From charlesreid1

Summary

Notes

Book I

Chapter 1: Hell in the City of Angels

Chapter 1 vividly recounts the eruption of the Watts riots in Los Angeles in August 1965. The chapter contrasts the televised images of four days of intense urban violence, which KTLA broadcast live via helicopter, with the prevailing national mood of optimism and unity under President Lyndon B. Johnson's Great Society initiatives and landmark civil rights achievements. Perlstein highlights the shock and disbelief of figures like LBJ in the face of this sudden "infernal holocaust", and details the chaotic governmental response to the crisis. The chapter concludes by introducing Richard Nixon, portraying him as a relentlessly ambitious figure navigating the political landscape of the era, foreshadowing his rise amidst the nation's fracturing consensus.

Chapter 2: The Orthogonian

Chapter 2 delves into Richard Nixon's formative years, tracing his relentless ambition and "clawing" nature from his difficult childhood through his early political career. It highlights his time at Whittier College where he, feeling like an outsider among the elite "Franklins," organized a club for fellow strivers called the Orthogonians, a group that embraced their unpolished status. The chapter chronicles his methodical and often ruthless rise, detailing key episodes like the Alger Hiss case and the "Checkers" speech, which solidified his image as a resilient, albeit controversial, political fighter. Perlstein portrays Nixon as a master of channeling resentments—both his own and those of a segment of the electorate who felt overlooked by the establishment. This chapter establishes the foundation of Nixon's political persona, built on an "us-versus-them" mentality that would later define "Nixonland".

The title "The Orthogonian" refers to a social club Richard Nixon co-founded at Whittier College for students, like himself, who were not part of the privileged campus elite known as the "Franklins". Nixon, portraying the Orthogonians as upright, "straight shooters" (a meaning he ascribed to the term, which literally means "at right angles"), rallied those who felt excluded. This identity of an outsider challenging the established, more polished "Franklins" became a defining characteristic of Nixon's political strategy and appeal, representing those who felt their hard work and traditional values were unappreciated by a perceived elite.

Chapter 3: The Stench

Chapter 3, "The Stench," delves into the racially charged political climate of 1964, particularly in California. It highlights the anxieties and resentments of white voters reacting to the Civil Rights Act and the push for fair housing. The chapter details how these fears were manipulated by politicians, contributing to a growing backlash against racial progress and desegregation. This period saw the rise of a "white backlash" as a potent political force, fueled by anxieties over changing neighborhoods and the perceived threat to the existing social order. The narrative underscores a deeply divided society where racial tensions were becoming increasingly explicit and politically exploited.

The chapter title, "The Stench," likely refers to the pervasive and morally offensive atmosphere of racial animosity, fear, and resentment that the chapter describes. It evokes the ugliness of the backlash against civil rights and the rising tide of racially motivated political maneuvering, suggesting a kind of moral decay or an unpleasant societal odor emanating from these prejudiced sentiments.

Chapter 4: Ronald Reagan

Chapter 4, "Ronald Reagan," chronicles Ronald Reagan's rise in California politics, culminating in his successful gubernatorial campaign. It details how Reagan, leveraging his Hollywood background and communication skills, articulated a conservative vision that appealed to voters disillusioned with social upheaval and government overreach. The chapter highlights his famous "A Time for Choosing" speech, which launched his political career by tapping into anxieties about communism, morality, and the direction of the country. Reagan's optimistic yet firm rhetoric, particularly in response to events like the Berkeley student protests, positioned him as a strong leader who promised to restore order and traditional values. His ascent marked a significant shift in the political landscape, harnessing a growing conservative movement.

Chapter 5: Long, Hot Summer

Chapter 5, "Long, Hot Summer," focuses on the summer of 1966, a period characterized by significant racial unrest and riots in American cities like Cleveland and Chicago. It details the escalating tensions between Black communities and law enforcement, rooted in poverty, discrimination, and a lack_of_opportunity. The chapter explores how these events deepened racial divisions across the country and shaped the political narrative, often fueling a white backlash. It also touches on Martin Luther King Jr.'s challenging campaign in Chicago to combat systemic racism and economic injustice, highlighting the immense resistance he encountered.

The title "Long, Hot Summer" directly refers to a phrase that gained common usage in the 1960s to describe summers marked by intense racial conflict and urban riots. By using this title, the chapter signals its focus on the specific summer of 1966 and the widespread social upheaval and violence that defined it, reflecting an atmosphere of crisis and escalating racial tensions.

Chapter 6: School Was in Session . . .

Chapter 6, "School Was in Session...," shifts its focus to the burgeoning student protest movements and the cultural clashes occurring on college campuses, particularly highlighting events at universities like Berkeley. It examines the rise of student activism, exemplified by the Free Speech Movement, and the broader societal anxieties these activities provoked. The chapter delves into how figures like Ronald Reagan used these campus conflicts to rally support by promising a return to "law and order," framing student protesters as a challenge to traditional American values. This period underscored a significant generational divide and highlighted universities as new frontlines in the era's social and political battles.

The title "School Was in Session..." is likely an ironic commentary on the period. While classes were technically ongoing, the "sessions" also refer to the intense, often disruptive, real-world lessons in activism, social change, and political conflict unfolding on campuses. The ellipsis suggests that the traditional purpose of "school" was being overshadowed or radically altered by these new, contentious forms of learning and engagement that were deeply unsettling to much of the country.

Chapter 7: Batting Average

Chapter 7, "Batting Average," examines the 1966 midterm elections and the significant Republican victories that signaled a national shift in political sentiment. It highlights how widespread anxieties regarding urban riots, crime rates, and the perceived excesses of student protests and the counterculture fueled support for candidates advocating "law and order." Democrats, often associated with President Johnson's administration and seen as less firm on these issues, experienced notable losses. The chapter also underscores Richard Nixon's strategic campaigning for Republican candidates, which helped him rebuild his political influence and set the stage for his own presidential ambitions by capitalizing on these societal fractures.

The title "Batting Average" is a metaphorical reference to the success rate of political candidates and parties in the 1966 elections, akin to a baseball player's hitting success. It specifically alludes to the strong performance — or high "batting average" — of the Republican Party and the candidates Nixon supported, reflecting their effectiveness in converting voter anxieties into electoral wins during that cycle.

Book II

Chapter 8: The Bombing

Chapter 8, "The Bombing," centers on the escalation of the Vietnam War, with a particular focus on President Lyndon B. Johnson's administration and the intensified aerial bombing campaigns, most notably Operation Rolling Thunder. It portrays the immense destruction inflicted upon Vietnam and the strategic and moral debates surrounding this policy. The chapter also describes the burgeoning anti-war movement in the United States, as public and international opinion increasingly turned against the conflict. The growing disillusionment and the human cost of the war, both in Vietnam and in terms of American lives and societal division, are key themes.

The title "The Bombing" directly refers to the U.S. military strategy of large-scale aerial bombardment in Vietnam during this period. It highlights this specific aspect of the war's conduct, emphasizing the destructive power, the controversial nature of the air campaigns, and their profound impact on the course of the war and public perception.

Chapter 9: Summer of Love

Chapter 9, "Summer of Love," chronicles the cultural and social phenomenon that took place in San Francisco's Haight-Ashbury district during the summer of 1967. It describes the convergence of thousands of young people who embraced an alternative lifestyle characterized by psychedelic drugs, rock music, free expression, and ideals of peace and love. This chapter contrasts the vibrant, and at times chaotic, counterculture with the grim realities of the Vietnam War and the racial tensions simmering elsewhere in the nation. The narrative explores both the utopian aspirations of the hippies and the mainstream societal reaction, which ranged from bemusement to outright condemnation, further highlighting America's deep cultural schisms.

The chapter title, "Summer of Love," is the well-known historical name for this specific period in 1967. It directly refers to the widespread media attention and public fascination with the hippie movement and its ethos that summer, capturing the essence of a unique cultural moment defined by its pursuit of alternative values and experiences.

Chapter 10: In Which a Cruise Ship Full of Governors Inspires Considerations on the Nature of Old and New Politics

Chapter 10, "In Which a Cruise Ship Full of Governors Inspires Considerations on the Nature of Old and New Politics," uses the unique setting of a cruise taken by prominent governors, including Nelson Rockefeller and Ronald Reagan, to analyze the evolving American political scene. It contrasts the established, traditional political styles (the "old") with the emerging, media-savvy, and culturally responsive approaches (the "new"), particularly exemplified by Reagan. The interactions and discussions aboard the ship serve as a lens to examine how political leaders were grappling with and adapting to the profound social changes and divisions of the late 1960s. The chapter likely explores the differing strategies and ideologies as these figures navigated a rapidly transforming electorate and national mood.

The chapter's somewhat elaborate title directly signals its narrative approach: it uses a specific event—a gathering of governors on a cruise—as a springboard to discuss broader themes of political transformation. The phrase "Inspires Considerations on the Nature of Old and New Politics" clearly states the author's intention to dissect the shifting dynamics, ideologies, and methods within the American political establishment during this turbulent period.

Chapter 11: Fed-up-niks

Chapter 11, "Fed-up-niks," delves into the rising tide of frustration and disillusionment among a significant portion of the American populace often referred to as the "silent majority" or "Middle Americans." These individuals were increasingly weary of the constant social upheaval, anti-war protests, countercultural movements, and what they viewed as a breakdown of law, order, and traditional values. The chapter explores how this pervasive sense of being "fed up" with the perceived chaos and rapid changes of the era became a potent political sentiment. Politicians like Richard Nixon and George Wallace began to tap into and cultivate this discontent, recognizing it as a powerful force in the shifting political landscape.

The title "Fed-up-niks" is a creatively coined term that encapsulates the mood of this segment of the population. By adding the "-nik" suffix (often associated with followers of a particular movement or ideology, like "beatniks" or "sputnik"), the author gives a name to this group defined by their exasperation and desire for a return to normalcy and stability. It highlights their collective identity as people who had simply had enough of the turmoil of the 1960s.

Chapter 12: The Sky’s the Limit

Chapter 12, "The Sky's the Limit," chronicles Richard Nixon's official launch of his 1968 presidential campaign, emphasizing his strategic efforts to present a "New Nixon" persona. This reinvented image was designed to be more mature, experienced, and capable of unifying a deeply fractured nation. Nixon's campaign aimed to appeal to the "silent majority"—those weary of social unrest and the Vietnam War—by promising a restoration of order and stability. The chapter likely details his initial campaign messaging, which combined this promise of stability with an optimistic outlook for the nation's future under his leadership.

The title "The Sky's the Limit" encapsulates the aspirational and ambitious tone that Richard Nixon and his campaign sought to project as he re-entered the presidential race. It reflects a sentiment of boundless potential, both for Nixon's political comeback after earlier defeats and for the country he aimed to lead. The phrase suggests a fresh start and a belief that, despite the current turmoil, a brighter future with no foreseeable limitations was achievable.

Chapter 13: Violence

Chapter 13, "Violence," starkly recounts the devastating events of the spring of 1968, a period marked by profound national trauma. It focuses on the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr. in April, which triggered a wave of riots and civil unrest in numerous cities across the United States. This was tragically followed by the assassination of Senator Robert F. Kennedy in June, just moments after he claimed victory in the California Democratic presidential primary. These assassinations sent shockwaves through the nation, deepening the sense of crisis and fear that society was unraveling into uncontrollable violence and chaos.

Chapter 14: From Miami to the Siege of Chicago

Chapter 14, "From Miami to the Siege of Chicago," chronicles the contrasting political atmospheres of the 1968 party conventions. It begins with the relatively tranquil Republican National Convention in Miami, which culminated in Richard Nixon's nomination for president, projecting an image of unity and order. The narrative then shifts to the Democratic National Convention in Chicago, which was enveloped by massive anti-war protests and aggressive police responses, creating an environment of intense conflict and chaos. The chapter highlights the deep rifts within the Democratic Party, particularly over the Vietnam War, and how the turmoil in Chicago played into Nixon's "law and order" campaign narrative.

The chapter title, "From Miami to the Siege of Chicago," directly refers to the sequence and nature of these two critical political events. It is also a clear homage to Norman Mailer's famous 1968 book, Miami and the Siege of Chicago, which vividly documented these same conventions. By evoking Mailer's title, Perlstein signals his chapter's focus on the Republican convention's managed calm in "Miami" and the chaotic, conflict-ridden atmosphere of the Democratic convention, which Mailer memorably termed "the Siege of Chicago."

Chapter 15: Wednesday, August 28, 1968

Chapter 15, "Wednesday, August 28, 1968," zeroes in on the violent climax of the 1968 Democratic National Convention in Chicago. On this specific day, as Vice President Hubert Humphrey secured the presidential nomination inside the convention hall, the streets outside exploded into chaos. The chapter details the brutal confrontations between anti-war demonstrators and the Chicago police, an event later described in the Walker Report as a "police riot." These televised images of violence and dissent starkly illustrated the deep divisions within the Democratic Party and the nation at large, profoundly impacting public perception.

The title, "Wednesday, August 28, 1968," serves to anchor the chapter to this single, momentous day. It highlights the acute intensity and historical significance of the events that transpired, marking it as the day the internal conflicts of the Democratic party and the societal unrest reached a dramatic and widely witnessed breaking point during the convention.

Chapter 16: Winning

Chapter 16, "Winning," details the culmination of the turbulent 1968 presidential election: Richard Nixon's victory. It describes how Nixon, navigating a deeply divided nation and a fractured Democratic opposition, successfully appealed to a "silent majority" of voters yearning for stability and a restoration of order. The chapter likely covers the final phases of the campaign, including Hubert Humphrey's late surge and George Wallace's third-party impact, ultimately focusing on the strategies and societal conditions that led to Nixon finally securing the presidency. This victory marked the climax of Nixon's determined political resurgence.

Book III

Chapter 17: The First One Hundred Days

Chapter 17, "The First One Hundred Days," marks the beginning of Richard Nixon's presidency, focusing on his initial actions and the tone set by his new administration from January 1969 onwards. It details how Nixon and his team began to tackle the pressing issues of the time, including the ongoing Vietnam War, domestic unrest, and the deep societal divisions. The chapter likely examines his early policy initiatives, key appointments, and the strategies employed to establish his leadership and start delivering on his campaign promises of restoring order and unifying the nation. This period was crucial for Nixon to demonstrate his approach to governing after the tumultuous election.

The title "The First One Hundred Days" is a traditional reference in American politics to the initial period of a new presidency. This timeframe, originating with Franklin D. Roosevelt's administration, is historically significant as an early measure of a president's agenda, leadership style, and ability to enact change. Perlstein uses this well-established term to frame his analysis of the Nixon administration's formative first months in office.

Chapter 18: Trust

Chapter 18, "Trust," likely examines the Nixon administration's early efforts to manage public opinion and build confidence in its leadership, especially concerning the highly divisive Vietnam War. Inheriting a significant "credibility gap" from the previous administration, Nixon and his team focused on controlling the narrative and projecting an image of competence and steady progress. The chapter may explore the administration's public rhetoric versus its private actions, and the initial strategies employed to garner the American people's trust in their handling of the war and other national challenges. This could involve both genuine attempts at transparency and early indications of information management.

The title "Trust" points to the crucial and contested issue of public confidence in government during this period. It suggests the chapter will explore the Nixon administration's awareness of the prevailing skepticism and its multifaceted attempts to secure the trust of the American populace. This could encompass their efforts to be seen as trustworthy, as well as the underlying challenges and potential contradictions in their approach to building and maintaining that trust amidst ongoing national turmoil.

Chapter 19: If Gold Rust

Chapter 19, "If Gold Rust," likely explores the emerging concerns about the integrity of American institutions and values under the Nixon administration. It may delve into economic uncertainties, such as anxieties about inflation and the stability of the dollar, which was linked to gold at the time. Beyond economics, the chapter could also touch upon a perceived erosion of moral or ethical standards within the government, or a sense that foundational principles were being compromised for political gain. This period might have seen early indications of the kinds of actions that would later contribute to a decline in public trust.

The title "If Gold Rust" is a metaphorical proverb, suggesting a troubling state where even the most precious, seemingly incorruptible standards—represented by "gold"—are showing signs of decay or corruption ("rust"). In the context of the chapter, it likely alludes to a fear or observation that core American values, leadership integrity, or institutional soundness were becoming tarnished. The phrase implies that if such fundamental elements begin to weaken, it signals a deeper societal problem, reflecting anxiety about the nation's moral and ethical foundations.

Chapter 20: The Presidential Offensive

Chapter 20, "The Presidential Offensive," likely portrays a phase where the Nixon administration launched a series of assertive actions and policy initiatives. This could encompass decisive moves in the Vietnam War, such as new military strategies or diplomatic efforts, alongside strong measures to address domestic issues like crime, student protests, or economic challenges. The chapter probably details President Nixon's determined efforts to take control of the national agenda, confront his political adversaries, and forcefully implement his vision for the country. It suggests a period of proactive and perhaps aggressive maneuvers aimed at consolidating his power and achieving his objectives.

The title "The Presidential Offensive" indicates a period of determined and forceful action directed by President Nixon and his administration. It suggests a shift from reacting to events to proactively shaping them, with the White House launching a concerted effort to assert its authority, push its agenda forward, and counter any opposition on multiple fronts, both domestically and in foreign policy.

Chapter 21: The Polarization

Chapter 21, "The Polarization," initiates Book III by examining the Nixon administration's strategic efforts to deepen and exploit existing societal divisions for political advantage. It likely details how President Nixon and key figures like Vice President Spiro Agnew employed divisive rhetoric to rally their base, often referred to as the "Silent Majority," by targeting anti-war demonstrators, critical media outlets, and liberal elites. This chapter would illustrate the tactics used to create an "us versus them" mentality, further polarizing the American political landscape. The administration's actions aimed to consolidate support by sharpening cultural and political fault lines.

The title "The Polarization" directly points to the central theme of increasing societal division during this era. It signifies the process by which American society was becoming more sharply divided into opposing factions, a development actively encouraged and utilized by the Nixon administration as a means of shoring up political power. This strategy involved emphasizing differences and fostering animosity between groups, leading to a more fractured and contentious national environment.

Chapter 22: Tourniquet

Chapter 22, "Tourniquet," likely describes the Nixon administration's increasingly desperate measures to control damaging political situations and staunch the "bleeding" from various crises. This could involve efforts to suppress dissent, manage negative news coverage, or implement drastic policies to address intractable problems like the Vietnam War or domestic unrest. The chapter may illustrate how the administration felt besieged and resorted to forceful, even extreme, actions to stop what they perceived as critical threats to their agenda and stability. These actions were likely aimed at halting a perceived decline in public support or control over events.

The title "Tourniquet" serves as a powerful metaphor for the administration's approach during this period. Just as a tourniquet is a drastic medical device used to stop life-threatening bleeding by cutting off circulation, the title suggests that the Nixon White House was employing harsh, restrictive, and potentially damaging measures to urgently stop political "hemorrhaging." It implies a sense of crisis management where the immediate priority was to halt further damage, regardless of the potential long-term consequences of the methods used.

Chapter 23: Mayday

Chapter 23, "Mayday," chronicles the massive anti-Vietnam War protests that converged on Washington D.C. in early May 1971, famously organized under the "Mayday" banner. These demonstrations, led by groups like the "Mayday Tribe," aimed to disrupt and shut down the functioning of the federal government through widespread, non-violent civil disobedience to pressure an end to the war. The chapter details the ambitious plans of the protesters and the Nixon administration's overwhelming response, which included controversial mass arrests of thousands of individuals. This confrontation highlighted the escalating tensions between the anti-war movement and the government.

The title "Mayday" directly references the name of these historic protests and their timing in early May. Beyond being a calendar reference, "Mayday" is also an internationally recognized distress signal (from the French "m'aider," meaning "help me"). This dual meaning likely resonated with the protesters, signifying both the specific name of their disruptive action and a broader plea to end the war, implying a nation in distress due to the ongoing conflict.

Chapter 24: Purity

Chapter 24, "Purity," likely delves into the Nixon administration's intense focus on loyalty and the perceived need to eliminate any ideological dissent from within its own ranks and the broader government. This could involve efforts to identify and sideline those not seen as completely aligned with the President's agenda, fostering an environment where unwavering allegiance was paramount. The chapter might explore the administration's attempts to create a unified front and project an image of steadfastness, even as this pursuit of "purity" could lead to a more insular and suspicious White House culture. This drive for ideological conformity may also have contrasted with emerging ethical questions surrounding their political operations.

The title "Purity" probably refers to the administration's desire for an ideologically "pure" and completely loyal circle of supporters and government operatives. It suggests an effort to cleanse their environment of any perceived disloyalty, dissent, or deviation from their core objectives and worldview. The term may also carry an ironic undertone, given that the methods used to achieve such "purity" could themselves be ethically compromised, highlighting a potential gap between a professed desire for uprightness and the actual tactics employed.

Chapter 25: Agnew’s Election

Chapter 25, "Agnew's Election," focuses on Vice President Spiro Agnew's prominent and often inflammatory role within the Nixon administration, particularly as a key figure in their political strategy leading up to the 1972 re-election campaign. It details Agnew's aggressive public attacks on administration critics, the media, and perceived liberal elites, which were designed to energize Nixon's conservative base and the "Silent Majority." The chapter likely explores how Agnew's polarizing rhetoric was instrumental in shaping the political narrative and solidifying support for the administration. His performance as the administration's chief polemicist was a crucial element of their political operations.

The title "Agnew's Election" likely refers to Vice President Agnew's successful fulfillment of the specific, powerful role he was "elected" or chosen by Nixon to play: that of the administration's hard-hitting spokesperson and chief critic of their opponents. While not about an election where Agnew was the top candidate, it highlights his effective "campaign" in the court of public opinion and his importance to the administration's broader re-election efforts. It underscores his distinct and influential political identity during this period.

Book IV

Chapter 26: How to Survive the Debacle

Chapter 26, "How to Survive the Debacle," opens Book IV by focusing on the Democratic Party's efforts to recover and strategize after their bruising defeat in the 1968 presidential election and the chaotic, divisive Democratic National Convention of that year. The "debacle" refers to this period of significant political loss and internal turmoil that left the party weakened and searching for direction. This chapter likely examines the soul-searching, internal debates, and strategic realignments within the Democratic ranks as they sought to understand their failures. They were trying to determine how to effectively challenge President Nixon and the Republican agenda moving towards the next election cycle.

The title "How to Survive the Debacle" clearly frames the chapter's theme as one of recovery and strategic rethinking for the Democratic Party. It underscores the severity of their recent political setbacks ("the debacle") and signals an exploration of their attempts to navigate the fallout, heal internal divisions, and formulate a viable plan to regain political strength and relevance in the face of a dominant Nixon administration.

Chapter 27: Cruelest Month

Chapter 27, "Cruelest Month," likely plunges into a period of intense national trauma and escalating conflict, probably focusing on the events of spring 1970. This timeframe included President Nixon's decision to expand the Vietnam War into Cambodia, an action that reignited and amplified anti-war protests across the United States. The chapter would detail the subsequent domestic turmoil, most notably the tragic killings of student protesters by National Guardsmen at Kent State University and by police at Jackson State College. These events deeply scarred the nation, exposing raw divisions and leading to widespread outrage and despair.

The title "Cruelest Month" is a direct literary allusion to the first line of T.S. Eliot's poem, "The Waste Land," which states, "April is the cruellest month." By invoking this famous line, the chapter title powerfully suggests a period of profound national suffering, disillusionment, and death. It frames the historical events—likely occurring in April and May—as a time of deep societal wounds and a collective sense of crisis and tragedy stemming from the war abroad and violence at home.

Chapter 28: Ping Pong

Chapter 28, "Ping-Pong," details the surprising diplomatic breakthrough between the United States and the People's Republic of China in 1971, which was famously initiated through table tennis. It describes how an invitation to the American ping-pong team to visit China led to a series of events, dubbed "ping-pong diplomacy," that signaled a thaw in relations after decades of hostility. This seemingly informal cultural exchange paved the way for more formal diplomatic overtures, including Henry Kissinger's secret visit to Beijing. This chapter highlights a pivotal moment in Cold War geopolitics, as Nixon sought to normalize relations with Communist China.

The title "Ping-Pong" directly references the unexpected and highly publicized "ping-pong diplomacy" of April 1971. These friendly matches between American and Chinese table tennis players served as a crucial and symbolic icebreaker, capturing global imagination and creating the opening for high-level negotiations between the two nations. The title thus signifies the unconventional start to a major shift in international relations.


1971; Nixon sets up channels of communication with China, plans visit; Pentagon papers are leaked by Ellsberg; WH starts hiring Hunt, Liddy, etc.; The Plumbers are formed; plans to break law to defame Ellsberg, break into/firebomb Brookings Institute, etc. start to become more prevalent

Chapter 29: The Coven

Chapter 29, "The Coven," focuses on the insular and intensely loyal inner circle of President Nixon's White House advisors. It likely portrays this core group—potentially including figures like H.R. Haldeman, John Ehrlichman, and Henry Kissinger—as operating with a high degree of secrecy and control. The chapter may explore how this tight-knit group managed access to the President, shaped policy, and executed the administration's agenda, sometimes employing ethically questionable tactics. The narrative could emphasize the siege mentality and paranoia that increasingly characterized Nixon's White House.

The title "The Coven" is a striking metaphor used to describe Nixon's closest advisors, implying a small, secretive, and powerful group bound by intense loyalty and a shared, often hidden, purpose. Like a coven of witches, the term suggests operations conducted outside of public view, potentially involving manipulation or an "us-versus-them" worldview. It highlights the perceived exclusivity and auras of intrigue and suspicion surrounding Nixon's most trusted aides and their methods.


1971 and runup to 1972 campaign; coverage of events in the country; break-in at Dr. Fielding's by The Plumbers; attempts to prepare for 1972 campaign by dividing Democrats; disapproval of economic handling reversed by 'Nixon shock'; 2 Supreme Court justices (Black, Marshall) resigning; segway into 1972 campaign

Chapter 30: The Party of Jefferson, Jackson, and George Wallace

Chapter 30, "The Party of Jefferson, Jackson, and George Wallace," likely examines the deep ideological rifts and shifting loyalties within the Democratic Party, particularly in the American South, as the 1972 election approached. It probably analyzes how Governor George Wallace's populist, and often racially charged, appeal resonated with a significant number of traditionally Democratic white working-class voters, presenting a major challenge to the national Democratic leadership. The chapter would explore the struggle for the party's identity as it tried to reconcile its historical tenets with the powerful, disruptive force of Wallace's movement. This period highlighted the Democrats' difficulty in holding together their diverse coalition.

The title "The Party of Jefferson, Jackson, and George Wallace" juxtaposes the historical founders and icons of the Democratic Party (Thomas Jefferson and Andrew Jackson) with George Wallace, a contemporary figure whose segregationist and populist platform dramatically challenged the party's direction. This highlights the profound internal contradictions the Democratic Party faced. It suggests a party caught between its foundational ideals and the potent appeal of Wallace to a disaffected segment of its traditional base, particularly white Southerners, thereby questioning the very identity and future of the Democratic coalition.


1972; chapter covers the 1972 campaign leadup; widespread sabotage of Democratic campaigns led to chaos; George Wallace became Democratic frontrunner; McGovern's campaign was left alone b/c determined easiest to beat; Vietnam peace proposals, POWs; China trip, equal rights ammendment

Chapter 31: The Spring Offensive

Chapter 31, "The Spring Offensive," details the massive military assault launched by North Vietnam against South Vietnam in the spring of 1972, an event also known as the Easter Offensive. This powerful attack severely tested President Nixon's Vietnamization policy, as South Vietnamese forces struggled to withstand the onslaught. The chapter likely describes the intensity of the fighting and Nixon's forceful reaction, which included a significant escalation of U.S. airpower through bombing campaigns like Operation Linebacker and the mining of North Vietnamese harbors. These actions were aimed at blunting the offensive, supporting the South Vietnamese military, and compelling North Vietnam to negotiate.

The title "The Spring Offensive" directly refers to this major North Vietnamese military campaign that began in late March 1972. It was a crucial and bloody phase of the Vietnam War, representing a concerted effort by North Vietnam to achieve a decisive victory or significantly improve its negotiating position. The title clearly indicates the chapter's focus on this period of intense warfare and its strategic implications.


1972; campaign, Democratic primaries, Vietnam escalation, McGovern vs. Humphrey w/ Wallace as dealbreaker; Nixon, Godfather in WH; trials (Harrisburg 7, Harlem 4, Fort Hood 43); McGovern, the Democratic Barry Goldwater

Chapter 32: Celebrities

Chapter 32, "Celebrities," examines the increasingly visible role of famous personalities from entertainment, sports, and the arts in the political arena of the early 1970s. It likely details how many celebrities became vocal advocates for social change, expressed opposition to the Vietnam War, and actively supported political candidates, notably George McGovern in his 1972 presidential campaign. The chapter may explore the impact of these endorsements and activism on public opinion and the political discourse. It could also touch upon the Nixon administration's often disdainful view of these politically engaged celebrities, whom they frequently portrayed as out-of-touch elites.

The title "Celebrities" clearly indicates that the chapter will focus on the intersection of fame and political activism. It points to an analysis of how well-known public figures leveraged their status and influence to engage with pressing social and political issues of the day, becoming significant voices in the cultural and political conversations, and often aligning themselves with movements critical of the Nixon administration.


1972; assassination attempt on George Wallace, and attempt to plant left-wing propaganda literature in Arthur Bremer's apartment; Russian summit for SALT; Watergate break-in 1 and 2; CA primary (Humphrey vs. McGovern), Muskie come-back attempt; Watergate burglary number 3; fallout; growing number of connections to CRP, CIA, and WH; Nixon attempt to cover everything up from an FBI investigation with a CIA "national security" blanket; media concern was with the mess of the Democratic party, not Watergate

Chapter 33: IIn Which Playboy Bunnies, and Barbarella, and Tanya, Inspire Theoretical Considerations upon the Nature of Democracy

Chapter 33, "In Which Playboy Bunnies, and Barbarella, and Tanya, Inspire Theoretical Considerations upon the Nature of Democracy," likely delves into the cultural and social upheavals of the early 1970s, particularly the sexual revolution, and their impact on the political landscape, possibly focusing on events surrounding the 1972 Democratic National Convention. It may explore how the burgeoning themes of personal liberation, changing gender roles, and more open attitudes towards sexuality — symbolized by cultural touchstones like Playboy Bunnies or the sci-fi heroine Barbarella — intersected with, and perhaps complicated, political discourse. The chapter might examine how these cultural shifts influenced perceptions of freedom and individual rights, prompting a rethinking of democratic ideals, especially within the context of George McGovern's campaign and the Democratic Party's attempts to navigate a rapidly evolving society.

The elaborate and somewhat playful title suggests that the chapter uses these specific cultural symbols — Playboy Bunnies representing new sexual openness, Barbarella embodying a kind of futuristic female liberation, and "Tanya" (perhaps representing a more common, modern woman grappling with these changes or a specific cultural figure of the time) — as a framework to discuss broader questions about the nature of democracy. It implies that the era's social and sexual transformations were forcing a reconsideration of what democracy meant in practice, especially concerning individual freedoms, and how these evolving norms were being reflected and debated within the political sphere.


1972; Democratic/Republican National Conventions (Miami Beach); reformists overthrowing regulars/machine to nominate McGovern (candidates included Muskie, Chisholm, Scoop Jackson, Humphrey); Thomas Eagleton selected as running mate; Eagleton's mental illness history came up; Jane Fonda visit to North Vietnam; Nixon's economic "magic" (11% increase in federal discretionary spending); John Mitchell resignation; Republican National Convention, VVAW protests, disruptions, etc.

Chapter 34: Not Half Enough

Chapter 34, "Not Half Enough," brings Book IV and the main narrative to a close by detailing Richard Nixon's overwhelming landslide victory in the 1972 presidential election against George McGovern. It recounts the culmination of Nixon's political strategies, which effectively painted McGovern as an extremist and capitalized on the anxieties of the "Silent Majority," leading to one of the most decisive electoral victories in American history. The chapter likely portrays the zenith of Nixon's popular support and the apparent triumph of his political vision. However, it might also subtly foreshadow the hubris and impending scandals that would soon engulf his presidency.

The title "Not Half Enough" serves as an ironic reflection on Nixon's massive 1972 electoral triumph. Despite the overwhelming scale of his victory, the phrase suggests a profound, perhaps insatiable, aspect of Nixon's ambition or insecurity—that even such a resounding affirmation from the electorate was insufficient to bring him true satisfaction or a sense of ultimate security. It hints that this drive for an ever-greater consolidation of power and control, because no victory felt complete, would contribute to the overreach and abuses of power that defined the Watergate scandal.


1972 election; young people vs. Nixon's "law-and-order" middle-class base; indictment of Liddy and Hunt by Grand Jury; Nixon didn't campaign; Chapin-Segretti connection revealed (see All The President's Men); (October) stories about Watergate raising many questions, particularly at press conferences; Ziegler dodged many questions (nondenial denial); Watergate didn't have a big impact on polls; commercials (McGovern's: poorly done, ineffective; Nixon's: empty, effective, convincing bullshit); Nixon using his non-position (or contradicting positions) on Vietnam War to his advantage; won election with 60% of popular vote, all states' electoral votes except Massachusetts; felt dejected b/c it was McGovern's mistakes, not Nixon's strength, that won; low voter turnout proving neither candidate was desirable; and Republicans didn't sweep Congress (like LBJ did in 1964); author's conclusions about Nixonland, and how the conflict/fracture in society

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