absolutely deluged.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5496-5505  | Added on Saturday, August 23, 2014, 03:42 PM

Felt was in charge at headquarters for far longer than he had anticipated. Gray had set out across America to visit all of the FBI’s fifty-nine field offices and meet every special agent in charge. The acting director was on the road so often that agents at headquarters started calling him “Three-Day Gray.” On Friday, June 17, he checked into the fashionable Newporter Inn south of Los Angeles—as did John Mitchell, now chief of CREEP, the nickname for the Committee to Re-elect the President, and Mitchell’s trusted aide Robert Mardian, the former internal security chief at Justice. All hell broke loose in Washington that weekend. The District of Columbia police arrested five men inside the offices of the Democratic National Committee at the Watergate office complex. Among them was James McCord, a former FBI agent and CIA officer now working as chief of security for CREEP. The men had burglary tools, electronic devices, and a gadget that the police thought was a bomb disguised as a smoke detector. It was a sophisticated electronic-eavesdropping device. The suspects had crisp hundred-dollar bills and Watergate Hotel keys in their pockets. Their ringleaders were the gung-ho Gordon Liddy, the former FBI agent counseling CREEP; and E. Howard Hunt, a former CIA officer who, the FBI quickly determined, worked for the president of the United States. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5509-20  | Added on Saturday, August 23, 2014, 03:43 PM

“This is Agent Supervisor Dan Bledsoe,” he said. “Who am I speaking with?” “You are speaking with John Ehrlichman. Do you know who I am?” “Yes. You are the chief of staff there at the White House.” “That’s right. I have a mandate from the President of the United States,” Ehrlichman said. “The FBI is to terminate the investigation of the break-in.” Bledsoe was silent. “Did you hear what I said?” Ehrlichman thundered. “Are you going to terminate the investigation?” “No,” Bledsoe replied. “Under the Constitution, the FBI is obligated to initiate an investigation to determine whether there has been a violation of the illegal interception of communications statute.” “Do you know that you are saying ‘no’ to the President of the United States?” “Yes,” the FBI agent replied. “Bledsoe, your career is doomed,” Ehrlichman said, and hung up. Bledsoe called Mark Felt at home and recounted the conversation. “He laughed because he knew these people. In his high position, he knew what was occurring in the White House. He just laughed.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5526-28  | Added on Saturday, August 23, 2014, 03:44 PM

Gray instructed his men that the president’s counsel, John Dean, would sit in on all the FBI’s interviews. Gray secretly planned to keep Dean posted about the Bureau’s every move by feeding him daily summaries of the FBI’s investigations and interrogations. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5532-37  | Added on Saturday, August 23, 2014, 03:45 PM

Shortly after 10:00 A.M. on June 23, President Nixon settled on a plan to scuttle the FBI investigation. “The FBI is not under control, because Gray doesn’t exactly know how to control them,” Haldeman told the president. They agreed that the newly appointed deputy director of Central Intelligence, Lieutenant General Vernon Walters, a Nixon crony of long standing, would tell Gray to back off. He would raise the flag of national security and secrecy. Gray and Felt would do as they were told, Haldeman predicted confidently. “Felt wants to cooperate because he’s ambitious,” he said. “And that will fit rather well because the FBI agents who are working the case, at this point, feel that’s what it is. This is CIA.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5539-50  | Added on Saturday, August 23, 2014, 03:46 PM

Walters was in Gray’s office by 2:30 P.M. The investigation, he told Gray, could trespass into the CIA’s domain. Gray called Charles Bates the moment that Walters left his office. He made the case for standing down. Bates objected. “I again told him I felt the FBI had no choice but to continue our full investigation and obtain all the details.” Gray agonized until he answered an urgent summons from the White House at 6:30 P.M. on June 28. Inside John Ehrlichman’s office, John Dean handed Gray two white manila envelopes—the documents he had taken from Hunt’s safe. “These should never see the light of day,” he told Gray. “Then why give them to me?” “Because they are such political dynamite their existence can’t even be acknowledged,” Dean said. “I need to be able to say that I gave all Hunt’s files to the FBI. That’s what I’m doing.” Gray had a red wastebasket in his office, holding a burn bag for destroying secret documents. But he did not know what a burn bag was. Six months later, he set fire to the files in a trash bin in his backyard. “There is little doubt,” an internal FBI report later concluded, “that Mr. Gray made deplorable decisions of historic proportions.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5581-84  | Added on Saturday, August 23, 2014, 03:49 PM

The world had been transfixed ten days before by the Black September killings at the 1972 Olympic Games in Munich. Eleven Israeli athletes (and eight Palestinian attackers) had died, most of them after a bungled rescue by the West German police. President Nixon had conferred on the counterterrorism problem with his national security adviser, Henry Kissinger, and his United Nations ambassador, George H. W. Bush. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5607-16  | Added on Saturday, August 23, 2014, 03:52 PM

The FBI veterans Liddy and McCord had been indicted on September 15, 1972, along with the five other Watergate burglars, for the bugging of the Democratic Party headquarters. But the charges ended there. The Watergate case had hit a stone wall. Felt and his inner circle at the FBI made a decision to fight the obstruction of justice. They had personal as well as professional motives. They acted on their instincts to dismantle the roadblocks in the path of the FBI’s investigation. They knew that the conspiracy and the cover-up had been orchestrated at the White House. They deeply resented the fact that the president had placed Pat Gray, a man they considered a political stooge, in charge of the FBI. “It hurt all of us deeply,” said Charles Bolz, the chief of the FBI’s accounting and fraud division. Felt was Hoover’s rightful heir. “Felt was the one that would have been the Director’s first pick. But the Director died. And Mark Felt should have moved up right there and then. And that’s what got him into the act. He was going to find out what was going on in there. And, boy, he really did.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5616-18  | Added on Saturday, August 23, 2014, 03:53 PM

Felt and his allies began leaking the secrets of Watergate a few weeks before the November 1972 election. Felt became famous thirty-three years later when he confessed that he was the man known as “Deep Throat,” the FBI source who helped The Washington Post confirm the facts for its ground-breaking reports on the Watergate investigation. But he was not the only one. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5631-36  | Added on Saturday, August 23, 2014, 03:55 PM

So street-level FBI agents turned secrets into information, and senior FBI leaders brought that information to reporters, to prosecutors, to federal grand juries, and into the public realm. That was the beginning of the end of Richard Nixon’s presidency. Without the FBI, the reporters would have been lost. The Washington Post and Time magazine were the first to suggest that there were wheels within wheels in the Watergate case. The New York Times and the Los Angeles Times soon joined in. Not all of their stories were accurate. But the facts within them, taken together, sketched out a series of White House conspiracies to subvert the president’s political enemies with espionage and sabotage. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5638-57  | Added on Saturday, August 23, 2014, 03:56 PM

“We know what’s leaked and we know who leaked it,” Haldeman told the president on October 19. PRESIDENT NIXON: Is it somebody in the FBI? HALDEMAN: Yes, sir … And it’s very high up. PRESIDENT NIXON: Somebody next to Gray? HALDEMAN: Mark Felt. PRESIDENT NIXON: Now why the hell would he do that? HALDEMAN: It’s hard to figure. Then again, you can’t say anything about this, because we’ll screw up our source … Mitchell is the only one that knows this. And he feels very strongly that we should—we’d better not do anything because— PRESIDENT NIXON: Do anything? Never! HALDEMAN: If we move on him, then he’ll go out and unload everything. He knows everything that’s to be known in the FBI. PRESIDENT NIXON: Sure. HALDEMAN: He has access to absolutely everything … Gray’s scared to death. We’ve got to give him a warning … PRESIDENT NIXON: What would you do with Felt? … Christ! You know what I’d do with him? Bastard! 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5662-65  | Added on Saturday, August 23, 2014, 03:56 PM

Gray fell seriously ill shortly after Nixon was re-elected in a landslide on November 7, 1972. He went into the hospital near his home in Stonington, Connecticut, for abdominal surgery. His doctor released him on December 3 but ordered him to rest at home until the New Year. Mark Felt ran the FBI during Gray’s two-month absence from headquarters. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5685-87  | Added on Saturday, August 23, 2014, 03:59 PM

You’ve got to be brutal, tough and respected … I understand leaking out of the CIA, those goddamned cookie-pushers. But if it leaks out of the Bureau, then the whole damn place ought to be fired.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5687-91  | Added on Saturday, August 23, 2014, 03:59 PM

Nixon was now sputtering and fuming. “You’ve got to do it like they did in the war,” the president said. “In World War II, the Germans, if they went through these towns and then one of their soldiers, a sniper hit one of them, they’d line up the whole goddamned town and say until you talk you’re all getting shot. I really think that’s what has to be done. I mean, I don’t think you can be Mr. Nice Guy over there.” “I haven’t been,” Gray protested. “These guys know they can’t lie to me like they used to lie to Hoover.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5692-96  | Added on Saturday, August 23, 2014, 04:00 PM

Nixon became imperious. “Frankly, I am referring to discipline of the highest sensitivity involving what may be political matters. Partisan political matters,” he said. “Let us suppose there’s a leak to a certain member of the press. I’ve got to have a relationship here where you go out and do something and deny on a stack of Bibles.” “Right,” said Gray. “I understand.” “I don’t have anybody else,” Nixon said. “I can’t hire some asshole from the outside.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5704-6  | Added on Saturday, August 23, 2014, 04:01 PM

“As you know, I would never ask the Director of the Bureau to do anything that was wrong,” the president said. “But I am certainly going to have to ask the Director of the Bureau at times to do things that are going to protect the security of this country.” “No problem,” Gray said. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5727-32  | Added on Saturday, August 23, 2014, 04:02 PM

On March 5, linguists at the National Security Agency, which had just created a branch to handle the issue of international terrorism, began to translate a newly intercepted message from the Iraqi mission at the United Nations. The message had been sent to Baghdad and relayed to the PLO. It contained the outlines of a murderous plan. As the NSA started to read the message, a tow truck operator impounded a 1973 Dodge Dart from the corner of 43rd Street and Fifth Avenue. The next morning, a 1972 Plymouth Duster at 47th Street and Fifth was towed away. Both had been ticketed for standing in a no-standing zone. An Olin rent-a-car supervisor came to the impound lot at a pier on the Hudson River to claim the Dart. He opened the trunk and stared in wonder. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5737-40  | Added on Saturday, August 23, 2014, 04:03 PM

The police had stumbled upon the first bomb plot in the war between Arab terrorists and the United States. At 6:15 P.M. on March 6, the FBI joined the case. In Washington, the NSA told the Bureau about the coded message to Baghdad and warned that a third car bomb lay waiting outside the El Al terminal at JFK. Later that night, the FBI and the NYPD bomb squad found the Fury and opened the trunk. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5743-44  | Added on Saturday, August 23, 2014, 04:03 PM

The FBI lifted a fingerprint off the propane tank in the Fury. Eighteen years would pass before the Bureau matched the print with the bomb maker. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5775-80  | Added on Saturday, August 23, 2014, 04:42 PM

“The Bureau cannot survive, John,” President Nixon said to his White House counsel, John Dean, on March 1, 1973. “It cannot survive.” To Nixon’s horror, L. Patrick Gray had offered to let members of the Senate read the FBI’s raw files on the Watergate investigation during his confirmation hearings. Nixon had believed that Gray wanted the job so badly he would do anything the White House commanded—including covering up the crimes of Watergate. “For Christ’s sake,” the president growled, “he must be out of his mind.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5786-88  | Added on Saturday, August 23, 2014, 04:43 PM

The White House would feed these stories to the Senate Judiciary Committee; the senators would use them to interrogate Gray. He could not answer them in candor. He would, in John Ehrlichman’s immortal phrase, twist slowly, slowly in the wind. His nomination would fail, and a more loyal man would be chosen to run the FBI. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5792-96  | Added on Saturday, August 23, 2014, 04:43 PM

The only member of the Judiciary Committee who had taken the time to read the raw Watergate files was Senator Roman Hruska, a law-and-order Republican from Nebraska. FBI agents delivered him twenty-six thick books, along with summaries and analyses, and he had spent six hours leafing through them, from four in the afternoon until ten at night. The senator had reached a conclusion, as FBI agent Angelo Lano reported to his superiors. “Dean had lied to us” by concealing the contents of the office safe of the Watergate burglar Howard Hunt. Lying to the FBI was a crime punishable by five years in prison. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5800-5811  | Added on Saturday, August 23, 2014, 04:45 PM

The president’s men convened in the Oval Office, filled with false bravado, after Gray’s devastating statement against Dean. Ehrlichman reported that the chairman of the Judiciary Committee, the FBI’s best friend in Congress, Senator James Eastland of Mississippi, had suspended the nomination hearings. “Gray is dead on the floor,” Ehrlichman told the president. “He accused your counsel of being a liar,” Haldeman chimed in. “He may be dead,” said Dean, “ ’cause I may shoot him.” Laughter all around—the last laugh captured on the White House tapes. Late on the evening of Sunday, April 15, Ehrlichman telephoned Gray at home with bad news. Facing indictment, John Dean had determined to save himself by revealing his darkest secrets to a federal grand jury. “Dean has apparently decided to make a clean breast of things,” Ehrlichman told Gray. “One of the questions that apparently they’ve been asking him is about the envelopes that he turned over to you.” Gray was horrified. “What the hell am I going to do about that?” he said. “The only thing I can do with this is to deny it.” Two days later, the FBI’s Watergate investigators, at Mark Felt’s command, knocked at the gates of the White House. “I’m worried,” Ehrlichman told the president. “The FBI has just served a subpoena on our White House police.” It sought the names of the people who had been cleared to enter the White House on June 18, 1972. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5827-33  | Added on Saturday, August 23, 2014, 04:47 PM

Gray had served 361 days as the acting director of the FBI. His future was bleak. He faced years of criminal investigation. He contemplated killing himself. He suffered in the deepest shame for the rest of his life. Mark Felt was certain he would be chosen to lead the FBI. He was fooling himself. He served as the acting director for three hours. Nixon instead chose a Republican factotum named William D. Ruckelshaus, the administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency, the newly created agency in charge of America’s natural resources. His decision seemed inexplicable to all concerned, including the nominee. But Nixon urged the job on him with an increasing ferocity over the course of an hour. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5856-59  | Added on Saturday, August 23, 2014, 04:49 PM

Backed by federal grand juries and the prosecutors who led them, the FBI’s investigators preserved the rule of law against the obstruction of justice. And under law, the agents were accomplishing an act of creative destruction that the radicals of the Left could only dream of achieving. They were bringing down the president of the United States. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 77 | Loc. 1114-16  | Added on Monday, August 25, 2014, 10:33 PM

In addition, the New Orleans Mafia was one of the few mob families to conduct hits on government officials; the only others who dared to take such measures even occasionally were Trafficante’s Tampa mob and the Chicago Mafia, both allies of Marcello in drug trafficking and the JFK hit. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 78 | Loc. 1120-23  | Added on Monday, August 25, 2014, 10:35 PM

One hundred was also the number of members in the New Orleans Mafia by October 15, 1890, when mob hit men shot the city’s Police Chief, David Hennessey, using a shotgun and a revolver. He died the following day, and though nineteen mobsters were indicted for the hit, all were acquitted thanks to witness intimidation and bribed jurors. In response to Hennessey’s assassination and the resulting acquittals, the public rioted and killed eleven of the Mafia men. But within two years, the New Orleans Mafia had fully recovered and was stronger than ever. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 79 | Loc. 1131-34  | Added on Monday, August 25, 2014, 10:37 PM

Marcello quickly learned that it was better to have others commit his crimes, so he had two teenagers rob a grocery store. While Marcello was planning a follow-up crime with the two—another bank robbery—the teens were arrested. One of them told the authorities everything, and the police also arrested Marcello. In the future, Marcello would come to rely on only close family members and associates who could be trusted not to talk. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 84 | Loc. 1213-20  | Added on Monday, August 25, 2014, 10:50 PM

Marcello became more powerful, wealthier, and more influential in the Mafia—and in Louisiana politics—with each passing year. At that time, officials ranging from US Attorney General Howard McGrath to FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover publicly expressed skepticism that the Mafia even existed. However, Tennessee Democratic Senator Estes Kefauver knew the Mafia was a very real threat, so in 1950, as Chairman of the Special Committee to Investigate Organized Crime in Interstate Commerce, he began a well-publicized investigation. In addition to targeting national crime figures such as Frank Costello, Kefauver called Marcello “the evil genius of organized crime in New Orleans” and held hearings there, on the mob boss’s own turf. Kefauver possibly singled out Marcello not only because of New Orleans’s long-standing reputation for vice but also because of an article by prominent muckraking newspaper columnist Drew Pearson, who described the low-public-profile Marcello as “the crime czar” of the city. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 85 | Loc. 1230-31  | Added on Monday, August 25, 2014, 10:51 PM

In the meantime, Marcello grew even more powerful under the new Republican administration of President Dwight Eisenhower and especially his vice president, Richard Nixon. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 87 | Loc. 1251-52  | Added on Monday, August 25, 2014, 10:56 PM

Trafficante “had a standard operating procedure for murder, which included the importation of hired killers from out of town and setting up patsies to take the fall.” 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Bookmark on Page 87 | Loc. 1261  | Added on Monday, August 25, 2014, 10:57 PM


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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 87 | Loc. 1260-64  | Added on Monday, August 25, 2014, 10:57 PM

Santo Trafficante spoke fluent Spanish and continued to spend time in Cuba as well as Tampa, with frequent visits to the “open” mob city of Miami. Because of his lack of a passport and US citizenship, Marcello could not easily or safely travel to Cuba, which by the 1950s was the Mafia’s gambling mecca for well-heeled travelers from the United States. Trafficante was one of the two main casino owners in Havana with the other being mob financial genius Meyer Lansky. Trafficante completely controlled one casino, the Sans Souci, and had shares in three more. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 88 | Loc. 1265-68  | Added on Monday, August 25, 2014, 10:58 PM

For years it was thought that Marcello’s inability to travel to Cuba prevented him from holding a share in the mob’s Havana gambling industry, but as revealed here for the first time, that wasn’t the case. Decades later, in prison, Marcello made an admission to Jack Van Laningham, who reported that “he was partners with a man that ran the Mafia in Florida, [Santo] Trafficante, [and] they were [also] partners in a casino in Cuba, and made millions before Castro took over and shut them down.” 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 88 | Loc. 1269-73  | Added on Monday, August 25, 2014, 10:58 PM

Mafia casinos in Cuba had flourished under the brutal dictatorship of Fulgencio Batista, whose regime was embraced by Vice President Richard Nixon and tolerated by President Eisenhower. Nixon reportedly had business interests on the island with his mob-connected best friend, Charles “Bebe” Rebozo. Nixon had visited the Mafia casinos and had been given honors by Batista. The repressive Cuban dictator had partnered with mob bosses like Meyer Lansky and Santo Trafficante, who gave him a lucrative piece of the growing Havana casino industry. Meanwhile, much of the Cuban populace suffered from bad nutrition, low wages, and Batista’s vicious police state. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 89 | Loc. 1278  | Added on Monday, August 25, 2014, 10:59 PM

Surprisingly, the CIA and Trafficante played both sides, providing small quantities of arms to Fidel Castro and his men. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 89 | Loc. 1285-93  | Added on Monday, August 25, 2014, 11:01 PM

The Administration’s tolerance of the Mafia was such that Trafficante felt safe to return to New York State for a meeting just two weeks later, along with almost a hundred other mob bosses from across the country. The ever-cautious Carlos Marcello didn’t attend and instead sent “his most trusted brother, Joe” and his top two Dallas lieutenants, Joseph Civello and Joe Campisi Sr. Their agenda ranged from replacing Anastasia to providing assistance for Batista and Fidel Castro. The mobsters met at a secluded country estate near the small town of Apalachin, New York. Marcello’s caution proved to be justified when local officers raided the unusual meeting, arresting fifty-eight mob leaders, including Trafficante and Joe Marcello. They were detained only briefly, but the huge meeting, combined with the recent sensational front-page news of Anastasia’s assassination, only served to fuel the frustration of many Americans—and some members of Congress—that the Mafia seemed to operate with near impunity under J. Edgar Hoover’s FBI and the rest of the Eisenhower–Nixon Administration. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 91 | Loc. 1307-11  | Added on Monday, August 25, 2014, 11:03 PM

The assassination of Attorney General–elect Patterson generated huge headlines across the country. Though the Eisenhower–Nixon Administration, including FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover, had basically taken a hands-off approach to organized crime, National Guard General Walter Hanna pressured the Alabama Governor, who finally got Eisenhower to take action. Phenix City was placed under “Martial Rule” by the National Guard, putting the city under US military occupation. That drastic step finally ran the rackets out of Phenix City, though after a time they simply reorganized on a smaller scale across the river in Columbus, Georgia. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 92 | Loc. 1319-24  | Added on Monday, August 25, 2014, 11:04 PM

One might think the Phenix City assassination would have caused the Eisenhower–Nixon Administration to declare war on organized crime, but it didn’t. J. Edgar Hoover continued to turn a blind eye toward the Mafia in general and Marcello in particular. Time magazine in 1975 first revealed secret meetings and friendship between Hoover and mob boss Frank Costello, which were confirmed by William Hundley, the Justice Department organized crime chief during the Kennedy Administration. Hoover’s predilection for gambling on horse races is now well known, and it’s also possible Hoover was blackmailed by the Mafia over his closeted homosexuality. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 92 | Loc. 1324-26  | Added on Monday, August 25, 2014, 11:05 PM

Carlos Marcello’s partners had gotten away with murder, but they had lost the lucrative cash cow that was Phenix City. However, they learned from their mistakes, and the next time Marcello’s associates assassinated a government official, a patsy would be on hand to be quickly blamed and killed to divert suspicion from organized crime. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Bookmark on Page 93 | Loc. 1340  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 08:36 AM


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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 93 | Loc. 1338-43  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 08:36 AM

Johnny Rosselli was very active in Guatemala in the mid-1950s, and his biographers documented from two sources that “Rosselli’s primary concern in Guatemala was to protect and advance the interests of” a New Orleans company with ties to Carlos Marcello. In 1956 Marcello decided that “Guatemala would be the most appropriate country” from which to obtain a fake birth certificate, since it “was easily accessible to New Orleans by air, telephone, and telegraph.” President Castillo Armas ruled the country, having been installed as dictator after the Eisenhower–Nixon Administration used the CIA to overthrow the liberal government of the democratically elected Jacobo Árbenz in 1954. * 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 95 | Loc. 1369-75  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 08:40 AM

As Marcello later explained to Jack Van Laningham, he “tried to get into gambling in Vegas” using a front man, and “all was going good until the Nevada Gaming Commission learned that Carlos Marcello was involved. They were shut down and lost a great deal of money in the venture [and] he stayed clear of Vegas after that.” Marcello always tried to stay out of the limelight and the newspapers, and he could have all the gambling he wanted in Louisiana without worrying about a state Gaming Commission. Marcello stayed out of Las Vegas after that, even in the 1970s when he had a chance to put up money for the real casino depicted in Martin Scorsese’s film Casino. Instead, Marcello simply brokered that deal to the Kansas City mob, getting an enormous onetime (and untraceable) “finder’s fee” in the process, something the FBI learned but never revealed to the public. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 96 | Loc. 1378-80  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 08:40 AM

But unlike with Marcello, the US government didn’t realize Rosselli wasn’t a citizen, and it wouldn’t learn that until 1966, setting off a chain of events that would help trigger Watergate and lead to Rosselli’s gruesome 1976 murder on Trafficante’s orders, with Marcello’s support. But in 1957 the fifty-two-year-old Rosselli and the forty-seven-year-old Marcello still got along well. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 96 | Loc. 1382-87  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 08:41 AM

Willie Bioff—the key witness whose testimony had sent Rosselli to prison and ended his glamorous Hollywood lifestyle—was living in Phoenix and was good friends with Arizona Senator Barry Goldwater. Despite Bioff’s friendship with, and political support of, Senator Goldwater, Rosselli and the Mafia got their revenge: Bioff was killed when his truck exploded in his driveway at his Phoenix home on November 4, 1955, destroyed by “a dynamite bomb.” No one was arrested for the murder. Three years later Rosselli approved the murder of another good friend of Goldwater’s, Gus Greenbaum, owner of the Riviera casino and “mayor” of the Las Vegas strip. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 97 | Loc. 1391-93  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 08:42 AM

Rosselli may well have used his mutual associate with Marcello—Santo Trafficante—to provide the hit men. Employing out-of-town hit men was a technique both Trafficante and Marcello increasingly used since it was difficult to tie them to a crime and locale. Five years later all three men would employ a variation of that approach against JFK. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 99 | Loc. 1420-23  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 08:46 AM

Marcello’s main office had one other notable feature, “a sign on the door leading out” that according to his biographer gave visitors a chilling reminder of whom they “were dealing with”: THREE CAN KEEP A SECRET IF TWO ARE DEAD 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 100 | Loc. 1436-44  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 08:48 AM

There appeared to be no concerns for Carlos Marcello on the federal front since Richard Nixon enjoyed increasing power and respect as the 1950s advanced, due to a series of health issues plaguing President Eisenhower. Nixon had weathered the only two potential scandals he’d recently faced, aided in one case by his long-time patron, billionaire Howard Hughes. The other scandal involved exposure of the mob ties of attorney Murray Chotiner, Nixon’s closest advisor. Richard Nixon and Murray Chotiner had longtime and well-documented links to the Mafia. Los Angeles mobster Mickey Cohen admitted giving Nixon $5,000 (nearly $50,000 in today’s money) in Nixon’s first race for Congress in California, in 1946. Cohen upped that to $75,000 (almost $700,000 today) for Nixon’s 1950 Senate run. Chotiner, Nixon’s chief political aide and strategist from 1946 until the time of Watergate, had arranged those payoffs. Chotiner, an attorney, and his brother had represented 221 of Cohen’s bookmakers in just one four-year period. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 101 | Loc. 1452-55  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 08:50 AM

In 1957 Robert Kennedy teamed up with his brother, Senator John F. Kennedy from Massachusetts. They were investigating Teamster corruption starting with union president Dave Beck, the only major union leader to support the generally anti-union Eisenhower–Nixon ticket. After corruption charges forced Beck to step down, John and Robert Kennedy focused on his successor, Jimmy Hoffa. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 102 | Loc. 1463-64  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 08:51 AM

from newspaper headlines alone, there was clearly a need for someone to take on the Mafia in America since J. Edgar Hoover and the Eisenhower–Nixon Administration seemed so reluctant to do so. Starting in the late 1950s, John F. Kennedy took up that fight. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 105 | Loc. 1495-1500  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 08:54 AM

his top Washington attorney, Jack Wasserman, one of the country’s best immigration attorneys. The fact that he chose Wasserman instead of a criminal defense attorney or a high-profile Washington power attorney showed that what Marcello feared most was his lack of citizenship. Unlike Santo Trafficante, Marcello couldn’t duck the Kennedys’ subpoena by traveling to another country. As a noncitizen, if Marcello ever left the United States he might be denied reentry, so Wasserman told him he had no other recourse than to report for the hearing. With his bow tie and glasses, Wasserman looked nothing like a typical mob lawyer and more like a university professor. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 107 | Loc. 1522-28  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 08:57 AM

Senator Sam Ervin of North Carolina—later chairman of the famed Senate Watergate Committee—began by reminding Marcello of his two felony convictions and then asked “how a man with that kind of record can stay in the United States for five years, nine months, twenty-four days after he is found to be an undesirable alien. . . . How have you managed to stay here?” Marcello eventually answered, “I wouldn’t know.” Senator Ervin expressed his frustration at the current Eisenhower–Nixon Administration, saying, “[T]he American people are entitled to more protection at the hands of the law than to have an undesirable alien who has committed serious felonies remain in this country.” He summed up by essentially calling Marcello a leech who preyed “upon law-abiding people [and who] ought to be removed from this country.” 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 108 | Loc. 1537-41  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 08:59 AM

On June 9, 1959, RFK verbally sparred with Sam Giancana, trying to draw him into a revealing response. RFK asked, “Would you tell us, if you have opposition from anybody, that you dispose of them by having them stuffed in a trunk? Is that what you do, Mr. Giancana?” Giancana appeared to stifle a laugh, not taking the Committee and RFK’s questions seriously, leading RFK to ask, “Is there something funny about it, Mr. Giancana?” and “Would you tell us anything about any of your operations, or will you just giggle every time I ask you a question? I thought only little girls giggled, Mr. Giancana.” 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 109 | Loc. 1545-51  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 09:00 AM

As they sought to question additional mob leaders, Senator Kennedy and RFK were stymied on one occasion by the CIA, foreshadowing problems with the Agency that would plague the two men even after JFK become President. In a 1975 report for the New York Times that was confirmed by two RFK aides, Pulitzer Prize–winning journalist Seymour Hersh discovered that in 1959 the CIA had given a “free pass” to one mob boss for his help in trying to assassinate Fidel Castro for the US government. When RFK and his aides tried to question him in private, the Mafia chief replied, “You can’t touch me. I’ve got immunity.” Robert demanded to know “who gave you immunity?” The Mafia boss replied, “The CIA. I’m working for them, but I can’t talk about it. Top Secret.” 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 110 | Loc. 1566-67  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 10:19 AM

To show he wasn’t afraid of the Kennedys or the Committee, Trafficante had ordered another mob hit the previous day, and Robert had to announce in the hearing that he had been informed “there was another one yesterday.” Like the others, it would never be solved 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 111 | Loc. 1580-81  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 10:22 AM

In Marcello’s organization, there was a man well suited for the role of messenger and courier between the two godfathers: Jack Ruby. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 112 | Loc. 1588-91  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 10:22 AM

Originally born Jack Rubenstein in Chicago on March 25, 1911, Jack Ruby dropped out of high school and began working for the mob. According to Seth Kantor—the respected journalist who saw Ruby at Parkland Hospital soon after JFK was shot—the young Ruby delivered “sealed envelopes at the rate of $1 per errand for Chicago’s No. 1 racketeer, Al Capone.” 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 112 | Loc. 1594-96  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 10:23 AM

By 1939 Ruby was back in Chicago as a “secretary to the Waste Handlers Union” and was questioned “in connection with the murder of the secretary-treasurer of the local.” Even though the victim was Ruby’s friend, he gave no useful information to the police, showing those in power that he could be trusted not to talk. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 113 | Loc. 1610-12  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 10:26 AM

This was the first of many times Ruby would appear to cooperate with authorities in return for protecting his—and his superiors’—criminal activities or to find out what authorities knew. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 114 | Loc. 1618-20  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 10:26 AM

Jack Ruby’s close relationship to law enforcement, a major factor in the aftermath of JFK’s assassination, began to develop in the 1950s. It continued to grow into the early 1960s, when—according to one Warren Commission file—Ruby “was well acquainted with virtually every officer of the Dallas Police force.” 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 114 | Loc. 1622-25  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 10:27 AM

It’s clear now, and confirmed by Carlos Marcello’s own comments about Ruby during CAMTEX, that Ruby was Marcello’s pay-off man for the Dallas Police. The police corruption wasn’t just about money, since Ruby was soon involved in various nightclubs and with strippers and prostitutes. It was said that policemen never had to pay for a drink at Ruby’s club and sometimes were even provided with women. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 115 | Loc. 1635-37  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 10:28 AM

Ruby appears to have had a small role in making sure Marcello’s heroin that flowed through Dallas from Mexico and the Texas ports stayed en route to Chicago. Declassified files show that that same heroin network would play a role in JFK’s murder: One female heroin courier who worked for Ruby tried to expose the plot to assassinate JFK just prior to his murder. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 116 | Loc. 1643-47  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 10:29 AM

Also in the late 1950s, FBI files—most provided to the Warren Commission—show that Ruby became involved in gunrunning to Cuba with several associates of Santo Trafficante, among them gangsters Norman Rothman and Dominick Bartone, as well as corrupt former Cuban president Carlos Prio. Los Angeles mobster Mickey Cohen was also running guns to Cuba at that time, and “Ruby told one of his business partners . . . he was a close friend of Mickey Cohen.” The FBI documented numerous ties between Ruby and Cohen’s girlfriend, a well-known burlesque dancer from Texas whose stage name was Candy Barr. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 116 | Loc. 1651-55  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 10:30 AM

IN 1959 RUBY’S Cuban gunrunning and arms deals with Castro’s men made him an excellent candidate to be a courier/messenger between Ruby’s boss Marcello and the detained Trafficante. But Ruby had an even better cover for his activities because he’d recently become an informant for the FBI. In March of 1959, Ruby had been interviewed by the Bureau and asked to become an informant. Ruby, no doubt after checking with mob superiors in Dallas such as Civello or Campisi, agreed. Such an arrangement could give him an extra degree of protection for his illegal activities and a way to find out what crimes the FBI was interested in. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 117 | Loc. 1656-57  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 10:30 AM

In 1959 Ruby reported to the FBI “on at least eight occasions,” but according to historian Gerald D. McKnight, the Warren Commission hid that fact from the American public. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 117 | Loc. 1669-71  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 10:31 AM

While Trafficante was in jail in Cuba, Jack Ruby attempted arms deals to help secure Trafficante’s release, according to several accounts. Scott Malone found that “Congressional investigators” noted in a “briefing memorandum” that “in 1959 Jack Ruby traveled to Cuba and visited Santo Trafficante in jail.” 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 118 | Loc. 1676-81  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 10:32 AM

Ruby had many associates in common with Trafficante, but the most likely person to have taken Ruby to see Trafficante was gambling supervisor Lewis McWillie, whom Ruby described as “high class.” Even after the Revolution, McWillie was one of many mobsters still operating in Cuba. While most people think that Fidel Castro shut all the Mafia casinos when he took over, that’s only partially true. For economic reasons, they were quickly reopened. Frank Fiorini (who later renamed himself Frank Sturgis), a Trafficante hoodlum who’d fought alongside Fidel, was made the liaison between the Cuban government and the mob bosses who still ran—even if they no longer owned—the casinos. The former mob casinos would remain open until the fall of 1961. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 120 | Loc. 1700-1704  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 10:34 AM

Ruby had one more unusual role to play in Cuba, in early 1960. The Hoffa-brokered plots between the CIA and the Mafia to kill Fidel that began in 1959 were continuing in the early months of 1960, though neither Trafficante nor Ruby’s boss Marcello had any documented role in those plots. However, former Cuban mob powerhouse Meyer Lansky had reportedly placed a million-dollar bounty on killing Fidel Castro, since, unlike Trafficante, Lansky had been unable to reach an accommodation with the Castro brothers. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 120 | Loc. 1713-15  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 10:35 AM

A few journalists have asked if Jack Ruby was “supplying the pistols to McWillie so they could be [used in an assassination] plot against Castro.” Some evidence does indicate that the episode could have been part of the continuing plots to kill Fidel brokered by Hoffa between the CIA and the Mafia. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 121 | Loc. 1721-23  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 10:36 AM

One Colt Cobra definitely purchased by Jack Ruby in January 1960 would find greater infamy more than three years later. It was the pistol Ruby used to shoot accused assassin Lee Oswald on live television on November 24, 1963. Ruby’s notorious gun at the very least came out of his involvement with the Mafia and possibly from the mob’s early work with the CIA to kill Fidel. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 122 | Loc. 1730-35  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 10:37 AM

Ruby also owed large sums to the IRS throughout the early 1960s, first approaching $20,000 and by 1963 $40,000. In today’s dollars, that’s $240,000. Yet the House Select Committee on Assassinations found that Paul repeatedly loaned Ruby money, “which eventually may have totaled $15,000” plus an additional “larger sum of money (allegedly $15,000 to $17,000) to assist Ruby” with his taxes. In today’s dollars, that’s at least $180,000. Yet Ralph Paul was only the owner of a relatively small restaurant in Dallas, the Bull-Pen Drive-In, and it’s impossible to imagine he could have come up with those sums let alone continue to loan money to a man who owed the IRS so much money. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 122 | Loc. 1742-45  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 10:37 AM

House Select Committee investigators were confused when Joe Campisi said in an FBI interview that “Ralph Paul [was] his partner.” Campisi’s Egyptian Restaurant was large and popular, and Campisi was powerful, so he certainly didn’t need Ralph Paul as a partner. However, Joe Campisi’s comment makes perfect sense if he was funneling Marcello money to Paul as part of Paul’s fronting ownership of the Carousel for the mobsters. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 123 | Loc. 1746-49  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 10:38 AM

Still, by the later part of 1960, Ruby got to call the shots at the Carousel and act like a club owner, even though in reality he was simply taking a small percentage of the club’s revenues as a kind of salary for managing the club on behalf of Carlos Marcello. However, this arrangement would have huge ramifications for Marcello less than three years later, when it gave the godfather leverage to get Ruby to risk his life for the godfather after JFK’s murder. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 125 | Loc. 1762-69  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 10:40 AM

Eisenhower had left Washington the previous year when Fidel Castro had come to the United States, leaving it to Nixon to meet with the new Cuban leader. Instead of offering US financial aid as Castro had hoped (since the former US-backed dictator, Fulgencio Batista—a friend of Nixon—had fled with much of the Cuban treasury), Nixon had lectured Castro and offered no help. Nixon had also confided to others that he felt Castro was dangerous, and soon after that the CIA began working with Jimmy Hoffa to have the three northeastern mob leaders kill Fidel. Those plots had not worked, and now the 1960 election was rapidly approaching. Vice President Nixon apparently thought that if Castro was killed before the election, and US troops had to be sent into Cuba to protect Americans and American interests, the voting public would chose the eight-year veteran Vice President over the young and relatively inexperienced Senator Kennedy. Nixon told “a press aide [that] the toppling of Castro would be ‘a real trump card’” for the election, according to Anthony Summers. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 128 | Loc. 1795-99  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 10:42 AM

Robert Maheu (an ex-FBI agent and former partner of Guy Banister) later admitted that Richard Nixon was personally behind the ramped-up CIA–Mafia plots to assassinate Fidel Castro and that Nixon had chosen Maheu to be the CIA’s new cutout to the Mafia. Eight years later Maheu confided to his friend Pierre Salinger “that the CIA had been in touch with Nixon, who had asked them to go forward with this project. . . . It was Nixon who had him do a deal with the Mafia in Florida to kill Castro.” 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 130 | Loc. 1823-26  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 10:46 AM

ONE IMPORTANT PART of the CIA–Mafia plots that began in 1960 wasn’t connected to those plots until 2012. This was the fact that the mob bosses involved in the plots—including Marcello, Trafficante, and Giancana—paid a huge bribe to Vice President Richard Nixon the same month the plots began. Nixon’s background shows how that bribe came about and why Nixon turned to the Mafia to kill Castro in the first place. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 130 | Loc. 1833-34  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 06:54 PM

Nixon also received support from his first race onward from billionaire Howard Hughes. Once Nixon became Vice President, he received even more favors and illicit money from Hughes. Twice Hughes had his top covert operative, Robert Maheu, help Nixon with difficult problems. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 131 | Loc. 1836-38  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 06:54 PM

“‘Santo,’ recalled his attorney Frank Ragano, ‘viewed Nixon as a realistic, conservative politician who was not a zealot and would not be hard on him and his mob friends. The Mafia had little to fear from Nixon.’” 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 131 | Loc. 1838-41  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 06:54 PM

Marcello and Trafficante wanted to do all they could to ensure a Nixon victory, especially since their ally Jimmy Hoffa was soon expected to face a federal indictment as a result of all the attention the Kennedys’ hearings had focused on him. Accordingly, Marcello began to gather money for Nixon, and in addition to Trafficante, Giancana later claimed that he had contributed, as did Tony Provenzano, a Mafia Teamster official in New Jersey who was close to Marcello. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 131 | Loc. 1842-50  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 06:55 PM

In September 1960, Richard Nixon received a bribe of at least $500,000 from the same mob bosses who began working that month on his CIA–Mafia plot to kill Fidel. Prior to September 26, 1960, Teamster President Hoffa—facing an expected indictment for crimes exposed by the Kennedys—went to Louisiana “to meet Carlos Marcello.” As first revealed by Hoffa expert Dan Moldea, a Louisiana-based Hoffa aide, Grady Edward Partin, who later “turned government informant,” was with Hoffa at the meeting. Partin said, “Marcello had a suitcase filled with $500,000 cash which was going to Nixon.” That was only half of a promised total payment to Nixon of $1 million (more than $6 million in today’s dollars), with “the other half coming from the mob boys in New Jersey and Florida.” The Florida mobster contributing was Santo Trafficante, who was at the time joining the CIA–Mafia plots. Among the “mob boys” in New Jersey was Mafia capo Tony Provenzano, who was close to Marcello. In a boast to a family member, Sam Giancana claimed that he was also part of the group “giving the Nixon campaign a million bucks.” 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 132 | Loc. 1858-61  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 06:56 PM

However, Marcello’s illicit cash for Nixon had another important goal: According to Grady Partin, Marcello said he “hoped . . . to extract a pledge that a Nixon administration would not deport him.” Marcello’s huge bribe to the Vice President also raises the possibility that an earlier payment to Nixon might have been the reason Marcello hadn’t been deported during Nixon’s Vice Presidency. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 133 | Loc. 1865-66  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 06:57 PM

That was really a primary reason the CIA wanted to use the Mafia in the first place, to give the public an entity other than the CIA or the US government to blame for the murder. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 133 | Loc. 1869-74  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 06:58 PM

Two plots to poison Fidel can be documented in the weeks leading up to the 1960 Presidential election. One involved Richard Cain, a “made” Chicago mobster who also worked in Chicago law enforcement. The other effort included Frank Fiorini, the mob associate who had fought for Fidel’s forces and then become the liaison between Fidel and the mobsters who ran (and had owned) the Havana casinos. But Fiorini had since fled Cuba and was now working for the CIA. Years later Fiorini would change his name to Frank Sturgis and become infamous as one of the Watergate burglars working for E. Howard Hunt. Though Fiorini’s mob and CIA ties have since been documented, those links would not become widely known during the Watergate scandal. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Bookmark on Page 134 | Loc. 1877  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 06:58 PM


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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 133 | Loc. 1875-80  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 06:58 PM

CIA officer E. Howard Hunt played a major role in the Agency’s covert plot to eliminate Fidel in the fall of 1960. If Castro was killed by mob assassins and US military forces were deployed to protect Americans in Cuba, it would take only a small group of trained exiles to help install another US-backed strongman or dictator. Hunt was helping oversee the political side of the training of such a small force (a few hundred men at that time). Though experienced with coups, at that point Hunt had no experience with the Mafia. To address that issue, in September 1960 longtime mob associate Bernard Barker was assigned as Hunt’s assistant, a position he would maintain for years. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 134 | Loc. 1881-85  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 06:59 PM

He originally had dual American–Cuban citizenship but because of his service in Cuba’s brutal and corrupt secret police, his US citizenship was revoked in the mid-1950s. Barker and Hunt say that Barker worked for the CIA for several years in the 1950s, though according to Barker’s released CIA file, he began working for the Agency only in the spring of 1959, when he was forty-one. After Barker left Cuba (and possibly before), he became a longtime associate of Santo Trafficante’s mob, though an FBI memo says that since “the late 1940’s” Barker had been involved “in gangster activities in Cuba.” 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 134 | Loc. 1885-89  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:00 PM

FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover got wind of the secret plots, as verified by an October 18, 1960, memo to a high CIA official overseeing the plots, in which Hoover said that “during recent conversations with several friends, [Sam] Giancana [said] the ‘assassin’ had arranged with a girl, not further described, to drop a ‘pill’ in some drink or food of Castro’s.” Hoover’s description perfectly matches other descriptions of Frank Fiorini’s part of the CIA–Mafia plot. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 135 | Loc. 1892-93  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:00 PM

That the son of one of America’s richest men would need Giancana’s help to win in heavily Democratic Chicago, whose powerful Mayor, Richard Daley, was JFK’s close ally, strains credibility. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 135 | Loc. 1901-4  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:01 PM

Despite those stories in the press, the Agency continued the CIA–Mafia assassination plots into December of 1960 and into 1961 without telling the new President. December 1960 was an especially active time. That month New Orleans private detective Guy Banister was linked to a CIA plot to stage a fake attack on the US naval base at Guantánamo, Cuba, to provide a pretext for a US attack on Cuba. However, Cuban authorities got wind of the plot and arrested forty Cubans involved. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 136 | Loc. 1909-10  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:01 PM

In addition, “in late 1960, the Agency sent a sniper rifle to Havana via diplomatic pouch,” according to CIA Congressional testimony uncovered by historian David Kaiser. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 136 | Loc. 1912-16  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:02 PM

As the CIA would reluctantly admit years later in Congressional hearings, it had begun a program in 1960 to eliminate problematic foreign leaders, ominously named ZR/RIFLE. The CIA was also using ZR/RIFLE to try to assassinate another foreign leader, the charismatic Patrice Lumumba of the Congo, an attempt that succeeded shortly before JFK was sworn in. Involved in that assassination effort was a European assassin recruiter for the CIA code-named QJWIN. As detailed later, QJWIN would also be used in the plots to kill Fidel Castro and would surface in relation to JFK’s murder. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 138 | Loc. 1935-39  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:04 PM

The secret CIA exile training going on outside New Orleans gave Guy Banister and David Ferrie opportunities to become involved in the covert operation. In an unusual foreshadowing of events to come, it’s well documented that one of Banister’s associates even used the name “Oswald”—then in the Soviet Union—as an alias when trucks were purchased for Cuban exiles at a New Orleans Ford dealership. One of Banister’s associates involved had briefly employed Oswald when he was a teenager, which is probably why the name of the well-publicized defector was used. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 138 | Loc. 1939-40  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:04 PM

More important, as New Orleans became a center of covert Cuban exile activity—a role that would continue into 1963—Marcello became involved in those operations. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 138 | Loc. 1944-48  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:05 PM

Officially, Hunt worked with exile leaders such as Tony Varona and Manuel Artime (Hunt’s best friend), who were supposed to run Cuba after Fidel was gone. However, the CIA admits that Varona was also working at the same time on the CIA–Mafia plots with his associate Santo Trafficante, as was Artime. Much evidence shows the same was true for Hunt and Barker, who were also involved in the CIA–Mafia plots since the new exile leadership of Cuba would have to be ready to take over as soon as the Mafia assassinated Fidel. Barker’s work for Trafficante could help that coordination. 
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- Highlight on Page 139 | Loc. 1949-51  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:05 PM

Confirmation of Hunt’s CIA work with Rosselli in March 1961 came only in 2006, when former CIA Agent Bayard Stockton wrote that “in March 1961 [Johnny] Rosselli went to the Dominican Republic, accompanied by Howard Hunt of the CIA.” 
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- Highlight on Page 140 | Loc. 1968-70  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:07 PM

Even as the CIA Director ignored Commander Almeida’s comments and kept them—and the CIA–Mafia plots and fake Guantánamo attack plans—secret from JFK, President Kennedy expressed his dissatisfaction with the CIA’s proposed landing site near the city of Trinidad. 
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- Highlight on Page 140 | Loc. 1971-75  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:07 PM

Accordingly, the CIA chose a new beachhead on Cuba’s southwest coast in an area called the Bay of Pigs. In a tragic irony of history, when Fidel divided command of Cuba into thirds for defense against the anticipated invasion, Commander Almeida was given control of the portion of Cuba that included the Bay of Pigs. If the CIA had told JFK about Almeida, who could have been encouraged to remain in place and assist the United States, history could have been radically different. 
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- Highlight on Page 140 | Loc. 1977-78  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:08 PM

Tunisian-born Marcello, who wasn’t a citizen and had only falsified birth records from Guatemala. 
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- Highlight on Page 141 | Loc. 1980-82  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:08 PM

On April 4, 1961, when Carlos Marcello went to the local INS office for what he thought was a routine visit, he was detained and then flown to Guatemala without a hearing. RFK publicly took full responsibility “for the expulsion of” Marcello and the following week had the IRS file “tax liens in excess of $835,000 against” Marcello and his wife. 
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- Highlight on Page 141 | Loc. 1985-89  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:09 PM

The US-backed dictator of Guatemala, already under pressure from his country’s press and populace for allowing the US-supported Cuban exile training, faced new scrutiny for allowing a notorious American godfather to reside in the country. He ordered Marcello and his American attorney detained and escorted to the border. From there Marcello was taken “20 miles into Honduras [and] unceremoniously dumped . . . on a forested hilltop with no signs of civilization in sight.” The man who was America’s most powerful godfather now had to scramble through the jungle-lined back roads of Honduras in his expensive Gucci shoes. 
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- Highlight on Page 141 | Loc. 1989-96  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:10 PM

According to Marcello biographer John Davis, “Still wearing their city clothes and their city shoes stuffed with cash,” Marcello and his associate “had little to drink or eat. . . . Marcello found breathing difficult along the mountain-top road. He collapsed three times in the dust, complaining that he could not go on any farther, that he was finished, and that it was that rich kid Bobby Kennedy who had done this to them. ‘If I don’t make it . . .’ Carlos told [his associate] at one point as he lay exhausted in a roadside gutter, ‘tell my brother when you get back, about what dat kid Bobby done to us. Tell ’em to do what dey have to do.’” Before arriving at a small airport, the exhausted Marcello plunged “down a pathless slope. They ended up in a burrow, bleeding from thorns, bruised by rocks, with Marcello complaining of a severe pain in his side” from “three broken ribs.” 
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- Highlight on Page 142 | Loc. 2006-8  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:11 PM

The link between the September 1960 Mafia–Nixon bribe and the fact that most of those contributing—Marcello, Trafficante, and Giancana—were also working at the behest of Nixon on his CIA–Mafia plot to kill Fidel was not publicly made until the publication of my book Watergate: The Hidden History in 2012. 
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- Highlight on Page 143 | Loc. 2017-19  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:12 PM

Shortly before President Kennedy took office, Eisenhower had closed the US Embassy in Havana, depriving the United States—and President Kennedy—of a valuable listening post (and spy base) in Cuba. This lack of clandestine information from observers on the scene left JFK almost completely at the mercy of CIA officials regarding the situation in Cuba. 
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- Highlight on Page 144 | Loc. 2023-24  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:14 PM

Even without Hunt, the CIA–Mafia plots continued, with Cuban exile leader—and Trafficante associate—Tony Varona playing a key role. 
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- Highlight on Page 144 | Loc. 2025-29  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:14 PM

However, the abrupt departure of Hunt—who handled exile leaders like Varona—left only a few officials who knew about the highly secret CIA–Mafia plots. Because Hunt was no longer involved, Varona was placed in a secure US military facility with the other exile leaders to await the outcome of the invasion and was unable to give the signal to poison Castro. That still left Dulles the fake attack plan on Guantánamo, set to be staged by the exiles trained near New Orleans. 
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- Highlight on Page 144 | Loc. 2032-33  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:14 PM

They were there to risk their lives fighting Castro’s troops, not the US military. 
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- Highlight on Page 144 | Loc. 2033-37  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:15 PM

The failure of those two operations, along with the lack of real secrecy about the operation and the CIA’s refusal to take advantage of Cuban Army Commander Almeida’s offer, primarily caused the Bay of Pigs disaster. JFK publicly took responsibility, but privately he was furious. Internal investigations followed, though they would not uncover the CIA–Mafia plots, the fake Guantánamo attack, or Commander Almeida’s offers. However, CIA Director Dulles and his second-in-command were eventually forced to 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 145 | Loc. 2037  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:15 PM

resign. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 145 | Loc. 2044-46  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:16 PM

Years later, after Watergate, Frank Fiorini—tired of the CIA’s spin that Hunt was a minor, bumbling CIA figure—said in a published interview that “Howard [Hunt] was in charge of other CIA operations involving ‘disposal’ [assassination] and . . . some of them worked.” 
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- Highlight on Page 146 | Loc. 2055-58  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:17 PM

The FBI was fairly certain Marcello had been flown to Miami on a Dominican air force jet. An FBI memo later uncovered by John Davis suggests that “a high-ranking US government official may have intervened with the Dominican Republic on Marcello’s behalf,” identifying a key player as “Senator Russell Long of Louisiana, who had received financial aid from Marcello, [and who] had been very much concerned with the Marcello deportation.” Long would later serve on the Warren Commission. 
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- Highlight on Page 147 | Loc. 2074-77  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:19 PM

That may be why Helms wouldn’t tell McCone about his use of the Mafia even when Helms began to expand the plots. To a later Senate committee, John McCone “testified that he was not briefed about the assassination plots by Dulles, Bissell, Helms, or anyone else,” something Helms confirmed in his own testimony. Also kept in the dark about the plots’ continuation were President Kennedy and Robert Kennedy. 
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- Highlight on Page 148 | Loc. 2080-81  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:20 PM

Those plots would play a central role in helping Marcello and his partners kill JFK in a way that would force high CIA officials such as Richard Helms to cover up crucial information after JFK’s assassination. 
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- Highlight on Page 148 | Loc. 2088-95  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:21 PM

The prosecution of Cain’s associate had to be suppressed to avoid exposing the CIA–Mafia plots to kill Castro, which meant that RFK would have to be told something about the plots. On May 7, 1962, the CIA’s General Counsel and the Agency’s Director of Security told an angry Robert Kennedy about the CIA–Mafia plots from October 1960 to the Bay of Pigs and even into early 1962. However, the two assured RFK that the plots had been stopped. There are indications that a year earlier, RFK had learned in general terms about the CIA’s use of Giancana in some capacity during the Bay of Pigs, but it’s unclear whether he knew that Giancana was involved in assassinations or thought he was just helping to provide intelligence. In any event, the CIA admits that RFK was not told the plots were continuing even after he was assured they were over. 
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- Highlight on Page 149 | Loc. 2095-97  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:21 PM

With lawyerly understatement, the CIA’s General Counsel, Lawrence Houston, later testified, “If you have seen Mr. Kennedy’s eyes get steely and his jaw set and his voice get low and precise, you get a definite feeling of unhappiness.” 
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- Highlight on Page 149 | Loc. 2097-2101  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:22 PM

A frustrated Robert Kennedy said that because of the CIA, “It would be very difficult to initiate any prosecution against Giancana, as Giancana would immediately bring out the fact the US Government had approached him to arrange for the assassination of Castro.” That was a serious matter for Robert Kennedy, since the Chicago Mafia had been a particular target of his ever-increasing war against organized crime, along with Trafficante’s empire in Florida and Marcello’s organization in Louisiana. 
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- Highlight on Page 150 | Loc. 2109-14  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:23 PM

In 1960 Sinatra had also introduced JFK to Judith Campbell, who later became his mistress. Shortly before JFK ended his friendship with Sinatra, J. Edgar Hoover sent “a top-secret memorandum to” Robert Kennedy “that summarized Judith Campbell’s telephone contact with the President as well as her association with Sam Giancana. A copy of the memo also went to a top JFK aide, with a cover note: ‘I thought you would be interested in learning of the following information which was developed in connection with the investigation of John Rosselli.’” * This event led to “Hoover’s lunch with the President on March 22, [1962],” which a JFK aide described as “bitter” and “which went on for no less than four hours.” 
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- Highlight on Page 150 | Loc. 2119-22  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:24 PM

The fact that President Kennedy ended his relationships with two of Johnny Rosselli’s close friends was a critical blow to Marcello and Trafficante. Campbell and Sinatra had potentially represented ways that John or Robert Kennedy might have been pressured—or blackmailed—to back off from their massive assault on the Mafia. Now the mob bosses had few options to stop the Kennedys’ ever-increasing pressure on them. 
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- Highlight on Page 152 | Loc. 2148-52  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:26 PM

The Northwoods proposals shocked President Kennedy, and he rejected them all. The plan apparently showed JFK that some of the Joint Chiefs—especially its Chairman, General Lemnitzer—were very much out of touch with JFK’s view of the world. Within months, JFK replaced Lemnitzer with General Maxwell Taylor, who had headed JFK’s Bay of Pigs investigation. General Taylor would remain Chairman of the Joint Chiefs throughout JFK’s Presidency and was so admired by RFK that he named one of his sons after him. 
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- Highlight on Page 153 | Loc. 2156-62  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:27 PM

At first no one knew whether or not the Soviet missiles had nuclear warheads, but by September 19 evidence that they did had started accumulating. On September 27 the US military began preparing contingency invasion plans for Cuba. JFK was briefed on October 16 that “hard photographic evidence” from a U-2 spy plane flight confirmed that Soviet medium-range nuclear ballistic missiles were being installed in Cuba. He made plans to reveal the Crisis to the nation six days later, after having daily consultations with a full range of top military and civilian advisors. On October 22, 1962, at 7 p.m. (eastern time), President John F. Kennedy went on national television to tell the American people the country was on the brink of nuclear war. 
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- Highlight on Page 154 | Loc. 2165-67  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:28 PM

As the Cuban Missile Crisis unfolded during those tense times, it’s important to remember that this is when recently returned “defector” Lee Oswald was allowed to take the job at the U-2 map firm in Dallas. The firm’s sensitive work would be visible on television throughout the Crisis, which makes it incredible that Oswald would be allowed to work there unless he had US intelligence connections. 
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- Highlight on Page 155 | Loc. 2188-92  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:30 PM

Jimmy Hoffa, who had a number of criminal activities with Marcello and Trafficante, was under such intense pressure from the Kennedys that he decided to kill Robert Kennedy. In September 1962 Edward Partin, the Justice Department informant who had witnessed Marcello’s $500,000 bribe to Hoffa for Nixon, approached officials about becoming an informant after he heard Jimmy Hoffa discuss plans to assassinate Attorney General Kennedy. Partin had passed “a meticulous FBI polygraph examination” and had provided to RFK’s Justice Department a stream of information about Hoffa’s crimes. 
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- Highlight on Page 156 | Loc. 2208-10  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:31 PM

Not content to depend on the aging and imperious Hoover, RFK had hired ten times more Justice Department Mafia prosecutors than were employed during the Eisenhower–Nixon Administration. The Kennedys’ pressure on Marcello, and on his close partners Santo Trafficante and Jimmy Hoffa, was unrelenting. Something had to be done. 
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- Highlight on Page 158 | Loc. 2221-25  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:33 PM

Becker told the godfather that killing RFK would get Marcello “into a hell of a lot of trouble.” In answer, “Marcello invoked an old Italian proverb: ‘If you want to kill a dog, you don’t cut off the tail, you cut off the head.’” Becker says the implication was that “Bobby was the tail” and “if the President were killed then Bobby would lose his bite. Marcello added that he had a plan, to use ‘a nut’ to take the fall for the murder . . . then Marcello abruptly changed the subject, and the Kennedys were not mentioned again.” 
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- Highlight on Page 157 | Loc. 2211-25  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:33 PM

In October 1962, Marcello briefly and unexpectedly explained his solution to the Kennedys’ war on the Mafia. The godfather was with two of his most trusted associates in the place he felt safest, the middle of his secluded sixty-four-hundred-acre Churchill Farms property outside New Orleans. With Marcello were his trusted longtime driver, Jack Liberto, and his favorite nephew, Carlo Roppolo. Joining the three was Ed Becker, a former public relations man for two Las Vegas casinos. Marcello felt comfortable talking to Becker not only because he’d worked for mob-run casinos but because Becker was now in business with Roppolo, who vouched for him. According to Becker, Marcello “pulled out a bottle and poured a generous round of scotch. The conversation wandered until Becker made an off-hand remark about Robert Kennedy and Marcello’s deportation. The reference struck a nerve, and Carlos jumped to his feet, exclaiming the Sicilian oath, ‘Livarsi na pietra di la scarpa!’ (Take the stone out of my shoe!).” Marcello didn’t speak Sicilian but was repeating an old saying he had heard many times from those who did. * As Becker later wrote, “Reverting to English, Marcello shouted, ‘Don’t worry about that Bobby son-of-a-bitch. He’s going to be taken care of.’” Becker told the godfather that killing RFK would get Marcello “into a hell of a lot of trouble.” In answer, “Marcello invoked an old Italian proverb: ‘If you want to kill a dog, you don’t cut off the tail, you cut off the head.’” Becker says the implication was that “Bobby was the tail” and “if the President were killed then Bobby would lose his bite. Marcello added that he had a plan, to use ‘a nut’ to take the fall for the murder . . . then Marcello abruptly changed the subject, and the Kennedys were not mentioned again.” 
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- Highlight on Page 158 | Loc. 2225-29  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:33 PM

Many people knew that Robert Kennedy and Vice President Johnson hated each other, and one of them was the politically savvy Marcello, who “owned” US Senators, members of Congress, governors, and judges. If Marcello killed President Kennedy, then RFK’s status as the second-most-powerful man in America—with far more power than a typical Attorney General—would end, and with it so would RFK’s extraordinary war on Marcello and the Mafia. 
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- Highlight on Page 159 | Loc. 2250-53  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:40 PM

“Aleman said that Trafficante” made the threat against JFK as “part of a long conversation that lasted from sometime during the day until late at night.” Aleman said the conversation with Trafficante “came about because” his cousin had helped get “someone out of a Cuban jail,” and Trafficante “wanted to help Aleman get out of his financial difficulties in return.” 
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- Highlight on Page 160 | Loc. 2261-65  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:41 PM

Trafficante complained about JFK: “[H]ave you seen how his brother is hitting Hoffa . . . mark my word, this man Kennedy is in trouble and he will get what is coming to him.’ When Aleman disagreed with Trafficante and said he thought . . . Kennedy would be re-elected,” Trafficante said, “You don’t understand me. Kennedy’s not going to make it to the election. He is going to be hit.” Aleman told the government investigators “that Trafficante ‘made it clear . . . he was not guessing about the killing, rather he was giving the impression that he knew Kennedy was going to be killed.’” 
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- Highlight on Page 164 | Loc. 2318-29  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:47 PM

Williams was near death when Castro’s army brought him to a makeshift field hospital. What happened next became the stuff of legend among Cuban exiles. As Pulitzer Prize–winning journalist Haynes Johnson wrote, Williams and the other wounded men in a makeshift field hospital “were suddenly confronted by the person of Fidel Castro.” The badly wounded “Williams . . . recognized him at once. He groped under his thin mattress and tried to reach a .45 pistol he had concealed there earlier in the afternoon.” As Williams told me, and as other exiles confirmed to Haynes, Williams gathered enough strength to point the weapon at Castro and—at almost point-blank range—to pull the trigger. But the weapon only clicked—it was empty. Earlier, William’s compatriots had worried that he might be in such pain from his wounds and so depressed over the failure of the invasion and their capture that he might use the gun on himself, so they removed the bullets while Williams was unconscious. Castro’s men quickly set upon Williams, but Fidel ordered them not to harm the gravely injured man and instead ordered that Williams and the other wounded men be taken to a hospital in a nearby city. There, an old friend, Cuban Army Commander Juan Almeida, visited Williams. Almeida was no doubt frustrated that the United States had never acted on his clear signals of dissatisfaction with Castro. Commander Almeida told Williams that the time for action against Fidel was not right, that he was too powerful in the wake of his victory at the Bay of Pigs. 
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- Highlight on Page 166 | Loc. 2339-43  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:48 PM

JFK, RFK, their aides, and Williams were successful, and $53 million in food and medicine was transferred to Cuba. On Christmas Eve, the 1,113 prisoners returned to Miami. The Orange Bowl hosted a lavish ceremony for all the freed prisoners and their families, during which JFK made an impromptu pledge, promising to return the brigade’s flag to them “in a free Havana.” For President Kennedy, those weren’t just words. Operation Mongoose was officially over, but six months later, JFK, RFK, and Williams would have a new plan to topple Fidel, one that would trigger much of the secrecy that still surrounds JFK’s assassination. 
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- Highlight on Page 168 | Loc. 2365-70  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:50 PM

Even though the official record shows that Oswald moved to New Orleans on April 24, 1963, he had made at least one trip to the city well before that date, according to Congressional testimony cited in Chapter Two . The testimony was first obtained in 1975, meaning that critical information was not available to the Warren Commission. Oswald’s visit had occurred in March, February, or perhaps as early as January. His trip there involved some sort of Cuba-related activity, resulting in his being jailed in New Orleans and claiming to the INS to be a Cuban exile, even though he couldn’t speak Spanish. Within a few months, numerous witnesses would place Oswald as working with Guy Banister and David Ferrie. 
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- Highlight on Page 169 | Loc. 2383-90  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:51 PM

In early 1963—as Marcello and Trafficante were making plans to assassinate JFK—two related Congressional committees were looking into the Fair Play for Cuba Committee and into mail-order gun sales by the very firms from which Oswald ordered. Not only were both hearings in the newspapers of the time—making it easy to see where Banister or his associates got the idea to take advantage of them—but members of both Congressional committees had ties to Trafficante operatives Frank Fiorini and John Martino. Martino, who had finally been released from his Cuban prison the previous fall, was very bitter over his experience, blaming the Kennedy Administration for not securing his release sooner. In addition to his work for Trafficante, in 1963 Martino also became close to Johnny Rosselli, and the CIA admits that Martino—like Rosselli—became a CIA asset. Also like Rosselli (and Marcello and Trafficante), late in life Martino admitted his involvement in the JFK assassination plot. 
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- Highlight on Page 170 | Loc. 2399-2402  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:52 PM

As for the shooting at General Walker’s home, Banister belonged to the same white supremacist circles as General Walker, and associates of the two had been at a white supremacist conference in New Orleans just four days before someone shot into Walker’s home. Any role Oswald had in that incident was probably at Banister’s behest, an effort to plant evidence that would make Oswald look murderously violent after he was arrested for JFK’s assassination. 
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- Highlight on Page 170 | Loc. 2402-9  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:53 PM

A closer look at the timing of all these events shows just how intertwined they were and reveals other links to the Mafia’s role in JFK’s assassination. First, here’s a brief summary: Someone using the alias Alek Hidell and Oswald’s post office box in Dallas ordered a .38-caliber pistol on January 28 from a Los Angeles company and ordered a Mannlicher-Carcano rifle from a Chicago firm on March 12, 1963; both weapons were shipped the same day, March 20. On March 31 Oswald’s wife, Marina, photographed him in his backyard holding both weapons and the two Communist newspapers. * In the first week of April, Oswald was fired from his job at the U-2 map firm in Dallas, and he wrote his first letter to the head of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee. On April 10 a bullet was fired into the Dallas home of General Walker. On April 24 Oswald moved to New Orleans, where he initially lived with his uncle, a bookie for Carlos Marcello. 
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- Highlight on Page 171 | Loc. 2413-16  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:53 PM

Hurt points out that under the laws at the time, “there would have been no record of his purchase and ownership” had he bought the guns at a store, as there would be for mail-order guns. By using the mails, Oswald appears to have deliberately left much more of a trail than if he had made the same purchase by spending a few minutes at a busy gun shop’s counter. 
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- Highlight on Page 172 | Loc. 2425-28  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:54 PM

Oswald may well have thought that if he followed the orders of Banister and Ferrie, he might someday be testifying before Congress like his boyhood hero from I Led Three Lives. Under that scenario, Oswald would think he was assisting the committees—by showing that a former Russian defector and a Fair Play for Cuba Committee member could easily order a rifle and pistol through the mail—when in actuality he was being set up. 
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- Highlight on Page 173 | Loc. 2437-43  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:56 PM

The shooting at General Walker’s was termed “an assassination attempt” by Walker and the Warren Commission, and when word of it emerged soon after JFK’s assassination, it seemed to some to clinch the case against the deceased Oswald. However, Walker’s background, the evidence, and the actions of Marcello associates such as Oswald and Ruby suggest a different interpretation of the shooting. General Walker became controversial in 1961 when JFK removed him from command of the Twenty-fourth Infantry Division in Germany for indoctrinating his soldiers with inflammatory material from the John Birch Society. That material made ridiculous claims, such as saying that former President Dwight Eisenhower was “consciously serving the Communist conspiracy, for all his adult life.” 
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- Highlight on Page 174 | Loc. 2455-63  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:57 PM

For the April 10 shooting at Walker’s, we have only the word of Walker that he was even in the room where the shot was fired. Otherwise, a shot fired into an empty room would be little more than a case of serious vandalism. Walker’s long-standing pattern of public lies and exaggerations in regard to civil rights and minorities calls into question his overly dramatic story of lowering his head just as the bullet was fired into the room. The Warren Commission and others have tried to pin the Walker shooting exclusively on Oswald to show a propensity for murderous violence that is otherwise missing in Oswald’s background. But numerous journalists and authors have pointed out serious problems with that theory. Witnesses saw at least two people at the shooting, and at least two cars were involved in suspicious activity around Walker’s house. None of the witnesses said any of the men looked like Oswald, and Walker’s night watchman said the driver of a suspicious 1957 Chevrolet he spotted casing the house a few days earlier looked “Cuban.” 
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- Highlight on Page 175 | Loc. 2473-79  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:58 PM

Guy Banister got what he wanted: publicity for a white supremacist ally, a test of whether he could manipulate Oswald into dealing with firearms, and several actions on Oswald’s part that would incriminate him after JFK’s death. Since Oswald had begun the Cuban phase of his covert activity just ten days before the Walker incident—with a letter to the national chairman of the small Fair Play for Cuba Committee—his actions in relation to Walker were probably designed to test his abilities for his new assignment. Unlike Oswald’s previous “defect and return” Russian assignment, anti-Castro operations demanded a new set of skills, from surreptitiously arranging and attending meetings (and keeping them secret from his wife) to dealing with firearms in a covert way. The Walker incident was a chance to see if Oswald, who had never served in combat, could handle that type of 
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- Highlight on Page 175 | Loc. 2473-79  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:59 PM

would incriminate him after JFK’s death. Since Oswald had begun the Cuban phase of his covert activity just ten days before the Walker incident—with a letter to the national chairman of the small Fair Play for Cuba Committee—his actions in relation to Walker were probably designed to test his abilities for his new assignment. Unlike Oswald’s previous “defect and return” Russian assignment, anti-Castro operations demanded a new set of skills, from surreptitiously arranging and attending meetings (and keeping them secret from his wife) to dealing with firearms in a covert way. The Walker incident was a chance to see if Oswald, who had never served in combat, could handle that type of assignment. 
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- Highlight on Page 176 | Loc. 2484-87  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 07:59 PM

John Davis said that Marcello received word that the “Supreme Court . . . declined to review the Marcello deportation action.” The decision was “prominently reported in the New Orleans papers” and “meant that all Carlos’s appeals were exhausted.” With that defeat, “the pressure increased many times over” on Marcello to take action against the Kennedys in order to preserve his freedom and his empire. 
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- Highlight on Page 177 | Loc. 2494-97  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 08:00 PM

His boss, Sam Giancana, was put under “lockstep” surveillance by the FBI at the urging of Robert Kennedy, crippling Giancana’s ability to function (and preventing him from having an active role in JFK’s assassination). Rosselli’s power in Las Vegas and Hollywood flowed from Sam Giancana’s high position with the Chicago mob, so unless Rosselli could eliminate RFK’s pressure on Giancana, Rosselli’s own future looked dim. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 177 | Loc. 2502-4  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 08:01 PM

While law-enforcement officials knew who did the killing, no one was ever tried and convicted for the crime. Such killings showed why Rosselli, Marcello, and Trafficante viewed a much more carefully planned hit on a much higher official as a viable solution to their mutual problems with the Kennedys. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 178 | Loc. 2505-9  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 08:02 PM

IN THE SPRING of 1963, Carlos Marcello made more documented remarks about assassinating President Kennedy, only this time his comments were not to Ed Becker. They were made to a much closer associate and were not disclosed until the publication of John Davis’s biography of Marcello in 1989. At that time, Marcello had been carefully planning JFK’s murder with his allies for about six months. Davis wrote that one spring weekend in 1963, Marcello was “at his [fishing] lodge” at Grand Isle, Louisiana, with “close friends from the old Sicilian families of New Orleans.” 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 178 | Loc. 2510-17  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 08:02 PM

“While having a scotch with one of them in the kitchen,” a friend of Marcello’s friend “made a casual reference to an article he had read . . . about the Supreme Court upholding” Marcello’s deportation order. “At the mention of Robert Kennedy’s name, Carlos suddenly seemed to choke, spitting out his scotch on the floor. Recovering quickly, he formed the southern Italian symbol of . . . ‘the horn,’ with this left hand.” . . . “Holding the ancient symbol of hatred and revenge above his head, he shouted: ‘Don’t worry, man, ’bout dat Bobby. We goin’ to take care a dat sonofabitch.’” The friend asked if Marcello was going to “give it to Bobby,” but Marcello replied, “What good dat do? You hit dat man and his brother calls out the National Guard. No, you gotta hit de top man and what happen with de next top man? He don’t like de brother.” Marcello declared to his friend, “Sure as I stand here somethin’ awful is gonna happen to dat man.” 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 178 | Loc. 2518-21  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 08:02 PM

Marcello knew that if he killed the Attorney General, JFK would simply order the National Guard or the Army into Marcello’s strongholds, much as had happened in 1954 in Phenix City, Alabama, after Trafficante’s associates killed the Alabama Attorney General–elect. That would render powerless the political figures in Louisiana and elsewhere that Marcello had corrupted and relied on for protection. For Marcello and his associates, that meant the answer was to kill JFK, not RFK. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 179 | Loc. 2530-37  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 08:04 PM

Many days later, Knight was talking to Kiger, and after a couple glasses of wine, Kiger became emotional when speaking about Marcello. Kiger said, “Something bad is going to happen to our President.” The distraught cook said that he had been cooking while Marcello and the Los Angeles mobster were talking. “They don’t think Kiger hears ’em”—but the man gleaned from their conversation that JFK was going to be the target of an attack planned by Marcello. Knight asked Kiger why Marcello would want to do such a thing to President Kennedy. Kiger replied that it was because of Robert Kennedy’s sudden deportation of Marcello and the harrowing ordeal Marcello had to endure. Not long after Marcello managed to sneak back into the United States, Kiger saw the godfather and said his hands and knees were still raw from injuries he had suffered in Central America. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 180 | Loc. 2542-44  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 08:04 PM

IN 1963 CARLOS Marcello actually had at least one face-to-face meeting with Lee Oswald. Marcello’s meeting with the nephew of his longtime bookie, Dutz Murret, was revealed by the godfather to Jack Van Laningham twenty-two years later, during the CAMTEX undercover FBI operation. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 181 | Loc. 2555-60  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 08:06 PM

BRILAB had grown out of the FBI investigation of a Teamster insurance scam involving Santo Trafficante. As a result of that investigation, a businessman named Joe Hauser agreed to become an informant for the FBI against Carlos Marcello. He wore a wire into Marcello’s office in the late 1970s, yielding the undercover BRILAB tapes that eventually sent Marcello to prison in the 1980s. According to FBI informant Hauser, Marcello told him that he and some of his men did indeed know Oswald: “I used to know his fuckin’ family. His uncle he work for me. Dat kid work for me, too.” Marcello indicated that Oswald had worked for a time as a runner for his gambling network, the same one that involved Oswald’s uncle. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 181 | Loc. 2561-63  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 08:06 PM

There are only two time periods when Oswald could have worked for Marcello as a runner: one in late April and early May 1963, while he was living with Dutz Murret, and the other in late July, August, and early to mid-September 1963, when Oswald was not officially employed but when several witnesses saw him working with Guy Banister and David Ferrie. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 182 | Loc. 2574-76  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 08:07 PM

In addition, Marcello told Van Laningham that he had brought two hit men over from Europe to shoot JFK, as mentioned in Chapter One and detailed in Chapter Twelve . Marcello’s admission about the two hit men was recorded on FBI undercover audiotape. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 185 | Loc. 2607-12  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 08:10 PM

Murret, Banister, and Ferrie weren’t the only links between Marcello and Oswald. The House Select Committee on Assassinations uncovered other ties between Oswald, his family, and the Marcello organization. As summarized in Vanity Fair, Oswald’s “childhood and youth had been spent in New Orleans [where] Oswald’s mother’s friends included a corrupt lawyer linked to Marcello’s crime operation and a man who served Marcello as bodyguard and chauffeur.” In the summer of 1963, Oswald was bailed out of jail by a man close to “one of Marcello’s oldest friends, Nofio Pecora,” the same man who was “called three weeks before the assassination by Jack Ruby.” 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Bookmark on Page 186 | Loc. 2623  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 08:11 PM


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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 186 | Loc. 2621-30  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 08:12 PM

By the spring of 1963, Jack Ruby owed a small fortune to the IRS—almost $160,000 in today’s dollars—and was desperate for money. The IRS filed tax liens against Ruby on March 13, 1963, and Ruby faced ruin unless he could find another source of money to pay his bills. According to Carlos Marcello, Ruby found the money he needed by taking it from cash that flowed through the Carousel Club. As Marcello explained to Jack Van Laningham years later, his organization actually controlled the Carousel strip club; Ruby merely managed it. Since the club was across the street from Dallas’s most distinguished hotel, the Adolphus, whenever conventions or company meetings were held at the hotel, business at the Carousel was especially brisk, and Ruby probably figured it would be easy to skim some of the proceeds for his own pressing financial needs. Marcello had hidden ownership of several clubs in Dallas, and his financial operatives would have known what all the clubs should be making at particular times of the year. When the Carousel came up short compared to in previous years or other clubs, it wouldn’t have been hard for Marcello’s people to confirm Jack’s ongoing theft. Marcello would have been furious that a longtime mobster like Ruby would take such action, knowing the deadly consequences if caught. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 186 | Loc. 2632-36  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 08:12 PM

Beginning in late April 1963, Ruby became of great interest to Marcello, and not just for his skimming. The former director of the House Select Committee on Assassinations wrote that “though the [Warren] Commission apparently believed that press speculation about the President’s trip [to Dallas] did not begin until September 13, 1963 . . . a story in the Dallas Times Herald on April 24, 1963 . . . quoted Vice President Johnson as saying that President Kennedy might ‘visit Dallas and other major Texas cities [that] . . . summer.’” 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 187 | Loc. 2638-43  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 08:13 PM

Jack Ruby’s well-documented long-distance phone calls provide a clear record that he was becoming involved in something quite unusual by May 1963. After making fewer than ten long-distance calls in April 1963, Ruby suddenly more than doubled that total to twenty-five in May and more than thirty in June. He continued on that approximate pace through September, but after JFK’s trip to Dallas began firming up for November, Ruby’s total skyrocketed to more than 80 long-distance calls in October 1963 and more than 110 in just the first three weeks of November. Even in those calls, Ruby would have relied on coded words and phrases common in transacting Mafia business, often going through one or more intermediaries to get information to its ultimate destination. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 187 | Loc. 2643-48  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 08:13 PM

Carlos Marcello gave Jack Van Laningham the godfather’s own unvarnished view of Jack Ruby. According to the FBI file, in talking “about Jack Ruby,” Marcello said he “had met him in Dallas, Texas. He set him up in the bar business there. He said that Ruby was a homo son-of-a-bitch but good to have around to report to him what was happening in town. Marcello told us that all the police were on the take, and as long as he kept the money flowing they let him operate anything in Dallas that he wanted to. Ruby would come to Churchill Farms to report to Marcello, so the little man knew what was happening all the time.” 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 188 | Loc. 2651-57  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 08:14 PM

Even the landmark biography of Ruby by Seth Kantor, 1978’s Who Was Jack Ruby?, doesn’t mention Marcello, though it was the first book to outline Ruby’s ties to numerous other mobsters. Dallas reporter Earl Golz was one of the first to clearly make the connection between Ruby and Marcello’s organization and Marcello’s control of vice in Dallas, a link soon confirmed by the 1979 House Select Committee on Assassinations report. However, it was not until the extensive print and television coverage that accompanied the twenty-fifth anniversary of JFK’s murder in November 1988—and publication of Marcello’s biography by John Davis in January 1989—that the general public really began to learn about Ruby’s ties to the mob. It’s important to note that Van Laningham’s report on Marcello’s remarks about Ruby was written up and in FBI files well before that. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 189 | Loc. 2671-74  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 08:16 PM

With the FBI holding such information close to its vest, journalists and historians had to ferret out the details of Ruby’s involvement with the mob and Marcello’s men bit by bit. Almost four years after Marcello’s 1985 admission to Jack Van Laningham—which was withheld from the public at the time and for the next twenty years—John H. Davis detailed tantalizing connections between Ruby and several Marcello associates. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 190 | Loc. 2679-89  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 08:23 PM

The most startling admission about Ruby that Carlos Marcello made to Van Laningham concerned a dramatic meeting that Ruby was summoned to, where the godfather confronted Ruby about stealing his money—and made him an offer he couldn’t refuse. Van Laningham is a large man with a deep voice, and he is normally good natured. However, when he first related to me what Marcello told him about that meeting, he took on the menacing tone that Marcello conveyed to Ruby at that meeting. Marcello confronted Ruby in the old farmhouse in the middle of his sixty-four-hundred-acre Churchill Farms property. Most of it had once been swampland, and some of it still was. Marcello disposed of the bodies of men who crossed him at Churchill Farms, a fact not lost on any member of the godfather’s organization summoned there for a meeting. Recall Marcello’s murder of Thomas Siracusa described in Chapter Four ; his body, according to the FBI, was “thrown into a tub of lye and after decomposition, the partially liquefied remains were poured into the swamp.” Ruby, knowing he was stealing money from Marcello, was probably already nervous when he arrived at the isolated farmhouse. One can only imagine his fear and pleading when Marcello confronted him about his thievery, and the fury Marcello unleashed on him. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 190 | Loc. 2689-95  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 08:24 PM

As Marcello described the scene to Van Laningham, Ruby was trembling and begging, willing to do anything to keep from paying the ultimate price for stealing from the godfather. If it eventually meant going into a crowded police basement full of well-armed cops, pulling out his gun, and shooting a prisoner, Ruby had no choice but to do it. As indicated by Ruby’s later remarks, it was likely not just Ruby’s life that was on the line but those of his family (two brothers, a sister, nieces, and nephews) as well. An undoubtedly grateful Ruby left the meeting with his life but would become increasingly involved in the dangerous JFK plot. As with any sensitive Mafia operation, Ruby’s participation would be on a need-to-know basis, getting only limited amounts of information about the plot when he needed to know it. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 192 | Loc. 2708-16  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 08:25 PM

In 1963 as in 1959, Jack Ruby was not a major player but had been given an offer he couldn’t refuse because he knew the right people in the right places. Ruby worked in a city controlled by Carlos Marcello, a city that was expected to be visited by JFK. In Cuba, Ruby had met and tried to help Santo Trafficante, and he was familiar with Tampa, having once lived there and sometimes visiting the city while scouting strip acts. Ruby had worked for Johnny Rosselli’s Chicago Mafia and knew that city well. Jimmy Hoffa’s son admits that his father knew Jack Ruby. The mob bosses and Hoffa had more than a dozen associates in common with Ruby, making it easy to communicate with Ruby through intermediaries, as Ruby’s phone records confirm. Ruby was also a small part of Marcello and Trafficante’s drug network, which would also figure into the JFK plot. Finally, Ruby had the connections with the Dallas Police to arrange for anyone blamed for the assassination in Dallas to be quickly killed. If that didn’t happen, Ruby would have to do the job himself, and the same would likely be true if the assassination occurred in a city besides Dallas. 
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The Hidden History of the JFK Assassination (Lamar Waldron)
- Highlight on Page 193 | Loc. 2725-28  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 08:28 PM

Ruby had one more set of skills that made him valuable to Marcello and Trafficante in their JFK plot: his experience with Cuba and gunrunning. Cuba would provide the godfathers the key they needed to kill JFK in a way that would prevent high US officials from conducting a truly thorough investigation to avoid exposing secrets that could trigger—in the words of one memo—“World War III.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5753-57  | Added on Tuesday, August 26, 2014, 08:33 PM

Six years later, the same man was stopped and questioned by the border police in Bavaria as he drove out of Germany. He was carrying a phony French passport. In the trunk of the car, police found nine more passports—along with eighty-eight pounds of explosives, eight sets of electronic timers and detonators, and $12,500 in United States currency. The wrapping on the explosives came from a pastry shop in Beirut that was a known front for terrorists. The suspect was jailed for seven months, and questioned by German and Israeli intelligence officers. He never broke. The Germans deported him to Syria. The FBI never knew. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5839-44  | Added on Wednesday, August 27, 2014, 09:47 AM

Felt’s fate was sealed a few days later. Nixon had determined beyond doubt that Felt was the source of a devastating story, printed on page 18 of The New York Times on the morning of Friday, May 11, detailing the Kissinger wiretaps that Nixon had ordered placed on presidential aides and prominent newsmen starting in 1969. “Felt—everybody’s to know that he’s a goddamn traitor, and just watch him damn carefully,” Nixon said to his new chief of staff, General Al Haig, the next day. “He has to go, of course … the son-of-a-bitch.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5844-46  | Added on Wednesday, August 27, 2014, 09:47 AM

Ruckelshaus, at the president’s command, ordered Felt to leave the FBI. His resignation imminent, Felt donned the cloak of Deep Throat for a clandestine meeting with Bob Woodward of The Washington Post. He said the president himself was the key conspirator in the Watergate case. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5846-47  | Added on Wednesday, August 27, 2014, 09:48 AM

The FBI set off on a frantic hunt to find the summaries and the transcripts of the Kissinger wiretaps, which Bill Sullivan had smuggled out of headquarters. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5865-71  | Added on Wednesday, August 27, 2014, 09:50 AM

Nixon flew out to Kansas City to swear Kelley into office. It was his first public appearance in a month. “I was shocked by the wounds of Watergate that were visible on the president’s face,” Kelley wrote later. Nixon was a haunted man. He had just proclaimed that he would not cooperate with the Senate investigation. His impeachment was the subject of serious discussion in the Congress. He was under investigation by a newly appointed special prosecutor, Archibald Cox, who was demanding that Nixon turn over his presidential documents and files. The revelation of the existence of the secret White House tapes was a week away. Cox instantly subpoenaed the tapes. Nixon defied him and fired him in October. Attorney General Elliot Richardson and his deputy Bill Ruckelshaus fell under Nixon’s fusillade in the upheaval that instantly became known as the Saturday Night Massacre. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5879-83  | Added on Wednesday, August 27, 2014, 09:51 AM

On December 5, 1973, he sent a written warning to every one of the Bureau’s 8,767 agents. He ordered them to refrain from “investigative activity that could abridge in any way the rights guaranteed citizens by the Constitution.” He began to dismantle the architecture of national security that Hoover had created. By the time he was done, the FBI had eliminated 94 percent of its domestic intelligence investigations, erased more than nine thousand open cases from its books, transferred the roles and functions of national security cases to the Criminal Investigative Division, and reassigned at least 645 agents from chasing radicals to tracking common criminals. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5890-92  | Added on Wednesday, August 27, 2014, 09:52 AM

The FBI fought in federal court to keep its COINTELPRO files sealed from the public. But when a single sheaf fell into the hands of an old enemy, and the secrets started seeping out, “the house of cards came crashing down,” said Homer Boynton, who served as the FBI liaison to the White House, Congress, and the CIA. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5893-94  | Added on Wednesday, August 27, 2014, 09:53 AM

The foe was the Socialist Workers Party, a leftist coalition with barely two thousand members. The party had worked within the American political system, 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5906-8  | Added on Wednesday, August 27, 2014, 09:54 AM

The Bureau said its actions had been entirely lawful. It denied any part in black-bag jobs and break-ins. The files in the Bureau’s New York office were filled with evidence to the contrary. The FBI was lying to a federal judge and to its superiors in the Justice Department. It wasn’t the crime, as Nixon had said, it was the cover-up. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5909-11  | Added on Wednesday, August 27, 2014, 09:54 AM

The facts were secured in the office safe of the special agent in charge in New York, John Malone, who been burglarizing Communists since the Truman administration. Malone ran the New York office for thirteen years, from 1962 until his retirement in 1975. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5912  | Added on Wednesday, August 27, 2014, 09:54 AM

His underlings called him Cement Head. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5935-39  | Added on Wednesday, August 27, 2014, 09:57 AM

The first attacks came shortly after 3:00 A.M. on October 26, 1974, when five powerful explosions ripped through Wall Street and Rockefeller Center in Manhattan, causing upwards of a million dollars’ damage to banks and businesses. The second came at 11:03 P.M. on December 11, a booby-trap bomb in East Harlem that gravely wounded a rookie NYPD officer who happened to be Puerto Rican. The third came at 1:22 P.M. on January 24, 1975, in the heart of the financial district. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5946-49  | Added on Wednesday, August 27, 2014, 09:58 AM

Four people died; sixty-three were injured, some of them grievously. The FALN communiqué taking credit for the bombing was signed in the name of Griselio Torresola, who had been shot dead trying to assassinate Harry Truman. No one was ever arrested in the killings in New York. “It was just a continuing drumbeat of bombings and an inability to solve them,” Hahn said. The FBI had no clue about the FALN. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5964-65  | Added on Wednesday, August 27, 2014, 10:00 AM

Years later, a fellow agent asked Dyson what FBI headquarters thought about this endeavor. “We never told headquarters,” he replied. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5971-74  | Added on Wednesday, August 27, 2014, 10:00 AM

“Why not add the FBI?” the former director of central intelligence, Richard Helms, asked President Ford pointedly, face-to-face in the Oval Office. “You may as well get to the bottom of it.” Deputy Attorney General Laurence Silberman agreed. “The FBI may be the sexiest part of this,” he told the president’s national security team on February 20, 1975. “Hoover did things which won’t stand scrutiny, especially under Johnson.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 5990-92  | Added on Wednesday, August 27, 2014, 10:03 AM

The Bureau had started moving out of the Justice Department, across Pennsylvania Avenue. The new J. Edgar Hoover Building, officially dedicated on September 30, 1975, cost $126 million. It was the ugliest building in Washington: it looked like a parking garage built by the Soviet Politburo. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6002-5  | Added on Wednesday, August 27, 2014, 10:04 AM

The congressman demanded to see what else the Bureau had on him. He became one of the first Americans granted the request to see his own FBI file. It included a letter that a suspicious nun had sent to Hoover four years before, calling Father Drinan a Communist plant inside the Catholic Church. Such was the prevailing spirit when the Senate opened its first public hearings on the FBI on November 18, 1975. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6037-40  | Added on Thursday, August 28, 2014, 11:25 AM

Clarence Kelley had assured the press, the public, and the president time and again that the FBI had ceased committing black-bag jobs a decade before. His top aides had told him so; they said the same to Congress and the courts in sworn testimony. On August 8, 1976, four months after he had the facts in hand, he had been forced to admit he had been fooled by experts—“ knowledgeably, knowingly, intentionally deceived” by men at the top of the FBI’s chain of command. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6041-43  | Added on Thursday, August 28, 2014, 11:25 AM

“very little bad news was passed along to J. Edgar Hoover.” As Kelley recalled it, almost everyone at the Bureau was “afraid to tell Hoover the truth”; the boss had been “so domineering and his power over his people so intimidating” that agents concealed harsh facts from him. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6070-76  | Added on Thursday, August 28, 2014, 11:29 AM

The tensions at headquarters had been building ever since the FBI opened a criminal investigation of Mark Felt, the dismissed deputy director, during the denouement of the Watergate investigation. In the final days of the Nixon administration, Felt stood accused within the Bureau of smuggling documents out of the FBI and feeding them to The New York Times. The charge of stealing the Bureau’s records was punishable by up to ten years in prison. Felt was confronted by FBI agents and advised of his constitutional rights. He had lied about his role in the leaks, skillfully, first to the agents, then in a personal letter to the director. “Dear Clarence,” he had written. “To be treated as a prime suspect in a sordid example of crass disloyalty to the FBI is a humiliating and degrading experience.” He added: “Incidentally, I am not ‘Deep Throat.’ ” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6079-89  | Added on Thursday, August 28, 2014, 11:30 AM

Kelley ensured that the leak investigation was closed, and he eventually fired the man who had opened it for unspecified abuses of power. But by then, Felt’s troubles had multiplied tenfold. His wife was becoming ill, physically and mentally; she later committed suicide. His daughter had disappeared into a hippie commune in California. He became the subject of a second criminal investigation by the FBI. This one could not be quashed. On August 19, 1976, the FBI raided its own headquarters. Two teams of FBI agents, led by criminal investigators from the Civil Rights Division of the Justice Department, executed the searches in Washington. A separate FBI squad went through the New York office of the Bureau. They discovered a cache of documents no outsider had ever seen. Hoover’s “Do Not File” filing system, first created before World War II, was designed to keep evidence of FBI burglaries and bugging concealed forever. It required FBI agents to destroy the original records of their secret intelligence investigations. But even Hoover occasionally erred in matters of national security. He had kept a folder in his office, labeled “Black Bag Jobs,” containing a detailed description of the “Do Not File” regulations. It had somehow survived the bonfire of his personal files after his death. It led the investigators in New York to discover twenty-five volumes of original records that had, inexplicably, been preserved. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6094-96  | Added on Thursday, August 28, 2014, 11:30 AM

I had heard directly that a number of the agents had gone to testify in a grand jury, and then I had a call, an unidentified caller, who said, ‘I had to give you up, John.’ ” Kearney was about to be indicted for conspiracy. He was the first ranking agent in the FBI to be charged with committing crimes against the United States. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6098-6101  | Added on Thursday, August 28, 2014, 11:31 AM

On August 26, a week after the initial raids, Mark Felt and Ed Miller, the FBI’s retired intelligence chief, were summoned to testify in secret before a federal grand jury. The two men decided on a dangerous legal strategy. They swore that they had authorized the black-bag jobs carried out by Squad 47. They said they had had the approval of the acting director of the FBI, Pat Gray. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6105-8  | Added on Thursday, August 28, 2014, 11:31 AM

Felt and Miller believed that, if they went to trial, they could convince a jury that the FBI had the power to bend the law in pursuit of national security, a power that flowed directly from the president of the United States. They thought they could prove that the president’s sworn duty to protect and defend the Constitution gave him to power to break and enter a citizen’s door. They would assert that a president could violate the rights of an individual to preserve the interests of the nation. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6116-18  | Added on Thursday, August 28, 2014, 11:34 AM

Ed Miller put it more elegantly years later. He took his argument from the common law of centuries gone by. A man’s home is his castle, he conceded. But no man can maintain a castle against the king. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6118-22  | Added on Thursday, August 28, 2014, 11:34 AM

The argument went back to the beginnings of the United States. “Safety from external danger is the most powerful director of national conduct,” Alexander Hamilton had written in 1787. “Even the ardent love of liberty will, after a time, give way to its dictates. The violent destruction of life and property incident to war, the continual effort and alarm attendant on a state of continual danger, will compel nations the most attached to liberty to resort for repose and security to institutions which have a tendency to destroy their civil and political rights. To be more safe, they at length become willing to run the risk of being less free.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6133-38  | Added on Thursday, August 28, 2014, 11:37 AM

Pinochet and his allies—the right-wing leaders of five South American nations—had undertaken a global effort to exterminate their left-wing enemies. It was code-named Operation Condor. DINA employed murderous anti-Castro Cubans and an American soldier of fortune named Michael Townley as members of an international death squad. Before the assassination of Orlando Letelier, Henry Kissinger’s State Department and George H. W. Bush’s CIA were both well aware that Operation Condor contemplated political assassinations. But both expressed deep doubts that General Pinochet would risk the consequences of carrying out a terrorist act in Washington. Most American intelligence officers seemed to agree. One took exception. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6144-45  | Added on Thursday, August 28, 2014, 11:38 AM

Carter had an unusual take on the enemies of the United States. “Peace is not the mere absence of war,” Carter said when he received his nomination. “Peace is action to stamp out international terrorism.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6169-71  | Added on Thursday, August 28, 2014, 11:50 AM

His first day at the Bureau, Webster made it clear that he wanted to be called “Judge.” His appointment began a presidential practice of placing judges in charge of the FBI, a tradition that endured for the rest of the twentieth century. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6176-80  | Added on Thursday, August 28, 2014, 11:51 AM

Webster was astonished to find that the FBI had no legal framework for its operations. The Bureau had no charter—a legal birth certificate from Congress spelling out its role. It had never had one. It still does not. Webster said from the outset that he wanted a law that defined “what people expected of us—not what we couldn’t do, but what they expected us to do.” He spent two years drafting it in consultation with Congress. Neither President Carter nor President Reagan acted upon it; the work was stillborn. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6193-96  | Added on Thursday, August 28, 2014, 12:05 PM

On April 10, the United States brought a thirty-two-count indictment against Ed Miller, once the FBI’s chief of intelligence; Mark Felt, once the deputy director; and Pat Gray, once the leader of the Federal Bureau of Investigation. The charge—based on a sixty-year-old statute used principally to prosecute members of the Ku Klux Klan—was “conspiracy to injure and oppress citizens” with the weapon of warrantless searches. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6204-10  | Added on Thursday, August 28, 2014, 12:18 PM

The Intelligence Division, once the strongest branch of Hoover’s FBI, had been under siege by the Justice Department, and it dwindled in strength and expertise toward the end of the 1970s. Those who still served the cause wanted to revive the counterespionage effort against Soviet and Chinese spies in the United States, to hire and train FBI agents who could speak those languages, to make intelligence a career instead of a two-year tour. They wanted to hunt down the remaining fugitives of the Weather Underground and the furtive leaders of the FALN. Though the Ku Klux Klan had been defeated, a new wave of neo-Nazi groups was rising in the United States. So were armed partisans aiming to settle scores from epic battles in the Old World—the Serbs and the Croats, the Turks and the Armenians, the Irish Republican Army. Taken together, they added up to a hundred new cases a year of terrorism in America. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6213-17  | Added on Thursday, August 28, 2014, 12:18 PM

Robert Hanssen was a third-generation Chicago cop who joined the FBI in 1976. He spent twenty-five years in its service. He became a spy for Moscow, stealing an astonishing array of American secrets, and he went undetected by the FBI until after the turn of the century. Hanssen had learned at a very young age that a badge could be a shield of secrecy. His father had worked on the Red squad of the Chicago police department, hunting and harassing left-wingers, abusing his authority and power, as had his father before him. Hanssen knew some of that sordid history. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6230-34  | Added on Thursday, August 28, 2014, 12:22 PM

Hanssen’s supervisors had discovered his one outstanding talent a few weeks after he arrived on duty: he was one of the very few people in the FBI who understood how computers worked. They assigned him to create an automated database about the Soviet contingent of diplomats and suspected spies in New York. He had a knack for the technologies that would revolutionize the world in years to come—especially the ways in which networks were connected and information was transmitted. The Bureau was building a new security shield for its computers. Hanssen quickly found its flaws and chinks. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6245-51  | Added on Thursday, August 28, 2014, 12:23 PM

Hanssen’s responsibilities grew. He was given the task of preparing the budget requests for the Bureau’s intelligence operations in New York. The flow of money showed the FBI’s targets for the next five years—and its plans for projects in collaboration with the CIA and the National Security Agency. His third delivery to the Soviets detailed those plans. And then he decided to lie low. If Hanssen had stopped spying then and there, the damage he wrought still would have been unequaled in the history of the FBI. William Webster himself would conduct a postmortem after the case came to light in 2001. He called it “an incredible assault,” an epochal disaster, “a five-hundred-year flood” that destroyed everything in its path. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6253-57  | Added on Thursday, August 28, 2014, 12:23 PM

Joe Helmich in the summer of 1980. He was arrested a year later and sentenced to life in prison after he was convicted of selling the Soviets the codes and operating manual to the KL-7 system, the basic tool of encrypting communications developed by the NSA. He was a lowly army warrant officer with a top secret clearance; his treason had taken place in covert meetings with Soviet intelligence officers in Paris and Mexico City from 1963 to 1966; he was paid $131,000. He had sold the Soviets the equivalent of a skeleton key that let them decode the most highly classified messages of American military and intelligence officers during the Vietnam War. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6263-65  | Added on Thursday, August 28, 2014, 12:24 PM

“My fellow Americans, I’m pleased to tell you today that I’ve signed legislation that will outlaw Russia forever,” Reagan once said with a smile during a sound check for his weekly presidential radio address. “We begin bombing in five minutes.” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6278-83  | Added on Thursday, August 28, 2014, 12:27 PM

The president underscored that principle in his pardon. “America was at war in 1972,” it said. “Felt and Miller followed procedures they believed essential to keep the Director of the FBI, the Attorney General, and the President of the United States advised of the activities of hostile foreign powers and their collaborators in this country.” The facts did not support that phrase: the FBI’s targets were not agents of foreign powers. But the pardon was a political decision. Reagan and his most powerful advisers wanted to reinstate the power of the government to spy at will within the United States, to abolish the rules instituted under Presidents Ford and Carter, and let the FBI write its own guidelines for wiretapping and bugging. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6296-6300  | Added on Thursday, August 28, 2014, 12:31 PM

El Salvador’s right-wing military regime, backed by the United States, was fighting a small armed leftist guerrilla force. The military and its death squads killed roughly 65,000 civilians, including priests, nuns, church workers, union leaders, students, and peasants. Three American nuns and a lay worker were among the dead. They were “four innocent church women who were trying to do their job of helping the poor,” Pimentel said. They had been hauled out of a van, kidnapped, raped, shot at close range, and dumped on the side of a dirt road in December 1980. It was a clear case of premeditated murder, an atrocious act in a dirty war. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6360-63  | Added on Thursday, August 28, 2014, 12:41 PM

But once the FBI began to investigate Walker, it took only three months before he was caught trying to deliver 129 highly classified navy documents to the KGB. He had been giving the Soviets the keys to unlock the encrypted messages of American naval forces since 1967. “There is little or no doubt he caused the death of an untold number of our troops in Vietnam,” said the FBI’s Robert W. Hunter, who arrested Walker. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6387-92  | Added on Thursday, August 28, 2014, 12:45 PM

Revell had created a small army inside the FBI in anticipation of the 1984 Olympics in Los Angeles. The Black September attacks at the Munich games twelve years before were still fresh in the memories of the organizers. No one wanted a recurrence. The FBI formed a hostage rescue team of fifty agents—many of them Vietnam veterans trained in military commando tactics. The force grew, fed by fawning publicity. Its arsenal soon included helicopters, armored personnel carriers, and tanks. The Olympics went off with barely a hitch; the biggest scare was the discovery of two hang gliders, which the FBI suspected could be used in a kamikaze operation by Palestinian terrorists. Only one thing went wrong in Los Angeles that fall. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6416-20  | Added on Thursday, August 28, 2014, 09:07 PM

Revell sent the hostage rescue team to the island. On December 4, 1984, all hell broke loose. The team knocked heads with the FBI special agent in charge from Seattle. As they argued, Mathews opened fire. The FBI responded fiercely. Their tear gas canisters started a conflagration and the chalet burned to ashes. No rescue, much less an arrest, was possible. Mathews was incinerated. His death fed the angry fantasies of a generation of like-minded fanatics. One among them was Timothy McVeigh, the man who ignited the bomb that killed 168 Americans in Oklahoma City a decade later. The operation was considered a calamity. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6447-52  | Added on Thursday, August 28, 2014, 09:11 PM

Hanssen was true to his word. He sent the Soviets a complete compendium of double-agent operations being run by the FBI, a warning that the FBI was tunneling into the basement of the new Soviet Embassy, a rundown of the Bureau’s new efforts to recruit Soviet intelligence officers, a description of the National Security Agency’s decoding of Moscow’s communications satellite transmissions, the details of the CIA’s budget requests for the next five years, and much more. It was the biggest breach of American secrets in the history of the Cold War—with one exception. Aldrich Ames, the chief of the Soviet counterintelligence branch of the CIA’s clandestine service, had become a spy for Moscow that spring. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6461-67  | Added on Thursday, August 28, 2014, 09:14 PM

The hunt for the source of the leaks began with great energy and intensity. In two years’ time, it sputtered, stalled, and stopped. The FBI remained mystified. The CIA seemed indifferent. Their counterintelligence chiefs were furious at one another. They would not work together. They could not imagine what had gone wrong. Their investigation concluded that the problem had to be a bug, or a wiretap, or a computer. It could not conceivably be an American spy. Traitors like Hanssen and Ames could work undetected for years on end because American counterintelligence had become a shambles. The FBI and the CIA had not been on speaking terms for most of the past forty years. The sniping and the silences between them did more harm to American national security than the Soviets. 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6470-74  | Added on Thursday, August 28, 2014, 09:15 PM

“ Reagan was preoccupied with the fate of the hostages,” remembered Bob Gates, then chief of the CIA’s intelligence directorate. “No loud words or harsh indictments—none of the style of Johnson or Nixon. Just a quizzical look, a suggestion of pain, and then the request—‘We just have to get those people out’—repeated nearly daily, week after week, month after month. Implicit was the accusation: What the hell kind of intelligence service are you running if you can’t find and rescue these Americans?” 
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Enemies: A History of the FBI (Tim Weiner)
- Highlight Loc. 6477-80  | Added on Thursday, August 28, 2014, 09:16 PM

Colonel North soon came up with another concept. The FBI would remove $2 million